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^  /, 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN: 


BIS 


AUTOBIOGRAPHY; 


WITH    A    NARRATIVE    OF 


HIS  PUBLIC  LIFE  AND  SERVICES 


BY  REV.  H.  HASTINGS  WELD. 


WITH  NUMEROUS  DESIGNS  BY  J.   G.  CHAPMAN, 


:NEW    YORK: 
JAMBS  C.  DERBY,  119  NASSAU  STREET. 

CINCINNATI  :   H.  W.  DERBY. 

~  1855. 


I 

IOAN  STAC! 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1848,  by 

HARPER  &  BROTHERS, 
In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  Southern  District  of  New  York. 


LOAN  STACK 


PREFACE. 


BRILLIANT  military  deeds  write  their  own  history. 
Their  sound  strikes  upon  the  ear,  and  challenges  the  at 
tention  of  mankind.  The  sympathy  of  men  with  what 
is  daring  in  courage  and  glorious  in  arms,  makes  all  a 
soldier's  countrymen  his  eulogists ;  and  the  hero  usually 
receives  more,  rather  than  less,  than  his  meed  of  praise. 
He  has  comrades,  too,  bound  to  him  by  a  community  in 
his  sufferings  and  a  partnership  in  his  victories.  Upon 
the  follower  the  glory  of  the  leader  is  reflected ;  and 
each  follower,  watchful  of  the  fame  of  his  leader,  is  ever 
ready  to  celebrate  far  and  wide  the  glory  of  the  achieve 
ments — 

"  All  which  he  saw,  and  part  of  which  he  was." 

Every  soldier  in  an  army,  every  man  who  has  borne 
arms  during  a  war,  has  his  private  family  of  admirers, 
and  by  these  are  the  reputation  of  the  officers — the  rep 
resentatives  of  the  soldiers — extended,  until  the  widening 
circle  of  praise  embraces  a  nation.  The  successful  sol 
dier's  apotheosis  anticipates  his  death.  The  next  gener 
ation  endorses  his  deification,  and  in  process  of  time — 
very  short  process  too,  as  our  national  history  may  wit 
ness — oral  tradition  places  the  soldier  on  an  elevation  to 
which  the  biographer  finds  it  very  hard  work  to  write  up. 


VI  P  R  E  F  A  C  E. 

But  statesmen  and  ambassadors,  particularly  those 
who  move  in  such  spheres  as  Franklin,  owe  small  thanks 
to  their  cotemporaries.  By  their  very  position  they  are 
unable  to  vindicate  themselves  without  injury  to  the  pub 
lic  service ;  and  although  to  them  may  be  honestly  due 
the  praise  of  the  Wise  Man — "  He  that  ruleth  his  spirit 
is  better  than  he  that  taketh  a  city" — they  must  look  to 
posterity  for  justice.  And  posterity  has  not,  as  in  the 
case  of  the  warrior,  the  echo  of  cotemporary  praise  to 
bias  its  judgment  in  their  favor.  A  nation  hears  of  the 
advance  of  an  enemy,  and  looks  with  gratitude  to  the 
opposing  soldier  from  the  moment  that  he  buckles  on  his 
armor.  Whatever  be  the  result,  joy  in  a  victory,  satis 
faction  in  a  repulse  of  the  invader,  or  sorrow  in  defeat, 
the  people  can  appreciate  the  valor,  successful  or  unsuc 
cessful,  which  opposed  the  foe.  But  the  diplomatist, 
from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  works  in  the  dark.  His 
acts  must  be  judged  without  the  apparent  cause  and  full 
justification  of  the  open  counter-movements  of  adversa 
ries  ;  for,  as  he  strives  against  covert  machinations,  so 
must  the  motives  of  his  operations  be  hidden.  Even 
success  in  such  a  contest  is  without  eclat.  Defeat  brings 
unqualified  condemnation.  When  the  point  aimed  at  is 
gained,  the  successful  statesman  is  not  unfrequently  the 
subject  of  detraction.  Where  the  soldier  finds  applause 
in  the  verdict  of  his  companion  in  arms,  the  statesman 
receives  faint  praise  from  his  colleagues,  if,  indeed,  he  be 
not  compelled  to  defend  his  course  and  motives  before 
the  public  against  associates  who  honestly  differed  from 
him.  He,  then,  who  writes  the  life  of  a  statesman,  has 


PREFACE.  V 

not,  as  in  the  life  of  the  warrior,  merely  to  prepare  an 
endorsement  of  public  opinion.     He  has  to  wind  a  diffi- 

*t 

cult  path  amid  political  prejudices,  or  to  be  content  with 
only  a  portion  of  his  countrymen  for  readers. 

From  these  causes  the  political  character  of  Franklin 
has  suffered ;  not,  indeed,  by  any  charges  affecting  the 
integrity  of  the  man ;  for,  if  there  were  such,  they  were 
disproved  in  his  lifetime,  and  set  aside  as  the  merest 
ebullitions  of  personal  enmity  or  party  spleen.     To  the 
latest  hour  his  countrymen  strove  with  each  other  in 
doing  him  honor,  and  his  last  years  were  passed  in  the 
harvesting  of  his  laurels.     But  his  fame  as  a  politician 
has  lost  in  this  wise :  that  writers,  finding  in  the  public 
mind  a  general  admiration  of  the  man,  when  they  came 
to  justify  it  by  particulars,  found  themselves  in  a  dilem 
ma.    It  was  not  that  there  are  not  particulars  enough,  for 
there  is  a  superfluity — capital  sufficient  for  a  dozen  great 
reputations — but  because  these  particulars  are  not  all 
available  with  all  men.     There  are  no  battle-fields  in  his 
story ;  and  in  the  days  when  those  who  acted  with  him 
were  alive,  to  have  celebrated   his  acts  of  diplomacy 
would  have  been  to  wake  up  counter-memorials  to  the 
public.     Therefore,  because  the  history  of  cabinets  offers 
less  popular  reading  than  the  history  of  battle-fields,  and 
because  Franklin  could  not  be  elevated  as  a  great  poli 
tician  for  all  to  admire,  his  biographers  celebrated  his 
electrical  discoveries.     All  acknowledged  him  great ;  but 
because  all  readers  would  not  say  ay  to  his  statesman 
ship,  he  was  cried  up  exceedingly  as  an  economist.     As 
a  natural  philosopher  and  as  a  fireside  sage,  the  digester 


nil  PREFACE. 

of  the  minor  morals  into  a  code  of  every-day  ethics ;  as 
the  man  with  the  kite,  and  as  Poor  Richard  with  an  al 
manac  full  of  wise  saws,  he  is  celebrated ;  while  his  ar 
duous,  unremitted,  and  unrewarded  labors  for  his  country 
have  really  served  no  other  purpose  for  his  fame  than  as 
a  balance  to  keep  up  the  symbolic  kite  before  the  world. 

A  Morris  in  the  Exchequer  was  as  indispensable  to  his 
country  as  a  Washington  in  the  field.  A  Franklin  abroad 
was  as  useful  as  an  army  at  home.  Now  diplomatist, 
now  broker,  now  banker,  now  commissary,  and  now 
judge  in  Admiralty,  now  commercial  agent,  and  now 
plenipotentiary — a  Caleb  Quotem  abroad — to-day  clos 
eted  with  kings,  and  to-morrow  with  newspaper  editors ; 
now  arguing  with  ministers,  and  now  writing  for  the  peo 
ple,  he  was  indefatigable.  He  filled  a  place  which  no 
other  man  of  his  time  could  have  filled.  Few  thanked 
him  for  it  living,  though  all  assented  to  general  and  in 
definite  praise.  Few  have  done  him  justice  since. 

It  is  the  aim  of  this  biography,  without  approving  ev 
ery  act  in  the  life  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  and  without  im 
pugning  the  motives,  unnecessarily,  of  those  who  differed 
from  him,  to  show  that  he  carried  the  industry  and  apt 
ness  of  the  printer's  boy  into  the  atmosphere  of  courts ; 
that  he  labored  incessantly  for  his  country;  that  he  la 
bored  honestly.  He  dared  to  trust  posterity  with  his 
fame,  by  neglecting  to  set  himself  right  before  captious 
cotemporaries  at  a  time  when  to  have  appeared  too 
American  would  have  been  to  jeopard  the  cause  he  la 
bored  to  promote.  With  other 'points  of  his  character 
the  public  have  long  been  familiar,  and  it  is  trusted  that 


PREFACE.  IX 

this  book  may  lead  the  way  to  his  juster  appreciation  as 
a  ^statesman.  Free  and  diligent  use  has  been  made  of 
his  writings  as  collected  by  that  most  indefatigable  his 
torian  and  biographer,  Mr.  Sparks. 

The  author  of  this  book  has  not  bestowed  praise  where 
he  thought  it  unmerited,  or  labored  to  present  his  subject 
as  a  perfect  man.  While  he  has  not  withheld  censure 
where  impartiality  demands  it,  he  has  not  deemed  it  nec 
essary  to  repeat  forgotten  and  unfounded  charges  merely 
to  disprove  them.  It  is  hoped  that  candor  will  approve 
what  a  desire  to  be  candid  has  dictated. 

No  descendant  of  Franklin  bears  his  name,  though  the 
descendants  of  his  daughter  are  numerous.  They  are 
justly  proud  of  the  reputation  of  their  ancestor,  but  his 
fame  is  the  national  pride.  There  would  seem  in  his 
case,  as  in  that  of  his  friend  George  Washington,  a  guard 
thus  set  against  the  claim,  by  a  family,  of  what  was  meant 
for  a  nation,  as  neither  in  his  life  "  gave  to  a  party  what 
was  meant  for  mankind." 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

AUTOBIOGRAPHY,  commenced  at  Twyford  in  1771,  and  addressed  to  his  Son, 
William  Franklin,  then  Governor  of  New  Jersey. — Franklin's  Genealogy, 
Birth,  Parentage,  and  Apprenticeship. — Early  Formation  of  a  Philosoph-  \^r 
ical  and  Literary  Taste. — Disagreement  with  his  Brother. — Departure 
from  BosTon. — Arrival  in  New  York. — Journey  to  Philadelphia     Page  1 

CHAPTER  IT. 

AUTOBIOGRAPHY  continued.  Franklin's  Peripatetic  Breakfast. — The  first 
House  he  slept  in. — Commences  Work  for  Keimer. — Commencement  of 
a  Governor's  Patronage. — Visit  to  Boston. — His  Father's  Shrewdness. — 
Accompanied  to  Philadelphia  by  his  old  Friend  Collins,  whose  bad  Con 
duct  causes  a  Breach. — Anecdotes  and  Notices  of  his  Companions  and 
of  his  Employer. — Governor  Keith  persuades  him  to  sail  for  London  40' 

CHAPTER  III. 

AUTOBIOGRAPHY  continued.    End  of  the  Governor's  Patronage,  and  Discov-    » 
of  hi&.flh^arfa|v— F-"gagp«  in  his  Business  by  Advice  of  his  Friend: 

. — Habits  of  London  Printers.—- Franki^^u^'^ 
r — Swimming. — Enters  into  Business  with  Mr; 
Denham  » 70 

CHAPTER  IV. 

AUTOBIOGRAPHY  continued.  Return  to  Philadelphia. — Death  of  Mr.  Den- 
ham. — Resumes  the  Printing  Business  as  Foreman  for  Keimer. — Re 
solves  to  commence  Business  on  his  own  Account. — Engraves  the  Plates 
for  the  New  Jersey  Paper  Money,  and  prints  the  Bills.— Forms  a  Part 
nership  with  one  of  Keimer's  Workmen,  and  commences  a  new  Printing 
House  in  Philadelphia  .  .  .  . •  "  *  •  •  .  .87 

CHAPTER  V. 

AUTOBIOGRAPHY  continued.  The  Junto. — Franklin  establishes  a  News 
paper. — Dissolves  his  Connection  with  Meredith. — Tract  on  Paper  Cur 
rency. — Opens  a  Shop.— Habits. — Courtship. — Marriage  .  .  103 


Xll  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Break  in  Dr.  Franklin's  Narrative. — Letters  from  his  Friends,  inducing 
him  to  resume  it. — RESUMPTION  OF  AUTOBIOGRAPHY  at  Passy,  near  Paris, 
in  1784. — Origin  of  the  Philadelphia  Library. — First  Luxury  in  Frank 
lin's  House. — Moral  Schemes  and  -Rules^Uan-oflO-rder,  Art  of  Virtue, , 
&c.  .        .        .  ~T! .  Page  121 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Resumption  of  the  Narrative  at  Philadelphia. — Points  of  Religious  Belief. — 
Poor  Richard's  Almanac. — Newspapers. — Rev.  Mr.  Hemphill. — Remarks 
on  Languages. — Visit  to  Boston. — Public  Employments. — Public  Spirit 
of  Franklin  ^and  the  Junto 145 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

AUTOBIOGRAPHY  continued.  Whitefield,  his  Arrival,  Oratory,  Character,  &c. 
— Philosophical  Society. — Activity  of  Franklin  in  causing  the  City  to  be 
put  in  a  State  of  Defense. — The  "  Dunkers." — Franklin  Fire-place  .  164 

CHAPTER  IX. 

.AUTOBIOGRAPHY  continued.  Origin  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania. — 
Electrical  Experiments. — PjubJiaJLife.^Pennsylvania  Hospital. — Street 
Cleaning  and  Paving,  how  introduced. — Appointed  Post-master  General 
for  the  Colonies.. — Honorary  Degrees 186 

CHAPTER  X. 

AUTOBIOGRAPHY  coptfoued.  Convention  at  Albany. — Plan  of  Union. — 
Assists  Mr.  Quincy  in  procuring  Supplies  for  New  England. — Procures 
Supplies  for  General  Braddock. — Character  of  that  Officer. — His  Defeat. 
— Poor  Reward  of  .Franklin's  Services 206 

CHAPTER  XI. 

AUTOBIOGRAPHY  continued.  Appointed  a  Commissioner  for  disbursing  the 
Money  raised  for  the  Public  Defense. — Commissioned  to  take  charge  of 
the  Defenses  of  the  Frontier. — March. — Military  Operations. — Indian 
Massacre. — Moravians. — Chosen  Colonel  of  a  Regiment. — Troublesome 
Etiquette,  and  its  Consequences. — Electrical  Discovery. — Chosen  a  Mem 
ber  of  the  Royal  Society. — Receives  the  Copley  Medal  .  .  .  229 

CHAPTER  XII. 

AUTOBIOGRAPHY  concluded.  The  new  Governor,  Denny. — Deputed  to  go 
to  England  as  Agent  for  Pennsylvania  — Anecdotes  of  Lord  Loudon. — 
Incidents  of  Voyage  from  New  York,  and  Arrival  in  London  .  .250 


CONTENTS.  Xlll 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Style  of  Dr.  Franklin's  Autobiography. — Letter  to  Benjamin  Vaughan. — 
First  Publication  of  the  Work. — Caution  necessary  in  the  Perusal. — 
Difficulties  of  the  Provincial  Government  of  Pennsylvania. — Increase  of 
Embarrassment  after  the  Death  of  the  Founder. — Troublesome  Process 
of  the  final  Enactment  of  Laws. — Franklin's  Mission. — Historical  Re 
view  of  Pennsylvania  Page  266 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Remarks  upon  Franklin's  familiar  Correspondence. — His  Lodgings  in  Lon 
don. — His  Welcome  there. — His  Employments. — Testimony  of  Thomas 
Penn. — Franklin's  Letters  to  Miss  Mary  Stevenson. — Newspaper  Mis 
representations. — Answer  of  William  Franklin. — Franklin's  Fitness  for 
his  Post 279 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Mr.  Strahan. — His  Letter  to  Mrs.  Franklin. — Franklin's  famous  Letter  to 
Mr.  Strahan. — His  last  Letter  to  that  Gentleman,  reviewing  their  Lives. 
— Franklin's  Visit  to  Cambridge. — His  Tour  among  his  Connections. — 
American  Feeling  before  the  Revolution. — The  Degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws 
conferred  on  Franklin  by  the  University  of  St.  Andrew's. — Scottish  Ac 
quaintance. — Lord  Kames. — Parable  against  Persecution  .  .  289 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Close  of  Franklin's  Mission  in  England. — The  Canada  Pamphlet. — Indirect 
Communications  with  the  Ministry. — Franklin's  Ideas  of  American  Re 
sistance  in  1760. — His  Philosophical  Pursuits. — Experiments  relative  to 
Canals,  &c. — University  Honors. — The  Parliamentary  Grant  of  Money, 
and  Franklin's  Disposal  of  it. — Appointment  of  his  Son  as  Governor  of 
New  Jersey. — Sails  for  America. — His  Account  of  the  Voyage,  and  his 
Reception  at  Home 304 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Franklin's  Welcome  Home. — The  Vote  of  Thanks  and  Franklin's  Reply. — 
Journey  to  the  North. — Shrewd  Comments  on  Hospitality. — Indian  Diffi 
culties. — The  Paxton  Murders. — Advance  of  the  Insurgents  upon  Phila 
delphia. — Influence  of  Franklin. — Preparations  for  Defense.— Departure 
of  the  Rioters. — Popular  Feeling  in  their  Favor  .  .  .318 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Revival  of  Disputes  with  the  Proprietaries. — Adjournment  of  the  Assembly 
to  consult  their  Constituents. — Franklin's  "  Cool  Thoughts." — Bold  Re- 


XIV  CONTENTS. 

marks  on  the  Riots. — Published  Speeches  and  Prefaces. — Petition  to  the 
Crown  for  a  Change  in  the  Government. — Resignation  of  the  Speaker, 
and  Election  of  Franklin  to  fill  the  Vacancy. — Stamp  Duties. — Franklin's 
Defeat  as  Candidate  for  the  Assembly. — His  Appointment  as  Special 
Agent. — Protest  and  other  Opposition  against  that  Measure. — Sails  for 
England *  .  .  Page  329 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

Franklin's  Letter  to  his  Daughter. — Extracts  from  other  Letters. — Anec 
dote  of  the  Bees. — His  Arrival  in  England. — Business  of  his  Mission. — 
Colonial  Currency. — Humorous  Letter  to  a  London  Journal. — The  Stamp 
Act. — "  Claims  to  Independence." — Joseph  Galloway. — Dean  Tucker. — 
Charges  against  Franklin  by  his  Enemies 344 

CHAPTER  XX. 

Opposition  to  the  Stamp  Act  in  America. — Popular  Violence. — Its  lenient 
Manifestations.  —  Change  of  Ministry.  —  Contemplated  Repeal  of  the 
Stamp  Act. — Examination  of  Dr.  Franklin. — Division  of  Questions  be 
tween  Friends  and  Opponents. — A  "  Small  Amendment." — The  Change 
in  American  Feeling. — Closing  Questions. — The  "  Declaratory  Act"  358 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

Franklin's  Letter  to  his  Wife,  with  the  "  new  Gown." — Letter  to  Franklin 
from  his  Wife,  describing  their  new  House. — Another,  describing  her 
Election  Terrors. — Efforts  of  Franklin's  Enemies  in  Philadelphia. — An 
swers  of  his  Friends. — Franklin's  Advice  to  Moderation. — Its  Defeat  by 
the  Proprietary  Party. — Reception  of  the  News  of  Repeal  in  Philadel 
phia. — Illuminations  and  Rejoicings. — The  Birth-day. — Franklin's  Jour 
neys  to  the  Continent. — Political  Writings 373 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

John  Adams's  Opinion  of  Franklin. — The  Revenue  Act. — Governor  Bernard 
and  the  Massachusetts  Legislature. — The  Boston  Resolutions. — Frank 
lin's  Letters  relating  thereto. — The  Paper  entitled  "  Causes  of  American 
Discontents." — The  "  Farmer's  Letters." — Lord  Hillsborough. — His  new 
Regulations,  and  Capricious  Conduct  to  Franklin. — "  Rules  for  Reducing 
a  Great  Empire  to  a  Small  One"  .  .  391 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Rumors  of  Appointments. — Agencies  of  four  Colonies  filled  by  Dr.  Frank 
lin. — Bolder  Tone  of  his  Correspondence. — He  encourages  the  Ameri 
cans  to  adhere  to  their  non-importation  Agreements. — Difficulties  in  Bos 
ton  in  1770.— Change  of  the  Revenue  Law.— The  "  Boston  Massacre."— 


CONTENTS.  XV 

Threats  of  Removal  from  the  Post-office. — High  Compliment  to  Frank 
lin  by  the  Irish  Parliament. — Visits  to  the  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph. — Bos 
ton  Proceedings  in  1772. — Republication  in  London. — The  Prussian 
Edict .'  .  .  .Page  417 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Removal  of  Franklin  from  the  Post-office. — The  Hutchinson  Letters. — Their 
Transmission  to  America. — Action  of  the  Massachusetts  Legislature  upon 
them. — Duel  between  Mr.  Temple  and  Mr.  Whately. — Franklin  avows 
his  Agency  in  the  Matter. — Chancery  suit  against  him. — Proceedings 
before  the  Privy  Council. — Franklin's  witty  View  of  the  Efforts  against 
him. — Death  of  Mrs.  Franklin. — Lord  Chatham's  Motion  for  a  removal 
of  the  Troops  from  Boston. — His  Plan  of  Reconciliation. — His  Eulogy  on 
Franklin 439 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

Chess. — Meetings  with  Mrs.  Howe. — Diplomatic  Movements. — Negotia 
tions  with  different  Parties. — Discussion  of  "Propositions." — Tenders 
made  to  Franklin. — Apologies  for  the  Insult  at  the  Council  Board. — 
Failure  of  the  Plans  of  Ministry. — Franklin's  unpresented  Memorial. — 
Dr.  Fothergill's  Note. — Remarks  on  Franklin's  ten  Years'  Residence  in 
England 455 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Return  to  Philadelphia. — Election  to  Congress,  and  to  other  Posts. — Plan 
of  Confederation. — Journey  to  Canada. — Declaration  of  Independence. — 
Anecdotes. — Correspondence  and  Interview  with  Lord  Howe. — Frank 
lin  appointed  a  Commissioner  to  France. — His  Proposals  for  Peace  474 

CHAPTER  XX^IL 

Franklin's  Arrival  in  France. — The  Character  he  bore. — Advances  of  As 
sistance  by  the  French  Government. — Reserve  of  that  Government. — 
Labors  of  the  American  Commissioners. — Treaties  of  Commerce  and  Al 
liance. — Audience  of  the  King. — Informal  Negotiations. — Mr.  Hartley. — 
Charles  de  Weissenstein. — Personal  Differences  between  the  Commis 
sioners. — Applications  for  Letters  to  America 492 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Adams. — Franklin's  Duties. — His  position  Abroad. 
— Negotiations  with  Great  Britain. — Preliminary  Skirmishings. — British 
Efforts  to  obtain  further  Advantages. — Signature  of  the  Treaty. — Appar 
ent  Distrust  toward  France. — Other  Treaties. — Close  of  Franklin's  Of 
ficial  Term  .  512 


XVJ  J  O  N  T  E  N  T  S. 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

Franklin's  Residence  at  Passy. — His  Political  Course. — Religious  Opinion** 
— Literary  Occupations. — Departure  for  America. — StayliFSoujhampton. 
— Occupation  on  his  Passage. — Arrival  at  Philadelphia. — His  Reception. 
— Election  to  the  Presidency  of  Pennsylvania. — Unsettled  Claims  on 
Congress. — Speeches  in  the  Convention  of  1787. — Closing  Labors  of  his 
Life. — His  last  Dlness  and  Death. — Funeral  and  other  Honors  paid  to 
his  Memory Page  527 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Franklin's  first  Literary  Essay —  .. Frontispiece. 

Portrait  of  Franklin Title-page. 

Franklin  inditing  his  Letter  to  his  Son i 

The  Smithy  at  Ecton 5 

Franklin  at  Ten  Tears  of  Age 12 

Young  Franklin  and  his  Companions  at  the  Mill-pond 13 

A  Family  Group 14 

Franklin  reading  in  his  Chamber - — .     20 

His  studying  at  the  Printing-office •     25 

Franklin  ill-used  "by  his  Brother --..     30 

His  agreeing  to  sail  with  a  New  Tork  Captain .... ....     33 

Is  taken  on  hoard  the  Sloop  .... . . ....    33 

Franklin  on  his  Journey  to  Burlington . . ..     36 

The  Old  Woman's  Hospitality -     38 

Franklin  -with  a  Roll  of  Bread  under  each  Arm,  &c 40 

He  gives  some  of  the  Bread  to  a  poor  Woman .....    42 

He  falls  Asleep  in  the  Quaker  Meeting-house . .... — ...     43 

Franklin's  Interview  with  Bradford  and  Keimer  — ..... ....     45 

His  Interview  with  his  Brother,  Sec . . .. ..     51 

The  Quakeress  counseling  Young  Franklin  ...................... —     54 

His  Reception  "by  the  Governor  of  New  York.... . . ....     56 

His  Aquatic  Adventure  with  Vernon... . ....... .....     57 

Franklin's  Courtship,  &c 62 

His  Resort  on  the  Banks  of  the  Schuylkill 63 

He  takes  Leave  of  Miss  Read 68 

The  Governor  gives  him  a  Letter  of  Credit 70 

He  resides  with  Wilcox  the  Bookseller 74 

Franklin  carrying  the  Type  Forms 78 

The  Widow  Lady  of  Duke  Street 80 

View  of  her  Room,  Sec _..„ 82 

Franklin  looking  out  of  the  Window,  &c 92 

His  Copper-plate  Press . 95 

Samuel  Mickle  at  Franklin's  Door......... .  100 

The  Junto  Club 103 

Meredith  with  his  Bottle 108 

Franklin  with  his  Wheel-harrow 115 

Miss  Read's  Disappointment,  &c 118 

Depot  of  the  Books  of  the  Junto  Club 123 

Fr.anklin's  Wife  engaged  in  Book-folding.  Sec. 127 

The  China  Bowl  and  Silver  Spoon 127 

The  Gardener  weeding  his  Plants 135 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS 

Pag* 

The  Speckled  Ax  best 1; 

The  Widow  inter  Counting-room 152 

Franklin  playing  at  Chess l' 

His  Visit  to  Ms  Brother  at  Newport 157 

Portrait  of  Rev.  George  Whitefield--- 164 

Women  providing  Silk  Colors  for  the  Philadelphia  Regiments 175 

Franklin  on  Military  Duty 176 

His  Colloquy -with  the  Quaker 182 

Indians  round  a  Bonfire  at  Carlisle -• 192 

The  Female  Street-sweeper 201 

The  Horse  and  Packages  for  the  Camp 221 

The  precipitous  Flight,  &c. 224 

March  to  Gnadenhutten - 233 

Franklin's  Military  Escort - 241 

Count  de  Buffon 246 

Franklin  taking  Wine  -with  the  new  Governor 251 

The  Sign  of  St.  George  and  the  Dragon 256 

The  Ship  in  danger  of  Rocks,  &c 264 

Franklin  writing  to  his  Wife  at  Falmouth 265 

Portrait  of  Mrs.  Franklin 291 

Heading  and  Initial  Letter  for  Parahle 301 

Portrait  of  Lord  Kames 317 

Franklin  on  his  Tour  of  Inspection 320 

Franklin's  Departure  from  Chester 343 

Bees  Swarming 348 

Reception  of  the  Pompadour  Satin,  &c . 374 

Franklin's  Transformation  "by  a  French  Tailor  and  Perruquier 390 

Lord  Hills"borough's  Visit  to  Dr.  Franklin  at  Oxford 402 

The  Boston  Riot 424 

Heads  of  Lords  Chatham  and  Camden 452 

Franklin  and  Mrs.  Howe  at  Chess 457 

Franklin  at  Saratoga 482 

The  Committee  on  the  Declaration  of  Independence 465 

Popular  Feeling  in  Paris  toward  Franklin 499 

Portrait  of  General  La  Fayette 509 

Franklin  amusing  himself  at  his  little  Press 53C 


I'vvyford,  at  the  Bishop  of 
St.  Asaph's,*  1771. 

DEAR  SON, — I  have  ever  had 
pleasure  in  obtaining  any  little 
anecdotes  of  my  ancestors.  You 
may  remember  the  inquiries  I 
made  among  the  remains  of  my 
relations  when  you  were  with 


*  Twyford  was  the  country  residence  of 
Dr.  Shipley,  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph's.    Dr.  Frank- 


LIFE    OF    FRAMLLIX. 

L  and  tfce  josraer  I  •Jcrtnofc  tor  thai 

ginm-g  It  niaj  be  equally  agreeable  to 

_.:_—_:—.:'          

-:.  .-.._•.•.;•-.  :      .  v    :. .  • :  -:  •  .  v 

-.:-:-    "  .  :  —       _-•;-.        -    -      1 


•      •   i  .  •  :  -       .-  ,  -  .  ;  , 

. 

if  to  2  srite  01  aJnoefice  and 


>val 


^II  sacceeded 

fe  to  be  imi- 

•     _ •    •-» 

"•fS  I  — 


f  :.i>f.  _    -    ..  ?  :.: 


.  -  . 

"  ikaa 

^-^ 


Surierj  anrPjaf^LHf  Hil 
irr  -rw& 

-  :         - 


LIFE    OF    FRASKLIS.  3 

say,  that  if  it  were  left  to  my  choice,  I  should  have 
no  objection  to  20  over  the  same  life  from  its  begin 
ning  to  the  end :  requesting  only  the  advantage  au 
thors  have,  of  correcting  in  a  second  edition  the 
faults  of  the  first.  So  would  I  also  wish  to  change 
some  incidents  of  it  for  others  more  favorable.  Not 
withstanding,  if  this  condition  was  denied,  I  should 
still  accept  the  offer  of  recommencing  the  same  fife. 
But  as  this  repetition  is  not  to  be  expected,  that 
which  resembles  most  living  one's  life  over  again. 
seems  to  be  to  recall  all  the  circumstances  of  it ;  and, 
to  render  this  remembrance  more  durable,  to  record 
them  in  writing. 

In  thus  employing  myselt  I  shafl  yield  to  the  in 
clination  so  natural  to  old  men,  of  talking  of  them 
selves  and  their  own  actions :  and  I  shall  indulge  it 
without  bein^  tiresome  to  those  who.  from  respect  to 
ray  age,  might  conceive  themselves  obliged  to  listen 
to  me.  since  they  will  be  always  free  to  read  me  or 
not  And  lastly  (I  may  as  well  confess  it  as  the 
denial  of  it  would  be  believed  by  nobody).  I  shall 
perhaps  not  a  little  gratify  my  own  vanity.  Indeed, 
I  never  heard  or  saw  the  introductory  words  "  With 
out  vanity  I  may  say."  &C.,  but  some  vain  thing 
immediatelv  followed.  Most  people  dislike  vanity 
in  others,  whatever  share  they  have  of  it  themselves : 
bnt  I  give  it  fair  quarter,  wherever  I  meet  with  it 
being  persuaded  that  it  is  often  productive  of  good 
to  the  possessor,  and  to  others  who  are  within  his 
sphere  of  action :  and  therefore,  in  many  cases,  k 
would  not  be  altogether  absurd  if  a  man  were  to 


4  L  I  V  E     O  F    ERA  N  K  L  I  N. 

thank  God  for  his  vanity  among  the  other  comforts 
of  life. 

And  now  I  speak  of  thanking  God,  I  desire  with 
all  humility  to  acknowledge  that  I  attribute  the 
mentioned  happiness  of  my  past  life  to  his  divine 
providence,  which  led  me  to  the  means  I  used  and 
gave  the  success.  My  belief  of  this  induces  me  to 
hope,  though  I  must  not  presume,  that  the  same 
goodness  will  still  be  exercised  toward  me,  in  con 
tinuing  that  happiness,  or  enabling  me  to  bear  a  fatal 
reverse,  which  I  may  experience  as  others  have 
done ;  the  complexion  of  my  future  fortune  being 
known  to  him  only  in  whose  power  it  is  to  bless 
us,  even  in  our  afflictions. 

Some  notes  which  one  of  my  uncles  (who  had  the 
same  curiosity  in  collecting  family  anecdotes)  once 
put  into  my  hands,  furnished  me  with  several  particu 
lars  relative  to  our  ancestors.  From  these  notes  I 
learned  that  they  lived  in  the  same  village,  Ecton, 
in  Northamptonshire,  on  a  freehold  of  about  thirty 
acres,  for  at  least  three  hundred  years,  and  how 
much  longer  could  not  be  ascertained.* 

This  small  estate  would  not  have  sufficed  for 
their  maintenance  without  the  business  of  a  smith, 

which  had  continued  in  the  family  down  to  my 

* 

*  Sir  John  Fortescue,  chief  justice  of  the  King's  Bench  in  the  time 
of  Henry  VI.,  in  his  famous  work,  "De  Laudibus  Legum  Angliso,"  writ 
ten  in  1412,  speaks  of  wealthy  freeholders  as  commonly  called  Franklins 
Chaucer  and  Spencer  both  speak  of  the  country  gentleman  as  a  Franklin  : 
and  the  name  was  probably  assumed  as  a  surname  when  the  fashion  of 
surnames  came  up.  The  name  Francquelin  or  Franqueln  is  found  in 
France,  and  may  be  traced  back  as  far  as  1521,  and  even  to  the  century 
before. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


uncle's  time,  the  eldest  son  being  always  brought  up 
to  that  employment ;  a  custom  which  he  and  my 
father  followed  with  regard  to  their  eldest  sons. 
When  I  searched  the  registers  at  Ecton,  I  found  an 
account  of  their  marriages  and  burials  from  the  year 
1555  only,  as  the  registers  kept  did  not  commence 
previous  thereto.  I,  however,  learned  from  it  that 
I  was  the  youngest  son  of  the  youngest  son  for  five 
generations  back.  My  grandfather  Thomas,  who 
was  born  in  1598,  lived  at  Ecton  till  he  was  too  old 
to  continue  his  business,  when  he  retired  to  Banbury, 
in  Oxfordshire,  to  the  house  of  his  son  John,  with 
whom  my  father  served  an  apprenticeship.  There 
my  uncle  died  and  lies  buried.  We  saw  his  grave 
stone  in  1758.  His  eldest  son  Thomas  lived  in  the 
house  at  Ecton,  and  left  it  with  the  land  to  his  only 
daughter,  who,  with  her  husband,  one  Fisher,  of 
Wellingborough,  sold  it  to  Mr.  Isted,  now  lord  of 
the  manor  there.  My  grandfather  had  four  sons, 
who  grew  up:  viz.,  Thomas,  John,  Benjamin,  and 
Josiah.  Being  at  a  distance  from  my  papers,  I  will 


6  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

give  you  what  account  I  can  of  them  from  memory: 
and  if  my  papers  are  not  lost  in  my  absence,  you 
will  find  among  them  many  more  particulars.* 

Thomas,  my  eldest  uncle,  was  bred  a  smith  un 
der  his  father ;  but,  being  ingenious,  and  encouraged 
in  learning  (as  all  my  brothers  were)  by  an  Esquire 
Palmer,  then  the  principal  inhabitant  of  that  parish, 
he  qualified  himself  for  the  bar,  and  became  a  con 
siderable  man  in  the  county  ;  was  chief  mover  of  all 
public-spirited  enterprises  for  the  county  or  town  of 
Northampton,  as  well  as  of  his  own  village,  of  which 
many  instances  were  related  of  him ;  and  he  was 
much  taken  notice  of  and  patronized  by  Lord  Hali 
fax.  He  died  in  1702,  on  the  6th  of  January,  four 
years  to  a  day  before  I  was  born.  The  recital  which 
some  elderly  persons  made  to  us  of  his  character,  I 
remember,  struck  you  as  something  extraordinary, 
from  its  similarity  with  what  you  knew  of  me.  "  Had 
he  died,"  said  you,  "  four  years  later,  on  the  same  day, 
one  might  have  supposed  a  transmigration." 

John,  my  next  uncle,  was  bred  a  dyer,  I  believe 
of  wool.  Benjamin  was  bred  a  silk  dyer,  serving  an 
apprenticeship  in  London.  He  was  an  ingenious 
man.  I  remember,  when  I  was  a  boy,  he  came  to 
my  father's  in  Boston,  and  resided  in  the  house  with 

*  Among  Dr.  Franklin's  papers  was  found  a  letter  from  his  father, 
dated  Boston,  May  25th,  1739 :  "  As  to  the  original  of  our  name  there  is 
various  opinions  ;  some  say  that  it  came  from  a  sort  of  title  of  which  a 
book,  that  you  bought  when  here,  gives  a  lively  account.  Some  think 
we  are  of  a  French  extract,  which  was  formerly  called  Franks ;  some  of 
a  free  line,  a  line  free  from  that  vassalage  which  was  commcT.  to  sub 
jects  in  days  of  old  ;  gome  from  a  bird  of*  long  red  legs." 


LIFE    OF    FRAN  KLIN.  7 

us  for  several  years.  There  was  always  a  particu 
lar  affection  between  my  father  and  him,  and  I  was 
his  godson.  He  lived  to  a  great  age.  He  left  be 
hind  him  two  quarto  volumes  of  manuscript,  of  his 
own  poetry,  consisting  of  fugitive  pieces  addressed 
to  his  friends.*  He  had  invented  a  short-hand  of 

*  These  volumes  are  now  in  the  possession  of  Mrs.  Samuel  Emmons, 
of  Boston,  great-granddaughter  of  their  author.  The  thoughts  of  the 
writer  run  chiefly  on  moral  and  religious  subjects ;  and  the  pieces  em 
brace  many  acrostics,  as  the  names  of  his  friends  and  connections,  and 
other  pieces  addressed  to  them  on  various  occasions.  The  following 
lines  were  sent  to  his  namesake,  and  were  probably  elicited  by  some 
juvenile  performance  of  the  future  philosopher.  They  were  prophetic  : 
"  'Tis  time  for  me  to  throw  aside  my  pen 

When  hanging  sleeves  read,  write,  and  rhyme  like  men. 

This  forward  Spring  fortells  a  plenteous  crop ; 

For,  if  the  bud  bear  grain,  what  will  the  top  ! 

If  plenty  in  the  verdant  blade  appear, 

What  may  we  not  soon  hope  for  in  the  ear  ! 

When  flowers  are  beautiful  before  they're  blown, 

What  rarities  will  afterward  be  shown  ! 

If  trees  good  fruit  un'noculated  bear, 

You  may  be  sure  'twill  afterward  be  rare. 

If  fruits  are  sweet  before  they've  time  to  yellow, 

How  luscious  will  they  be  when  they  are  mellow ! 

If  first  years'  shoots  such  noble  clusters  send, 

What  laden  boughs,  Engedi-like,  may  we  expect  in  the  end  !" 

Benjamin  Franklin,  the  philosopher's  uncle,  died  in  Boston  in  1728, 
leaving  one  son,  Samuel,  the  only  survivor  of  ten  children.  This  son 
had  an  only  child,  a  son,  referred  to  in  the  text,  as  living  in  1771.  He 
died  in  1775,  leaving  four  daughters.  It  may  be  here  remarked,  that  there 
is  not  now  a  male  descendant  of  Dr.  Franklin's  grandfather  living  who 
bears  the  name  of  Franklin.  Dr.  Franklin's  eldest  son,  to  whom  this* 
autobiography  was  addressed,  left  one  son,  William  Temple  Franklin, 
who  died  without  issue.  His  second  son,  Francis  Folger,  died  in  child 
hood.  His  daughter,  Sarah,  married  Richard  Bache  in  1767,  and  their 
descendants  are  numerous,  six  out  of  seven  marrying:  viz.,  Benjamin 
Franklin  Bache,  who  married  Margaret  Marcoe ;  William,  who  married 
Catharine  Wistar  ;  Deborah,  William  J.  Duane  ;  Richard,  a  daughter  of 
Alexander  J.  Dallas  ;  Sarah,  Thomas  Sergeant. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


his  own,  which  he  taught  me,  but,  not  having  prac 
ticed  it,  I  have  now  forgotten  it.  He  was  very 
pious,  and  an  assiduous  attendant  at  the  sermons  of 
the  best  preachers,  which  he  reduced  to  writing  ac 
cording  to  his  method,  and  had  thus  collected  several 
volumes  of  them.  He  was  also  a  good  deal  of  a 
politician;  too  much  so,  perhaps,  for  his  station. 
There  fell  lately  into  my  hands,  in  London,  a  col 
lection  he  made  of  all  the  principal  political  pam 
phlets  relating  to  public  affairs,  from  the  year  1641  to 
1717;  many  of  the  volumes  are  wanting,  as  appears 
by  their  numbering,  but  there  still  remain  eight  vol 
umes  in  folio,  and  twenty  in  quarto  and  in  octavo. 
A  dealer  in  old  books  had  met  with  them,  and 
knowing  me  by  name,  having  bought  books  of  him 
he  brought  them  to  me.  It  would  appear  that  my 
uncle  must  have  left  them  here  when  he  went  to 
America,  which  was  about  fifty  years  ago.  I  found 
several  of  his  notes  in  the  margins.  His  grandson, 
Samuel  Franklin,  is  still  living  in  Boston. 

Our  humble  family  early  embraced  the  Reformed 
religion.  Our  forefathers  continued  Protestants 
through  the  reign  of  Mary,  when  they  were  some 
times  in  danger  of  persecution  on  account  of  their 
zeal  against  popery.  They  had  an  English  Bible, 
"and  to  conceal  it,  and  place  it  in  safety,  it  was  fast 
ened  open  with  tapes  under  and  within  the  cover  of 
a  joint-stool.  When  my  great-grandfather  wished 
to  read  it  to  his  family,  he  placed  the  joint-stool  on 
his  knees,  and  then  turned  over,  the  leaves  under  the 
tapes.  One  of  the  children  stood  at  the  door  to 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  9 

give  notice  if  lie  saw  the  apparitor  corning,  who  was 
an  officer  of  the  spiritual  court.  In  that  case  the 
stool  was  turned  down  again  upon  its  feet,  when 
the  Bible  remained  concealed  under  it  as  before. 
This  anecdote  I  had  from  Uncle  Benjamin.  The 
family  continued  all  of  the  Church  of  England  till 
about  the  end  of  Charles  the  Second's  reign,  when 
some  of  the  ministers  that  had  been  outed  for  their 
n  on  -conformity  holding  conventicles  in  Northamp 
tonshire,  my  Uncle  Benjamin  and  Father  Josiah  ad 
hered  to  them,  and  so  continued  all  their  lives :  the 
rest  of  the  family  remained  with  the  Episcopal 
Church. 

My  father  married  young,  and  carried  his  wife 
with  three  children  to  New  England,  about  168-5. 
The  conventicles  being  at  that  time  forbidden  by 
law,  and  frequently  disturbed  in  their  meetings,  some 
considerable  men  of  his  acquaintance  determined  to 
go  to  that  country,  and Jbe.  was  prevailed  with  to  ac 
company  them  thither,  where  they  expected  to  enjoy 
the  exercise  of  their  religion  with  freedom.  By  the  * 
same  wife  my  father  had  four  children  more  born 
there,  and  by  a  second  wife  ten  others,  in  all  seven 
teen  ;  of  whom  I  remember  to  have  seen  thirteen 
sitting  together  at  his  table,  who  all  grew  up  to  years 
of  maturity,  and  were  married ;  I  was  the  youngest 
son,  and  the  youngest  of  all  the  children  except  two 
daughters.  I  was  born  in  Boston,  in  New  England.* 

*  The  public  Register  of  Births  in  Boston,  still  preserved,  dates  Dr. 
Franklin's  with  January  Gth,  1706.  This  is  Old  Style,  and,  according  to 
our  present  calendar,  is  the  same  as  January  17th.  It  appears  by  the 


1C  LIFE    OF    FRAN  KLIN. 

My  mother,  the  second  wife  of  my  father,  was  Abiah 
Folger,  daughter  of  Peter  Folger,  one  of  the  first  set 
tlers  of  New  England,  of  whom  honorable  mention 
is  made  by  Cotton  Mather,  in  his  ecclesiastical  his 
tory  of  that  country,  entitled  Magnolia  Christi  Amer 
icana,  as  "  a  godly  and  learned  Englishman,"  if  I 
remember  the  words  rightly.  I  was  informed  he 
wrote  several  small  occasional  works,  but  only  one 
of  them  was  printed,  which  I  remember  to  have  seen 
several  years  since.  It  was  written  in  1675.  It 
was  in  familiar  verse,  according  to  the  taste  of  the 
times  and  people,  and  addressed  to  the  government 
there.  It  asserts  the  liberty  of  conscience  in  behalf 
of  the  Anabaptists,  the  Quakers,  and  other  sectaries 
that  had  been  persecuted.  He  attributes  to  this  per 
secution  the' Indian  wars,  and  other  calamities  that 
had  befallen  the  country,  regarding  them  as  so 
many  judgments  of  sGod  to  punish  so  heinous  an 
offense,  and  exhorting  the  repeal  of  those  laws,  so 
contrary  to  charity.  This  piece  appeared  to  me  as 
'  written  with  manly  freedom  and  a  pleasing  simplicity. 
The  last  six  lines  I  remember,  but  have  forgotten  the 
preceding  ones  of  the  stanza;  the  purport  of  them 
was,  that  his  censures  proceeded  from  good-will,  and, 
therefore  he  would  be  known  to  be  the  author. 

"  Because  to  be  a  libeler  (said  he) 
I  hate  it  with  my  heart ; 


record  of  the  Old  South  Church,  opposite  which  building  his  father  then 
lived,  that  he  was  baptized  the  same  day.  The  early  years  of  Franklin 
were  spent  in  a  house  corner  of  Hanover  and  Union  streets,  to  which  his 
father  removed  shortly  after  his  birth. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  11 

From  Sherburne*  town,  where  now  I  dwell, 

My  name  I  do  put  here  ; 
Without  offense  your  real  friend, 

It  is  Peter  Folger."t 

My  elder  brothers  were  all  put  apprentices  to  dif 
ferent  trades.  I  was  put  to  the  grammar-school  at 
eight  years  of  age,  my  father  intending  to  devote 
me,  as  the  tithe  of  his  sons,  to  the  service  of  the 
Church.  My  early  readiness  in  learning  to  read 
(which  must  have  been  very  early,  as  I  do  not  re 
member  when  I  could  not  read),  and  the  opinion  of 
all  my  friends,  that  I  should  certainly  make  a  good 
scholar,  encouraged  him  in  this  purpose  of  his.  My 
Uncle  Benjamin,  too,  approved  of  it,  and  proposed 
to  give  me  his  short-hand  volumes  of  sermons  to  set 
up  with,  if  I  would  learn  his  short-hand.  I  continued, 
however  at  the  grammar-school  rather  less  than  a 
year,  though  in  that  time  I  had  risen  gradually  from 
the  middle  of  the  class  of  that  year  to  be  at  the  head 
of  the  same  class,  and  was  removed  into  the  next 
class,  whence  I  was  to  be  placed  in  the  third  at 
the  end  of  the  year.  But  my  father,  burdened  with 
a  numerous  family,  was  unable,  without  inconven 
ience,  to  support  the  expense  of  a  college  education  ; 

*  Sherburne,  in  the  island  of  Nantucket 

f  The  pamphlet  is  well  described  by  the  doctor.  It  was  entitled  "  A 
Looking-glass  for  the  Times;  or,  the  Former  Spirit  of  New  England 
revived  in  this  Generation."  The  preceding-  lines  of  the  stanza  tfo*  * 
quoted  are : 

"  I  am  for  peace,  and  not  for  war, 

And  that's  the  reason  why 
I  write  more  plain  than  some  men  do 

That  use  to  daub  and  lie. 
But  I  shall  cease,  and  set  my  name 
To  what  I  here  insert,"  &c. 


12  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

considering,  moreover,  as  he  said  to  one  of  his 
friends  in  my  presence,  the  little  encouragement 
that  line  of  life  afforded  to  those  educated  for  it,  he 
gave  up  his  first  intentions,  took  me  from  the  gram 
mar-school,  and  sent  me  to  a  school  for  writing  and 
arithmetic,  kept  by  a  then  famous  man,  Mr.  George 
Brownwell.  He  was  a  skillful  master,  and  success 
ful  in  his  profession,  employing  the  mildest  and  most 
encouraging  methods.  Under  him  I  learned  to  write 
a  good  hand  pretty  soon,  but  failed  entirely  in  arith 
metic.  At  ten  years  old  I  was  taken  to  help  my 


father  in  his  business,  which  was  that  of  a  tallow- 
chandler  and  soap-boiler ;  a  business  to  which  he  was 
not  bred,  but  had  assumed  on  his  arrival  in  New 
England,  because  he  found  that  his  dyeing  trade, 
being  in  little  request,  would  not  maintain  his  family. 
Accordingly,  I  was  employed  in  cutting  wicks  for 
the  candles,  filling  the  molds  for  cast  candles,  attend 
ing  the  shop,  going  of  errands,  &c. 

I  disliked  the  trade,  and  had  a  strong  inclination 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


13 


to  go  to  sea,  but  my  father  declared  against  it;  but, 
residing  near  the  water,  I  was  much  in  it  and  on  it, 
I  learned  to  swim  well,  and  to  manage  boats ;  and 
when  embarked  with  other  boys,  I  was  commonly 
allowed  to  govern,  especially  in  any  case  of  diffi 
culty  ;  and  upon  other  occasions  I  was  generally  the 
leader  among  the  boys,  and  sometimes  led  them  into 
scrapes,  of  which  I  will  'mention  one  instance,  as  it 
shows  an  early  projecting  public  spirit,  though  not 
then  justly  conducted. 

There  was  a  salt-marsh  which  bounded  part  of 
the  mill-pond,  on  the  edge  of  which,  at  high  water, 
we  used  to  stand  to  fish  for  minnows.  By  much 
trampling,  we  had  made  it  a  mere  quagmire.  My 


proposal  was  to  build  a  wharf  there  for  us  to  stand 
upon,  and  I  showed  my  comrades  a  large  heap  o! 
stones,  which  were  intended  for  a  new  house  neai 


14 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


the  marsh,  and  which  would  very  well  suit  our  pur 
pose.  Accordingly,  in  the  evening,  when  the  work 
men  were  gone  home,  I  assembled  a  number  of  my 
play-fellows,  and  we  worked  diligently  like  so  many 
emmets,  sometimes  two  or  three  to  a  stone,  till  we 
had  brought  them  all  to  make  our  little  wharf.  The 
next  morning  the  workmen  were  surprised  at  miss 
ing  the  stones  which  formed  our  wharf.  Inquiry  was 
made  after  the  authors  of  this  transfer;  we  were 
discovered,  complained  of,  and  corrected  by  our 
fathers ;  and,  though  I  demonstrated  the  utility  oy 
our  work,  mine  convinced  me  that  that  which  was 


not  honest  could  not  be  truly  useful. 


/ 


I  suppose  you  may  like  to  know  what  kind/of  a 
man  my  father  was.  He  had  an  excellent  consti 
tution,  was  of  a  middle  stature,  well  set,  and  very 
strong :  he  could  draw  prettily,  and  was  skilled*  a  little 
in  music ;  his  voice  was  sonorous  and  agreeable,  so 
that  when  he  played  on  his  violin  and  surfg  withal, 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  15 

as  he  was  accustomed  to  do  after  the  business  of 
the  day  was  over,  it  was  extremely  agreeable  to 
hear.  He  had  some  knowledge  of  mechanics,  and, 
on  occasion,  was  very  handyAvith  other  tradesmen's 
tools ;  but  his  great  excellence  was  his  sound  under 
standing  and  solid  judgjrfent  in  prudential  matters, 
both  in  private  and  jfublic  affairs.  It  is  true,  he 
was  never  employed  \  in  the  latter,  the  numerous 
family  he  had  to  educate  and  the  straitness  of  his 
circumstances  keeping  him  close  to  his  trade :  but 
I  remember  well  his  being  frequently  visited  by  lead 
ing  men,  who  consulted  him  for  his  opinion  in  pub 
lic  affairs,  and  those  of  the  church  he  belonged  to, 
and  who  showed  a  great  respect  for  his  judgment  and 
advice :  he  was  also  much  consulted  by  private  per 
sons  about. their  affairs  when  any  difficulty  occurred, 
and  frequently  chosen  an  arbitrator  between  con 
tending  parties.  At  his  table  he  liked  to  have,  as 
often  as  he  could,  some  sensible  friend  or  neighbor 
to  converse  with,  and  always  took  care  to  start  some 
ingenious  or  useful  topic  for  discourse,  which  might 
tend  to  improve  the  minds  of  his  children.  By  this 
means  he  turned  our  attention  to  what  was  good, 
just,  and  prudent  in  the  conduct  of  life ;  and  little 
or  no  notice  was  ever  taken  of  what  related  to  the 
victuals  on  the  table,  whether  it  was  well  or  ill  dress 
ed,  in  or  out  of  season,  of  good  or  bad  flavor,  pref 
erable  or  inferior  to  this  or  that  other  thing  of  the 
kind,  so  that  I  was  brought  up  in  such  a  perfect  in 
attention  to  those  matters  as  to  be  quite  indifferent 
what  kind  of  food  was  set  before  me.  Indeed, 


16  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

I  am  so  unobservant  of  it,  that  to  this  day  I  can 
scarce  tell  a  few  hours  after  dinner  of  what  dishes 
it  consisted.  This  has  been  a  great  convenience  to 
me  in  traveling,  where  my  companions  have  been 
sometimes  very  unhappy  for  want  of  a  suitable  grati 
fication  of  their  more  delicate,  because  better  in 
structed,  tastes  and  appe;ites 

My  mother  had  likewise  an  excellent  constitu 
tion:  she  suckled  all  her  ten  children.  I  never 
knew  either  my  father  or  mother  to  have  any  sick 
ness  but  that  of  which  they  died,  he  at  89,  and  she 
at  85  years  of  age.  They  lie  buried  together  at: 
Boston,  where  I  some  years  since  placed  a  marble 
over  their  grave,  with  this  inscription  : 

JOSIAH  FRANKLIN, 

and 

ABIAH  his  wife, 

lie  here  interred. 

They  lived  lovingly  together  in  wedlock 

fifty-five  years. 

And  without  an  estate,  or  any  gainful  employment. 
By  constant  labor  and  honest  industry, 

(with  God's  blessing), 
maintained  a  large  family 'comfortably, 
and  brought  up  thirteen  children  and  seven  grand 
children  reputably. 
From  this  instance,  reader, 
Be  encouraged  to  diligence  in  thy  calling, 

And  distrust  not  Providence. 

He  was  a  pious  and  prudent  man  ; 

She  a  discreet  and  virtuous  woman. 

Their  youngest  son, 
In  filial  regard  to  their  memory, 

Places  this  stone. 

J.  F.  born  1655,  died  1744,  ^Etat  89. 
A.F.  born  1667,  died  1752,  .-Etat  85.* 

*  In  1827,  by  the  voluntary  contributions  of  a  large  number  of  citizen? 


LIFE    OF    FRAN  KLIN.  17 

By  my  rambling  digressions,  I  perceive  myself  to 
be  grown  old.  I  used  to  write  more  methodically. 
But  one  does  not  dress  for  private  company  as  for 
a  public  ball.  Perhaps  it  is  only  negligence. 

To  return :  1  continued  thus  employed  in  my 
father's  business  for  two  years,  that  is,  till  I  was 
twelve  years  old ;  and  my  brother  John,,  who  was 
bred  to  that  business,  having  left  my  father,  married, 
and  set  up  for  himself  at  Rhode  Island,  there  was 
every  appearance  that  I  was  destined  to  supply  his 
place,  and  become  a  tallow-chandler.  But  my  dis 
like  to  the  trade  continuing,  my  father  had  appre 
hensions  that  if  he  did  not  put  me  to  one  more 
agreeable,  I  should  break  loose  and  go  to  sea,  as  my 
brother  Josiah  had  done,  to  his  great  vexation.  In 
consequence,  he  took  me  to  walk  with  him,  and  see 


of  Boston,  an  obelisk  of  granite,  twenty-one  feet  high,  resting  on  a  base 
two  feet  high,  was  placed  over  the  grave  of  the  parents  of  Franklin  ia 
the  cemetery,  General  H.  A.  S.  Dearborn  pronouncing  an  appropriate  ad 
dress.  On  one  side  is  the  word  FRANKLIN  in  large  bronze  letters,  and 
beneath  it  is  a  bronze  tablet,  on  which  Dr.  Franklin's  original  epitaph  is 
inscribed.  Beneath  that  are  the  .following  lines : 

"  The  marble  tablet 

Bearing  the  above  inscription 

Having  been  dilapidated  by  the  ravages  of  time, 

A  number  of  citizens, 

Entertaining  the  most  profound  veneration 

For  the  memory  of  the  illustrious 

Benjamin  Franklin, 

And  desirous  of  reminding  succeeding  generations 

That  he  was  born  in  Boston,  A.D.  MDCCVI., 

Erected  this 

Obelisk 
Over  the  graves  of  his  parents. 

MDCCCXXVIT." 
B 


18  LIFE    OF    FRAN  KLIN. 

joiners,  bricklayers,  turners,  braziers,  &c.,  at  their 
work,  that  he  might  observe  my  inclination,  and 
endeavor  to  fix  it  on  some  trade  or  profession  that 
would  keep  me  on  land.  It  has  ever  since  been  a 
pleasure  to  me  to  see  good  workmen  handle  their 
tools ;  and  it  has  been  often  useful  to  me  to  have 
learned  so  much  by  it  as  to  be  able  to  do  some  trifling 
jobs  in  the  house  when  a  workman  was  not  at  hand, 
and  to  construct  little  machines  for  my  experiments, 
at  the  moment  when  the  intention  of  making  them 
was  warm  in  my  mind.  My  father  determined  at 
last  for  the  cutler's  trade,  and  placed  me  for  some 
days  on  trial  with  Samuel,  son  to  my  Uncle  Benja 
min,  who  was  bred  to  that  trade  in  London,  and 
had  just  established  himself  in  Boston.  But  the 
sum  he  exacted  as  a  fee  for  my  apprenticeship  dis 
pleased  my  father,  and  I  was  taken  home  again. 

From  my  infancy  I  was  passionately  fond  of  read 
ing,  and  all  the  money  that  came  into  my  hands 
was  laid  out  in  the  purchasing  of  books.  I  was 
very  fond  of  voyages.  My  first  acquisition  was 
Bunyan's  works  in  separate  little  volumes.  I  after 
ward  sold  them  to  enable  me  to  buy  R.  Burton's 
Historical  Collections;  they  were  small  chapmen's 
books,  and  cheap,  40  volumes  in  all.  My  father's 
little  library  consisted  chiefly  of  books  in  polemic 
divinity,  most  of  which  I  read.  I  have  often  regret 
ted  that,  at  a  time  when  I  had  such  a  thirst  for 
knowledge,  more  proper  books  had  not  fallen  in  my 
way,  since  it  was  resolved  I  should  not  be  bred  to 
divinity.  There  was  among  them  Plutarch's  Lives, 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  19 

which  I  read  abundantly,  and  I  still  think  that  time 
spent  to  great  advantage.  There  was  also  a  book 
of  De  Foe's,  called  an  Essay  on  Projects,  and  an 
other  of  Dr.  Mather's,  called  an  Essay  to  do  Good, 
which  perhaps  gave  me  a  turn  of  thinking  that  had 
an  influence  on  some  of  the  principal  future  events 
of  my  life. 

This  bookish  inclination  at  length  determined  my 
father  to  make  me  a  printer,  though  he  had  already 
one  son  (James)  of  that  profession.  In  1717  my 
brother  James  returned  from  England  with  a  press 
and  letters  to  set  up  his  business  in  Boston.  I  liked 
it  much  better  than  that  of  my  father,  but  still  had  a 
hankering  for  the  sea.  To  prevent  the  apprehend 
ed  effect  of  such  an  inclination,  my  father  was  im 
patient  to  have  me  bound  to  my  brother.  I  stood 
out  some  time,  but  at  last  was  persuaded,  and  sign 
ed  the  indentures  when  I  was  yet  but  twelve  years 
old.  I  was  to  serve  as  an  apprentice  till  I  was 
twenty-one  years  of  age,  only  I  was  to  be  allowed 
journeyman's  wages  during  the  last  year.  In  a  lit 
tle  time  I  made  a  great  progress  in  the  business,  and 
became  a  useful  hand  to  my  brother.  I  had  now 
access  to  better  books.  An  acquaintance  with  the 
apprentices  of  booksellers  enabled  me  sometimes  to 
borrow  a  small  one,  which  I  was  careful  to  return 
soon  and  clean.  Often  I  sat  up  in  my  chamber  the 
greatest  part  of  the  night,  when  the  book  was  bor 
rowed  in  the  evening  to  be  returned  in  the  morning, 
lest  it  should  be  found  missing. 

After  some  time  a  merchant,  an  ingenious,  sen  si- 


20  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

ble  man,  Mr.  Matthew  Adams,  who  had  a  pretty 
collection  of  books,  frequented  our  printing-office, 
took  notice  of  me,  and  invited  me  to  see  his  library, 


and  very  kindly  proposed  to  lend  me  such  books  as 
I  chose  to  read.  I  now  took  a  strong  inclination 

a 

for  poetry,  and  wrote  some  little  pieces ;  my  brother, 
supposing  it  might  turn  to  account,  encouraged  me, 
and  induced  me  to  compose  two  occasional  ballads. 
One  was  called  The  Lighthouse  Tragedy,  and  con 
tained  an  account  of  the  shipwreck  of  Captain 
Worthilake,  with  his  two  daughters :  the  other  was 
a  sailor's  song,  on  the  taking  of  the  famous  Teach 
(or  Blackbeard)  the  pirate.  They  were  wretched 
stuff,  in  street-ballad  style;  and  when  they  were 
printed,  my  brother  sent  me  about  the  town  to  sell 
them.  The  first  sold  prodigiously,  the  event  be 
ing  recent,  and  having  made  a  great  noise.  This 
success  flattered  my  vanity ;  but  my  father  dis 
couraged  me  by  criticizing  my  performances,  and 
telling  me  verse-makers  were  generally  beggars. 
Thus  I  escaped  being  a  poet,  and  probably  a  very 


LIFE    OF    FRAN  KLIN.  21 

bad  one  :  but  as  prose  writing  has  been  of  great  use 
to  me  in  the  course  of  my  life,  and  was  a  principal 
means  of  my  advancement,  I  shall  tell  you  how,  in 
such  a  situation,  I  acquired  what  little  ability  I  may 
be  supposed  to  have  in  that  way. 

There  was  another  bookish  lad  in  the  town,  John 
Collins  by  name,  with  whom  I  was  intimately  ac 
quainted.  We  sometimes  disputed,  and  very  fond 
we  were  of  argument,  and  very  desirous  of  confuting 
one  another,  which  disputatious  turn,  by-the-way, 
is  apt  to  become  a  very  bad  habit,  making  people 
often  extremely  disagreeable  in  company  by  the 
contradiction  that  is  necessary  to  bring  it  into  prac 
tice  ;  and  thence,  besides  souring  and  spoiling  the 
conversation,  it  is  productive  of  disgusts  and,  per 
haps,  enmities  with  those  who  may  have  occasion 
for  friendship.  I  had  caught  this  by  reading  my 
father's  books  of  disputes  on  religion.  Persons  of 
good  sense,  I  have  since  observed,  seldom  fall  into 
it,  except  lawyers,  university  men,  and,  generally, 
men  of  all  sorts  who  have  been  bred  at  Edin 
burgh. 

A  question  was  once,  some  how  or  other,  started 
between  Collins  and  me,  on  the  propriety  of  educa 
ting  the  female  sex  in  learning,  and  their  abilities  for 
study.  lie  was  of  opinion  that  it  was  improper,  and 
that  they  were  naturally  unequal  to  it.  I  took  the  con 
trary  side,  perhaps  a  little  for  dispute's  sake.  He 
was  naturally  more  eloquent,  having  a  greater  plenty 
of  words ;  and  sometimes,  as  I  thought,  I  was  van 
quished  more  by  his  fluency  than  by  the  strength 


22  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

of  his  reasons.  As  we  parted  without  settling  the 
point,  and  were  not  to  see  one  another  again  for 
some  time,  I  sat  down  to  put  my  arguments  in 
writing,  which  I  copied  fair  and  sent  to  him.  He 
answered,  and  I  replied.  Three  or  four  letters  on 
a  side  had  passed,  when  my  father  happened  to  find 
my  papers  and  read  them.  Without  entering  into 
the  subject  in  dispute,  he  took  occasion  to  talk  to 
me  about  my  manner  of  writing;  observed  that, 
though  I  had  the  advantage  of  my  antagonist  in 
correct  spelling  and  pointing  (which  he  attributed  to 
the  printing-house),  I  fell  far  short  in  elegance  of  ex 
pression,  in  method,  and  in  perspicuity,  of  which  he 
convinced  me  by  several  instances.  I  saw  the  jus 
tice  of  his  remarks,  and  thence  grew  more  attentive 
•  to  my  manner  of  writing,  and  determined  to  en 
deavor  to  improve  my  style. 

About  this  time  I  met  with  an  odd  volume  of  the 
Spectator.  I  had  never  before  seen  any  of  them. 
1  bought  it,  read  it  over  and  over,  and  was  much  de 
lighted  with  it.  I  thought  the  writing  excellent, 
and  wished,  if  possible,  to  imitate  it.  With  that 
view  I  took  some  of  the  papers,  and,  making  short 
hints  of  the  sentiments  in  each  sentence,  laid  them 
by  a  few  days,  and  then,  without  looking  at  the 
book,  tried  to  complete  the  papers  again,  by  express 
ing  each  hinted  sentiment  at  length,  and  as  fully  as 
it  had  been  expressed  before,  in  any  suitable  words 
that  should  occur  to  me.  Then  I  compared  my 
Spectator  with  the  original,  discovered  some  of  my 
faults,  and  corrected  them.  But  I  found  I  wanted 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  23 

a  stock  of  words,  or  a  readiness  in  recollecting  and 
using  them,  which  I  thought  I  should  have  acquired 
before  that  time  if  I  had  gone  on  making  verses ; 
since  the  continual  search  for  words  of  the  same  im 
port,  but  of  different  length,  to  suit  the  measure,  or 
of  different  sound  for  the  rhyme,  would  have  laid 
me  under  a  constant  necessity  of  searching  for 
variety,  and  also  have  tended  to  fix  that  variety  in 
Qiy  mind,  and  make  me  master  of  it.  Therefore  I 
took  some  of  the  tales  in  the  Spectator,  and  turned 
them  into  verse  ;  and,  after  a  time,  when  I  had  pretty 
well  forgotten  the  prose,  turned  them  back  again. 
I  also  sometimes  jumbled  my  collection  of  hints  into 
confusion,  and  after  some  weeks  endeavored  to  re 
duce  them  into  the  best  order,  before  I  began  to 
form  the  full  sentences  and  complete  the  subject. 
This  was  to  teach  me  method  in  the  arrangement 
of  the  thoughts.  By  comparing  my  work  with  the 
original,  I  discovered  many  faults  and  corrected 
them ;  but  I  sometimes  had  the  pleasure  to  fancy 
that,  in  particulars  of  small  consequence,  I  had  been 
fortunate  enough  to  improve  the  method  or  the  lan 
guage,  and  this  encouraged  me  to  think  that  I  might 
in  time  come  to  be  a  tolerable  English  writer,  of 
which  I  was  extremely  ambitious.  The  time  I  al 
lotted  for  writing  exercises  and  for  reading  was  at 
night,  or  before  work  began  in  the  morning,  or  on 

o      '  o  ~7 

Sundays,  when  I  contrived  to  be  in  the  printing- 
house,  avoiding  as  much  as  I  could  the  constant  at 
tendance  at  public  worship  which  my  father  used  to 
exact  from  me  when  I  was  under  his  care,  and  which 


24  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

I  still  continued  to  consider  as  a  duty,  though  I  could 
not  afford  time  to  practice  it. 

When  about  sixteen  years  of  age  I  happened  to 
meet  with  a  book,  written  by  one  Tryon,  recom 
mending  a  vegetable  diet.  I  determined  to  go 
into  it.  My  brother,  being  yet  unmarried,  did  not 
keep  house,  but  boarded  himself  and  his  appren 
tices  in  another  family.  My  refusing  to  eat  flesh 
occasioned  an  inconvenience,  and  I  was  frequently 
chid  for  my  singularity.  I  made  myself  acquaint 
ed  with  Tryon's  manner  of  preparing  some  of  his 
dishes,  such  as  boiling  potatoes  or  rice,  making  has 
ty  pudding,  and  a  few  others,  and  then  proposed  to 
my  brother  that  if  he  would  give  me,  weekly,  half  the 
money  he  paid  for  my  board,  I  would  board  myself. 
He  instantly  agreed  to  it,  and  I  presently  found  that 
I  could  save  half  what  he  paid  me.  This  was  an 
additional  fund  for  buying  of  books.  But  I  had  an 
other  advantage  in  it.  My  brother  and  the  rest  go 
ing  from  the  printing-house  to  their  meals,  I  remain 
ed  there  alone,  and,  despatching  presently  my  light 
repast,  which  was  often  no  more  than  a  biscuit  or 
a  slice  of  bread,  a  handful  of  raisins,  or  a  tart  from 
the  pastry-cook's,  and  a  glass  of  water,  I  had  the 
rest  of  the  time  till  their  return  for  study,  in  which 
I  made  the  greater  progress,  from  that  clearness  of 
head  and  quicker  apprehension  which  generally  at 
tend  temperance  in  eating  and  drinking. 

Now  it  was  that,  being  on  some  occasion  made 
ashamed  of  my  ignorance  in  figures,  which  I  had 
twice  failed  learning  when  at  school,  I  took  Cocker's 


IIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


25 


book  on  Arithmetic,  and  went  through  the  whole  by 
myself  with  the  greatest  ease.  I  also  read  Seller's 
and  Sturny's  book  on  Navigation,  which  made  me 
acquainted  with  the  little  geometry  it  contained  ; 
but  I  never  proceeded  far  in  that  science.  I  read 
about  this  time  Locke  on  the  Human  Understanding, 
and  the  Art  of  Thinking,  by  Messrs,  du  Port  Royal. 


While  I  was  intent  on  improving  my  language,  1 
met  with  an  English  grammar  (I  think  it  was  Green 
wood's)  having  at  the  end  of  it  two  little  sketches 
on  the  arts  of  rhetoric  and  logic,  the  latter  finishing 
with  a  dispute  in  the  Socratic  method;  and  soon 
after  I  procured  Xenophon's  Memorable  Things  of 
Socrates,  wherein  there  are  many  examples  of  the 


2(5  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

same  method.  I  was  charmed  with  it,  adopted  it, 
dropped  my  abrupt  contradiction  and  positive  ar 
gumentation,  and  put  on  the  humble  inquirer ;  and 
being  then,  from  reading  Shaftesbury  and  Collins, 
made  a  doubter,  as  I  already  was  in  many  points  of 
our  religious  doctrines,  I  found  this  method  the  safest 
for  myself  and  very  embarrassing  to  those  against 
whom  I  used  it ;  therefore  I  took  delight  in  it,  prac 
ticed  it  continually,  and  grew  very  artful  and  expert 
in  drawing  people,  even  of  superior  knowledge,  into 
concessions,  the  consequences  of  which  they  did  not 
foresee,  entangling  them  in  difficulties  out  of  which 
they  could  not  extricate  themselves,  and  so  obtain 
ing  victories  that  neither  myself  nor  my  cause  al 
ways  deserved.  I  continued  this  method  some  few 
years,  but  gradually  left  it,  retaining  only  the  habit 
of  expressing  myself  in  terms  of  modest  diffidence ; 
never  using,  when  I  advanced  any  thing  that  might 
possibly  be  disputed,  the  words  certainly,  undoubted 
ly,  or  any  others  that  gave  the  air  of  positiveness  to 
an  opinion ;  but  rather  said,  /  conceive  or  apprehend 
a  thing  to  be  so  and  so  ;  it  appears  to  me,  or  I  should 
not  think  it  so  or  so,  for  such  and  such  reasons ;  or  1 
imagine  it  to  be  so  ;  or  it  is  so,  if  I  am  not  mistaken. 
This  habit,  I  believe,  has  been  of  great  advantage  to 
me  when  I  have  had  occasion  to  inculcate  my  opin 
ions,  and  persuade  men  into  measures  that  I  have 
been  from  time  to  time  engaged  in  promoting;  and, 
as  the  chief  ends  of  conversation  are  to  inform  or  to 
be  informed,  to  please  or  to  persuade,  I  wish  well- 
meaning  and  sensible  men  would  not  lessen  their 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  27 

power  of  doing  good  by  a  positive,  assuming  man 
ner,  that  seldom  fails  to  disgust,  tends  to  create  op 
position,  and  to  defeat  most  of  those  purposes  for 
which  speech  was  given  to  us. 

In  fact,  if  you  wish  to  instruct  others,  a  positive  and 
dogmatical  manner  in  advancing  your  sentiments 
may  occasion  opposition  and  prevent  a  candid  atten 
tion.  If  you  desire  instruction  and  improvement 
from  others,  you  should  not,  at  the  same  time,  express 
yourself  fixed  in  your  present  opinions.  Modest  and 
sensible  men,  who  do  not  love  disputation,  will 
leave  you  undisturbed  in  the  possession  of  your 
errors.  In  adopting  such  a  manner,  you  can  sel 
dom  expect  to  please  your  hearers,  or  obtain  the 
concurrence  you  desire.  Pope  judiciously  observes, 

"  Men  must  be  taught  as  if  you  taught  them  not, 
And  things  unknown  proposed  as  things  forgot." 

He  also  recommends  it  to  us 

"  To  speak,  though  sure,  with  seeming  diffidence." 

And    he    might   have  joined   with   this    line   tha 
which  he  has  coupled  with  another,  I  think,  less 
properly, 

"  For  want  of  modesty  is  want  of  sense." 

If  you  ask,  Why  less  properly?  I  must  repeat  the 
lines, 

"  Immodest  words  admit  of  no  defense, 
For  want  of  modesty  is  want  of  sense." 

Now,  is  not  the  want  of  sense  (where  a  man  is  so  un 
fortunate  as  to  want  it)  some  apology  for  his  want 
of  modesty  ?  and  would  not  the  lines  stand  more 
justly  thus  1 


28  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

"  Immodest  words  admit  but  this  defense, 
That  want  of  modesty  is  want  of  sense." 

This,  however,  I  should  submit  to  better  judgments. 

My  brother  had,  in  1720  or  1721,  begun  to  print  a 
newspaper.  It  was  the  second  that  appeared  in 
America,  and  was  called  the  New  England  C  our  ant. 
The  only  one  before  it  was  the  Boston  News-Letter. 
T  remember  his  being  dissuaded  by  some  of  his 
friends  from  the  undertaking,  as  not  likely  to  suc 
ceed,  one  newspaper  being,  in  their  judgment, 
enough  for  America.*  At  this  time  (1771)  there 
are  not  less  than  five-and-twenty.  He  went  on, 
however,  with  the  undertaking.  I  was  employed  to 
carry  the  papers  to  the  customers  after  having 
worked  in  composing  the  types  and  printing  off  the 
sheets. 

He  had  some  ingenious  men  among  his  friends, 
who  amused  themselves  by  writing  little  pieces  for 
this  paper,  which  gained  it  credit  and  made  it  more 
in  demand,  and  these  gentlemen  often  visited  us. 
Hearing  their  conversations,  and  their  accounts  of 
the  approbation  their  papers  were  received  with,  I 
was  excited  to  try  my  hand  among  them ;  but,  being 
still  a  boy,  and  suspecting  that  my  brother  would 

*  The  doctor  makes  a  slight  mistake.  The  second  newspaper  in  Bos 
ton  was  "  The  Boston  Gazette,"  of  which,  however,  his  brother  was  at 
first  printer,  and  it  commenced  in  1719.  In  1721,  on  the  7th  of  August, 
his  brother  commenced  the  New  England  Courant.  He  continued  it  till 
February  llth,  1723,  in  his  own  name,  when,  as  stated  in  the  text,  that 
of  Benjamin  was  substituted  ;  and,  although  Benjamin  removed  from  Bos 
ton  in  a  few  months  after,  his  name  was  continued  upon  the  paper  until 
its  close  in  1727.  James  moved  to  Newport,  and  established  the  Rhode 
Island  Gazette  in  1732,  which  paper  is  still  in  existence. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  29 

object  to  printing  any  thing  of  mine  in  his  paper  if 
he  knew  it  to  be  mine,  I  contrived  to  disguise  my 
hand,  and.  writing  an  anonymous  paper,  put  it  at 
night  under  the  door  of  the  printing-house.  It  was 
found  in  the  morning,  and  communicated  to  his 
writing  friends  when  they  called  in  as  usual.  They 
read  it,  commented  on  it  in  my  hearing,  and  I  had 
die  exquisite  pleasure  of  finding  it  met  with  their 
approbation,  and  that,  in  their  different  guesses  at 
the  author,  none  were  named  but  men  of  some  char 
acter  among  us  for  learning  arid  ingenuity.  I  sup 
pose  that  I  was  rather  lucky  in  my  judges,  and  that 
they  were  not  really  so  very  good  as  I  then  be 
lieved  them  to  be.* 

Encouraged,  however,  by  this  attempt,  I  wrote 
and  sent  in  the  same  way  to  the  press  several 
other  pieces  that  were  equally  approved ;  and  1 
kept  my  secret  till  all  my  fund  of  sense  for  such 
performances  was  exhausted,  and  then  discovered 
it,  when  I  began  to  be  considered  a  little  more  by 
my  brother's  acquaintance.  However,  that  did  not 
quite  please  him,  as  he  thought  it  tended  to  make 
me  too  vain.  This  might  be  one  occasion  of  the 
differences  we  began  to  have  about  this  time. 
Though  a  brother,  he  -considered  himself  as  my 
master,  and  me  as  his  apprentice,  and,  accordingly, 
expected  the  same  services  from  me  as  he  would 
from  another,  while  I  thought  he  degraded  me  too 
much  in  some  he  required  of  me,  who  from  a  brother 
expected  more  indulgence.  Our  disputes  were  often 

*  Vide  Frontispiece. 


LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

brought  before  our  father,  and  I  fancy  I  was  either 
generally  in  the  right,  or  else  a  better  pleader,  be 
cause  the  judgment  was  generally  in  my  favor.  But 
my  brother  was  passionate,  and  had  often  beaten 
me,  which  I  took  extremely  amiss;  and,  thinking  my 


apprenticeship  very  tedious,  I  was  continually  wish 
ing  for  some  opportunity  of  shortening  it,  which  at 
length  offered  in  a  manner  unexpected.  Perhaps 
the  harsh  and  tyrannical  treatment  of  me  might  be 
a  means  of  impressing  me  with  the  aversion  to  ar 
bitrary  power  that  has  stuck  to  me  through  my 
whole  life. 

One  of  the  pieces  in  our  newspaper  on  some  po 
litical  point,  which  I  have  now  forgotten,  gave  of 
fense  to  the  Assembly.  He  was  taken  up,  censured, 
and  imprisoned  for  a  month,  by  the  speaker's  war 
rant,  I  suppose,  because  he  would  not  discover  the 
author.  I  too  was  taken  up  and  examined  before 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  3l 

the  council ;  but,  though  I  did  not  give  them  any 
satisfaction,  they  contented  themselves  with  ad 
monishing  me,  and  dismissed  me,  considering  me, 
perhaps,  as  an  apprentice,  who  was  bound  to  keep 
his  master's  secrets. 

During  my  brother's  confinement,  which  I  resented 
a  good  deal,  notwithstanding  our  private  differences, 
I  had  the  management  of  the  paper ;  and  I  made  bold 
to  give  our  rulers  some  rubs  in  it,  which  my  brother 
took  very  kindly,  while  others  began  to  consider  me 
in  an  unfavorable  light,  as  a  youth  that  had  a  turn 
for  libeling  and  satire.  My  brother's  discharge  was 
accompanied  with  an  order  (and  a  very  odd  one), 
that  "James  Franklin  should  no  longer  print  the 
newspaper  called  the  New  England  Courant." 

On  a  consultation  held  in  our  printing-office  among 
his  friends,  what  he  should  do  in  this  conjuncture,  it 
was  proposed  to  elude  the  order  by  changing  the 
name  of  the  paper ;  but  my  brother,  seeing  incon 
veniences  in  this,  came  to  a  conclusion,  as  a  better 
way,  to  let  the  paper  in  future  be  printed  in  the 
name  of  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN;  and  in  order  to  avoid 
the  censure  of  the  Assembly,  that  might  fall  on  him 
as  still  printing  it  by  his  apprentice,  he  contrived  and 
consented  that  my  old  indenture  should  be  returned 
to  me,  with  a  discharge  on  the  back  of  it,  to  show 
in  case  of  necessity  ;  and,  in  order  to  secure  to  him 
the  benefit  of  my  service,  I  should  sign  new  inden 
tures  for  the  remainder  of  my  time,  which  was  to 
be  kept  private.  A  very  flimsy  scheme  it  was  ;  how 
ever,  it  was  immediately  executed,  and  the  paper 


32  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

was  printed,  accordingly,  under  my  name  for  several 
months. 

At  length,  a  fresh  difference  arising  between  my 
brother  and  me,  I  took  upon  me  to  assert  my  free 
dom,  presuming  that  he  would  not  venture  to  pro 
duce  the  new  indentures.  It  was  not  fair  in  me  to 
take  this  advantage,  and  this  I  therefore  reckon  as 
\  one  of  the  first  errata  of  my  life ;  but  the  unfairness 
of  it  weighed  little  with  me,  when  under  the  impres 
sion  of  resentment  for  the  blows  his  passion  too  often 
urged  him  to  bestow  upon  me,  though  he  was  other 
wise  not  an  ill-natured  man:  perhaps  I  was  too  saucy 
and  provoking. 

When  he  found  I  would  leave  him,  he  took  care 
to  prevent  my  getting  employment  in  any  other  print 
ing-house  of  the  town,  by  going  round  and  speak 
ing  to  every  master,  who  accordingly  refused  to  give 
me  work.  I  then  thought  of  going  to  New  York, 
as  the  nearest  place  where  there  was  a  printer ;  and 
I  was  rather  inclined  to  leave  Boston  when  I  re 
flected  that  I  had  already  made  myself  a  little  ob 
noxious  to  the  governing  party,  and,  from  the  arbi 
trary  proceedings  of  the  Assembly  in  my  brother's 
case,  it  was  likely  I  might,  if  I  stayed,  soon  bring 
myself  into  scrapes ;  and  further,  that  my  indiscreet 
disputations  about  religion  began  to  make  me  point 
ed  at  with  horror  by  good  people  as  an  infidel  and 
atheist.  I  concluded,  therefore,  to  remove  to  New 
York;  but  rny  father  now  siding  with  my  brother, 
I  was  sensible  that,  if  1  attempted  to  go  openly, 
means  would  be  used  to  prevent  me.  My  friend 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  33 

Collins,  therefore,  undertook  to  manage  my  flight. 


He  agreed  with  the  captain  of  a  New  York  sloop  to 
take  me,  under  pretense  of  my  being  a  young  man 
of  his  acquaintance,  that  had  an  intrigue  with  a  girl 
of  bad  character,  whose  parents  would  compel  me 
to  marry  her,  and  that  I  could  neither  appear  nor 
come  away  publicly.  I  sold  my  books  to  raise  a 
little  money,  was  taken  on  board  the  sloop  privately, 


34  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

had  a  lair  wind,  and  in  three  days  found  myself  at 
New  York,  near  three  hundred  miles  from  my  home, 
at  the  age  of  seventeen  (October,  1723),  without  the 
least  recommendation,  or  knowledge  of  any  person 
in  the  place,  and  very  little  money  in  my  pocket. 

The  inclination  I  had  had  for  the  sea  was  by  this 
time  done  away,  or  I  might  now  have  gratified  it. 
But,  having  another  profession,  and  conceiving  my 
self  a  pretty  good  workman,  I  offered  my  services 
to  a  printer  in  the  place,  old  Mr.  William  Bradford, 
who  had  been  the  first  printer  in  Pennsylvania,  but 
had  removed  thence  in  consequence  of  a  quarrel 
with  the  governor,  George  Keith.  He  could  give 
me  no  employment,  having  little  to  do,  and  hands 
enough  already ;  but  he  said,  "  My  son  at  Philadel 
phia  has  lately  lost  his  principal  hand,  Aquila  Rose, 
by  death ;  if  you  go  thither,  I  believe  he  may  em 
ploy  you."  Philadelphia  was  one  hundred  miles 
further;  I  set  out,  however,  in  a  boat  for  Amboy, 
leaving  my  chest  and  things  to  follow  me  round  by 
sea. 

In  crossing  the  bay,  we  met  with  a  squall  that 
tore  our  rotten  sails  to  pieces,  prevented  our  getting 
into  the  Kill,  and  drove  us  upon  Long  Island.  In 
our  way,  a  drunken  Dutchman,  who  was  a  passenger 
too,  fell  overboard ;  when  he  was  sinking,  I  reach 
ed  through  the  water  to  his  shock  pate,  and  drew 
him  up,  so  that  we  got  him  in  again.  His  ducking 
sobered  him  a  little,  and  he  went  to  sleep,  taking 
first  out  of  his  pocket  a  book,  which  he  desired  I 
would  dry  for  him.  It  proved  to  be  my  old  favorite 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  35 

author,  Banyan's  Pilgrim 's  Progress,  in  Dutch,  fine 
ly  printed  on  good  paper,  copper  cuts,  a  dress  better 
than  I  had  ever  seen  it  wear  in  its  own  language. 
I  have  since  found  that  it  has  been  translated  into 
most  of  the  language?  of  Europe,  and  suppose  it  has 
been  more  generally  read  than  any  other  book,  ex 
cept  perhaps  the  Bible.  Honest  John  was  the  first 
that  I  know  of  who  mixed  narration  and  dialogue ; 
a  method  of  writing  very  engaging  to  the  reader, 
who  in  the  most  interesting  parts  finds  himself,  as  it 
were,  admitted  into  the  company  and  present  at  the 
conversation.  De  Foe  has  imitated  him  successfully 
in  his  Robinson  Crusoe,  in  his  Moll  Flanders,  and 
other  pieces ;  and  Richardson  has  done  the  same  in 
his  Pamela,  &c. 

On  approaching  the  island,  we  found  it  was  in  a 
place  where  there  could  be  no  landing,  there  being 
a  great  surge  on  the  stony  beach.  So  we  dropped 
anchor,  and  swung  out  our  cable  toward  the  shore. 
Some  people  came  down  to  the  shore,  and  hallooed 
to  us,  as  we  did  to  them ;  but  the  wind  was  so  high, 
and  the  surge  so  loud,  that  we  could  not  understand 
each  other.  There  were  some  small  boats  near  the 
shore,  and  we  made  signs,  and  called  to  them  to 
fetch  us ;  but  they  either  did  not  comprehend  us,  or 
it  \vas  impracticable,  so  they  went  off.  Night  ap 
proaching,  we  had  no  remedy  but  to  have  patience 
till  the  wind  abated ;  and,  in  the  mean  time,  the  boat 
man  and  myself  concluded  to  sleep,  if  we  could;  and 
so  we  crowded  into  the  hatches,  where  we  joined  the 
Dutchman,  who  was  still  wet,  and  the  spray,  break- 


36 


LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN 


ing  over  the  head  of  our  boat,  leaked  through  to  us, 
so  that  we  were  soon  almost  as  wet  as  he.  In  this 
manner  we  lay  all  night,  with  very  little  rest ;  but, 
the  wind  abating  the  next  day,  we  made  a  shift  to 
reach  Amboy  before  night,  having  been  thirty  hours 
on  the  water,  without  victuals,  or  any  drink  but  a 
nottle  of  filthy  rum,  the  water  we  sailed  on  being 
salt. 

In  the  evening  I  found  myself  very  feverish,  and 
went  to  bed ;  but,  having  read  somewhere  that  cold 
water  drunk  plentifully  was  good  for  a  fever,  I  fol 
lowed  the  prescription,  and  sweat  plentifully  most 
of  the  night.  My  fever  left  me,  and  in  the  morning, 
crossing  the  ferry.  I  proceeded  on  my  journey  on 
foot,  having  fifty  miles  to  go  to  Burlington,  where  I 


was  told  I  should  find  boats  that  would  oarry  me 
the  rest  of  the  way  to  Philadelphia. 

It  rained  very  hard  all  the  day  ;  I  was  thorough 
y  soaked,  and  by  noon  a  good  deal  tired;   so   I 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  37 

stopped  at  a  poor  inn,  where  I  stayed  all  night,  be 
ginning  now  to  wish  I  had  never  left  home.  I  made 
so  miserable  a  figure,  too,  that  I  found,  by  the  ques 
tions  asked  me,  I  was  suspected  to  be  some  runaway 
indentured  servant,  and  in  danger  of  being  taken  up 
on  that  suspicion.  However,  I  proceeded  next  day, 
and  got  in  the  evening  to  an  inn,  within  eight  or 
ten  miles  of  Burlington,  kept  by  one  Dr.  Brown. 
He  entered  into  conversation  with  me  while  I  took 
some  refreshment,  and,  finding  I  had  read  a  tittle, 
became  very  obliging  and  friendly.  Our  acquaint 
ance  continued  all  the  rest  of  his  life.  He  had 
been,  I  imagine,  an  ambulatory  quack  doctor,  for 
there  was  no  town  in  England,  nor  any  country  in 
Europe,  of  which  he  could  not  give  a  very  particu 
lar  account.  He  had  some  letters,  and  was  in 
genious,  but  he  was  an  infidel,  and  wickedly  under 
took,  some  years  after,  to  turn  the  Bible  into  dog 
gerel  verse,  as  Cotton  had  formerly  done  with  Vir 
gil.  By  this  means  he  set  many  facts  in  a  ridicu 
lous  light,  and  might  have  done  mischief  with  weak 
minds  if  his  work  had  been  published ;  but  it  nevei 
was. 

At  his  house  I  lay  that  night,  and  arrived  the 
next  morning  at  Burlington,  but  had  the  mortifica 
tion  to  find  that  the  regular  boats  were  gone  a  little 
before,  and  no  other  expected  to  go  before  Tuesday, 
this  being  Saturday ;  wherefore  I  returned  to  an 
old  woman  in  the  town,  of  whom  I  had  bought 
some  gingerbread  to  eat  on  the  water,  and  asked 
her  advice.  She  proposed  to  lodge  me  till  a  passage 


,58 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


by  some  other  boat  occurred.  I  accepted  her  offer 
being  much  fatigued  by  traveling  on  foot.  Under 
standing  I  was  a  printer,  she  would  have  had  me 
remain  in  that  town  and  follow  my  business,  being 
ignorant  what  stock  was  necessary  to  begin  with. 
She  was  very  hospitable,  gave  me  a  dinner  of  ox- 
cheek  with  great  good  will,  accepting  only  of  a  Dot  of 


ale  111  return;  and  I  thought  myself  fixed  till  Tues 
day  should  come.  However,  walking  in  the  even 
ing  by  the  side  of  the  river,  a  boat  came  by,  which 
I  found  was  going  toward  Philadelphia,  with  several 
people  in  her.  They  took  me  in,  and,  as  there  was 
no  wind,  we  rowed  all  the  way ;  and  about  mid 
night,  not  having  yet  seen  the  city,  some  of  the 
company  were  confident  we  must  have  passed  it, 
jmd  would  row  no  further;  the  others  knew  not 
where  we  were ;  so  we  put  toward  the  shore,  got 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  39 

into  a  creek,  landed  near  an  old  fence,  with  the  rails 
of  which  we  made  a  fire,  the  night  being  cold,  in 
October,  and  there  we  remained  till  daylight.  Then 
one  of  the  company  knew  the  place  to  be  Cooper's 
Creek,  a  little  above  Philadelphia,  which  we  saw  as 
soon  as  we  got  out  of  the  creek,  and  arrived  there 
about  eight  or  nine  o'clock  on  the  Sunday  morning, 
and  landed  at  Market-street  wharf. 

I  have  been  the  more  particular  in  this  description 
of  my  journey,  and  shall  be  so  of  my  first  entry  into 
that  city,  that  you  may  in  your  mind  compare  such 
unlikely  beginnings  with  the  figure  I  have  since 
made  there.  I  was  in  my  working  dress,  my  best 
clothes  coming  round  by  sea.  I  was  dirty  from  my 
being  so  long  in  the  boat.  My  pockets  were  stuff 
ed  out  with  shirts  and  stockings,  and  I  knew  no 
one,  nor  where  to  look  for  lodging.  Fatigued  with 
walking,  rowing,  and  the  want  of  sleep,  I  was  very 
hungry  ;  and  my  whole  stock  of  cash  consisted  in  a 
single  dollar,  and  about  a  shilling  in  copper  coin, 
which  I  gave  to  the  boatmen  for  my  passage.  At 
first  they  refused  it,  on  account  of  my  having  row 
ed  ;  but  I  insisted  on  their  taking  it.  Man  is  some 
times  more  generous  when  he  has  little  money  than 
when  he  has  plenty,  perhaps  to  prevent  his  being 
thought  to  have  but  little. 


40  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


CHAPTER  II. 

I  WALKED  toward  the  top  of  the  street,  gazing 
about  till  near  Market-street,  where  I  met  a  boy 
with  bread.  I  had  often  made  a  meal  of  dry  bread, 
and,  inquiring  where  he  had  bought  it,  I  went  im 
mediately  to  the  baker's  he  directed  me  to.  I  ask 
ed  for  biscuits,  meaning  such  as  we  had  at  Boston ; 
that  sort,  it  seems,  was  not  made  in  Philadelphia. 
I  then  asked  for  a  three-penny  loaf,  and  was  told 
they  had  none.  Not  knowing  the  different  prices, 
nor  the  names  of  the  different  sorts  of  bread,  I  told 
him  to  give  me  three-penny  worth  of  any  sort.  He 
gave  me,  accordingly,  three  great  puffy  rolls.  I  was 
surprised  at  the  quantity,  but  took  it,  and,  having  no 
room  in  my  pockets,  walked  off  with  a  roll  under 
each  arm,  and  eating  the  other.  Thus  I  went  up 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


43 


Market-street  as  far  as  Fourth-street,  passing  by  the 
door  of  Mr.  Read,  my  future  wife's  father;  when 
she,  standing  at  the  door,  saw  me,  and  thought  I 
made,  as  I  certainly  did,  a  most  awkward,  ridiculo'us 
appearance.  Then  I  turned  and  went  down  Ches 
nut-street  and  part  of  Walnut-street,  eating  my  roll 
all  the  way,  and,  coming  round,  found  myself  again 
at  Market-street  wharf,  near  the  boat  I  came  in,  tc 
which  I  went  for  a  draught  of  the  river  water ;  and, 
being  filled  with  one  of  my  rolls,  gave  the  other  two 
to  a  woman  and  her  child  that  came  down  the  rive; 
in  the  boat  with  us,  and  were  waiting  to  go  further 
Thus  refreshed,  I  walked  again  up  the  street 
which  by  this  time  had  many  clean-dressed  people 


44  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

in  it,  who  were  all  walking  the  same  way.  I  join 
ed  them,  and  thereby  was  led  into  the  great  meeting 
house  of  the  Quakers  near  the  market.  I  sat  down 
among  them,  and,  after  looking  round  a  while  and 
hearing  nothing  said,  being  very  drowsy  through 
labor  and  want  of  rest  the  preceding  night,  I  fell  fast 
asleep,  and  continued  so  till  the  meeting  broke  up, 
when  some  one  was  kind  enough  to  rouse  me. 
This,  therefore,  was  the  first  house  I  was  in,  or 
slept  in,  in  Philadelphia. 

I  then  walked  down  toward  the  river,  and,  looking 
in  the  faces  of  every  one,  I  met  a  young  Quaker 
man,  whose  countenance  pleased  me,  and,  accost 
ing  him,  requested  he  would  tell  me  where  a  stranger 
could  get  a  lodging.  We  were  then  near  the  sign 
of  the  Three  Mariners.  "Here,"  said  he,  "is  a 
house  where  they  receive  strangers,  but  it  is  not  a 
reputable  one ;  if  thee  wilt  walk  with  me,  I'll  show 
thee  a  better  one;"  and  he  conducted  me  to  the 
Crooked  Billet  in  Water-street  There  I  got  a 
dinner;  and,  while  I  was  eating,  several  questions 
were  asked  me,  as,  from  my  youth  and  appearance, 
I  was  suspected  of  being  a  runaway. 

After  dinner,  my  host  having  shown  me  to  a  bed, 
I  laid  myself  on  it  without  undressing,  and  slept  till 
six  in  the  evening,  when  I  was  called  to  supper.  I 
went  to  bed  again  very  early,  and  slept  very  soundly 
till  next  morning.  Then  I  dressed  myself  as  neat  as 
I  could,  and  went  to  Andrew  Bradford  the  printer's. 
I  found  in  the  shop  the  old  man  his  father,  whom  I 
had  seen  at  New  York,  and  who,  traveling  on  horse- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


45 


back,  iiad  got  to  Philadelphia  before  me.  He  in 
troduced  me  to  his  SOD,  who  received  me  civilly, 
gave  me  a  breakfast,  but  told  me  he  did  not  at  pres 
ent  want  a  hand,  being  lately  supplied  with  one; 
but  there  was  another  printer  in  town,  lately  set  up, 
one  Keimer,  who,  perhaps,  might  employ  me  ;  if  not, 
I  should  be  welcome  to  lodge  at  his  house,  and  he 
would  give  me  a  little  work  to  do  now  and  then  till 
fuller  business  should  offer. 

The  old  gentleman  said  he  would  go  with  me  to 
the  new  printer ;  and  when  we  found  him,  "  Neigh 
bor,"  said  Bradford,  "I  have  brought  to  see  you  a 
young  man  of  your  business  ;  perhaps  you  may  want 
such  a  one."  He  asked  me  a  few  questions,  put  a 
composing  stick  in  my  hand  to  see  how  I  worked, 
and  then  said  he  would  employ  me  soon,  though  he 
had  just  then  nothing  for  me  to  do  ;  and,  taking 
old  Bradford,  whom  he  had  never  seen  before,  to 


46  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

be  one  of  the  town's  people  that  had  a  good  will 
for  him,  entered  into  a  conversation  on  his  present 
undertaking  and  prospects ;  while  Bradford,  not  dis 
covering  that  he  was  the  other  printer's  father,  on 
Keimer's  saying  he  expected  sooato  get  the  greatest 
part  of  the  business  into  his  own  hands,  drew  him 
on  by  artful  questions,  and  starting  little  doubts,  to 
explain  all  his  views,  what  influence  he  relied  on, 
and  in  what  manner  he  intended  to  proceed.  I,  who 
stood  by  and  heard  all,  saw  immediately  that  one 
was  a  crafty  old  sophister,  and  the  other  a  true  nov 
ice.  Bradford  left  me  with  Keimer,  who  was  great 
ly  surprised  when  I  told  him  who  the  old  man  was. 
The  printing-house,  I  found,  consisted  of  an  old, 
damaged  press,  and  a  small,  worn-out  font  of  En 
glish  types,  which  he  was  using  himself,  composing 
an  Elegy  on  Aquila  Rose,  before  mentioned,  an  in 
genious  young  man,  of  excellent  character,  much  re 
spected  in  the  town,  secretary  to  the  Assembly,  and 
a  pretty  poet  Keimer  made  verses  too,  but  very 
indifferently.  He  could  not  be  said  to  write  them, 
for  his  method  was  to  compose  them  in  the  types 
directly  out  of  his  head.  There  being  no  copy,  but 
one  pair  of  cases,  and  the  Elegy  probably  requiring 
all  the  letter,  no  one  could  help  him.  I  endeavored 
to  put  his  press  (which  he  had  not  yet  used,  and 
of  whfch  he  understood  nothing)  into  order  to  be 
worked  with ;  and,  promising  to  come  and  print  off 
his  Elegy  as  soon  as  he  should  have  got  it  ready,  I 
returned  to  Bradford's,  who  gave  me  a  little  job  to 
do  for  the  present,  and  there  I  lodged  and  dieted 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  47 

A  few  days  after,  Keimer  sent  for  me  to  print  off 
the  Elegy.  And  now  he  had  got  another  pair  of 
cases,  and  a  pamphlet  to  reprint,  on  which  he  set 
me  to  work. 

These  two  printers  I  found  poorly  qualified  for 
their  business.  Bradford  had  not  been  bred  to  it, 
and  was  very  illiterate ;  and  Keimer,  though  some 
thing  of  a  scholar,  was  a  mere  compositor,  knowing 
nothing  of  presswork.  He  had  been  one  of  the 
French  prophets,  and  could  act  their  enthusiastic 
agitations.  At  this  time  he  did  not  profess  any  par 
ticular  religion,  but  something  of  all  on  occasion ;  was 
very  ignorant  of  the  world,  and  had,  as  I  afterward 
found,  a  good  deal  of  the  knave  in  his  composition 
He  did  not  like  my  lodging  at  Bradford's  while  ] 
worked  with  him.  He  had  a  house,  indeed,  but 
without  furniture,  so  he  could  not  lodge  me ;  but  he 
got  me  a  lodging  at  Mr.  Read's,  before  mentioned, 
who  was  the  owner  of  his  house ;  and,  my  chest  of 
clothes  being  come  by  this  time,  I  made  rather  a 
more  respectable  appearance  in  the  eyes  of  Miss 
Read  than  I  had  done  when  she  first  happened  to 
see  me  eating  my  roll  in  the  street. 

I  began  now  to  have  some  acquaintance  among 
the  young  people  of  the  town,  that  were  lovers  of 
reading,  with  whom  I  spent  my  evenings  very  ple.as- 
antly ;  and  gained  money  by  my  industry  and  fru- 
gality.  I  lived  very  contented,  and  forgot  Boston 
as  much  as  I  could,  and  did  not  wish  it  should  be 
known  where  I  resided,  except  to  my  friend  Collins, 
who  was  in  the  secret,  and  kept  it  faithfully.  At 


48  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

length,  however,  an  incident  happened  that  occa 
sioned  my  return  home  much  sooner  than  I  had  in 
tended.  I  had  a  brother-in-law,  Robert  Holmes, 
master  of  a  sloop  that  traded  between  Boston  and 
Delaware.  He  being  at  Newcastle,  forty  miles 
below  Philadelphia,  and  hearing  of  me,  wrote  me 
a  letter  mentioning  the  grief  of  my  relations  and 
friends  in  Boston  at  my  abrupt  departure,  assuring 
me  of  their  good  will  to  me,  and  that  every  thing 
would  be  accommodated  to  my  mind  if  I  would  re 
turn,  to  which  he  entreated  me  earnestly.  I  wrote 
an  answer  to  his  letter,  thanked  him  for  his  advice, 
but  stated  my  reasons  for  quitting  Boston  so  fullj 
and  in  such  a  light  as  to  convince  him  that  I  was 
not  so  much  in  the  wrong  as  he  had  apprehended. 

Sir  William  Keith,  governor  of  the  province,  was 
then  at  Newcastle,  and  Captain  Holmes,  happening 
to  be  in  company  with  him  when  my  letter  came  to 
hand,  spoke  to  him  of  me,  and  showed  him  the  let 
ter.  The  governor  read  it,  and  seemed  surprised 
when  he  was  told  my  age.  He  said  I  appeared  a 
young  man  of  promising  parts,  and  therefore  should 
be  encouraged ;  the  printers  at  Philadelphia  were 
wretched  ones;  and,  if  I  would  set  up  there,  he  made 
no  doubt  I  should  succeed ;  for  his  part,  he  would 
procure  me  the  public  business,  and  do  me  every 
other  service  in  his  power.  This  my  brother-in- 
law  Holmes  afterward  told  me  in  Boston,  but  I  knew 
as  yet  nothing  of  it ;  when,  one  day,  Keimer  and  I 
being  at  work  together  near  the  window,  we  saw 
the  governor  and  another  gentleman  (who  proved  to 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  49 

be  Colonel  French,  of  Newcastle,  in  the  province  of 
Delaware),  finely  dressed,  come  directly  across  the 
street  to  our  house,  and  heard  them  at  the  door. 

Keimer  ran  down  immediately,  thinking  it  a  visit 
to  him;  but  the  governor  inquired  for  me,  came  up, 
and  with  a  condescension  and  politeness  I  had  been 
quite  unused  to,  made  me  :nany  compliments,  de 
sired  to  be  acquainted  with  me,  blamed  me  kindly 
for  not  having  made  myself  known  to  him  when  I 
first  came  to  the  place,  and  would  have  me  away 
with  him  to  the  tavern,  where  he  was  going  with 
Colonel  French  to  taste,  as  he  said,  some  excellent 
Madeira.     I  was  not  a  little  surprised,  and  Keimer 
stared  with  astonishment     I  went,  however,  with 
the  governor  and  Colonel  French  to  a  tavern,  at  the 
corner  of  Third-street,  and  over  the  Madeira  he  pro 
posed  my  setting  up  my  business.     He  stated  the 
probabilities  of  my  success,  and  both  he  and  Colo 
nel  French  assured  me  I  should  have  their  interest 
and  influence  to  obtain  for  me  the  public  business 
of  both  governments  ;    and  as  I  expressed  doubts 
that  my  father  would  assist  me  in  it,  Sir  William 
said  he  would  give  me  a  letter  to  him,  in  which  he 
would  set  forth  the  advantages,  and  he  did  not  doubt 
he   should  determine  him  to  comply.     So  it  was 
concluded  I  should  return  to  Boston  by  the  first  ves 
sel,  with  the  governor's  letter  to  my  father.     In  the 
mean  time  it  was  to  be  kept  a  secret,  and  I  went  on 
working  with  Keimer  as  usual.     The  governor  sent 
for  me  now  and  then  to  dine  with  him,  which  I 

considered  a  great  honor,  more  particularly  as  he 

D 


50  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

conversed  with  me  in  a  most  affable,  familiar,  and 
friendly  manner. 

About  the  end  of  April,  1724,  a  little  vessel  offer 
ed  for  Boston.     I  took  leave  of  Keimer  as  going  to 
see  my  friends.     Tb.e  governor  gave  me  an  ample 
letter,  saying  many  flattering  things  of  me  to  my 
father,  and  strongly  recommending  the  project  of 
my  setting  up  at  Philadelphia  as  a  thing  that  would 
make  my  fortune.     We  struck  on  a  shoal  in  going 
down  the  bay,  and  sprung  a  leak ;  we  had  a  bluster 
ing  time  at  sea,  and  were  obliged  to  pump  almost 
continually,  at  which  I  took  my  turn.     We  arrived 
safe,  however,  at  Boston  in  about  a  fortnight.     I 
had  been  absent  about  seven  months,  and  my  friends 
had  heard  nothing  of  me  ;  for  my  brother  Holmes 
was  not  yet  returned,  and  had  not  written  about  me. 
My  unexpected  appearance  surprised  the  family ;  all 
were,  however,  very  glad  to  see  me,  and  made  me 
welcome,  except  my  brother.     I  went  to  see  him  at 
his  printing-house.     I  was  better  dressed  than  ever 
while  in  his  service,  having  a  genteel  new  suit  from 
head  to  foot,  a  watch,  and  my  pockets  lined  with 
near  five  pounds  sterling  in  silver.     He  received  me 
not  very  frankly,  looked  me  all  over,  and  turned  to 
his  work  again. 

The  journeymen  were  inquisitive  where  I  had 
been,  what  sort  of  a  place  it  was,  and  how  I  liked 
it.  I  praised  it  much,  and  the  happy  life  I  led  in  it, 
expressing  strongly  my  intention  of  returning  to  it ; 
and,  one  of  them  asking  what  kind  of  money  we 
had  there,  I  produced  a  handful  of  silver,  and  spread 


LIFE     OF    F  R  A  i\  K  L  I  N, 


5J 


it  before  them,  which  was  a  kind  of  raree-show  they 
had  not  been  used  to,  paper  being  the  money  of 
Boston.  Then  I  took  an  opportunity  of  letting 
diem  see  my  watch ;  and,  lastly  (my  brother  still 
grum  and  sullen),  gave  them  a  dollar  to  drink,  and 
took  my  leave.  This  visit  of  mine  offended  him 
extremely ;  for,  when  my  mother  some  time  after 
spoke  to  him  of  a  reconciliation,  and  of  her  wish 
to  see  us  on  good  terms  together,  and  that  we  might 
live  for  the  future  as  brothers,  he  said  I  had  insulted 
him  in  such  a  manner  before  his  people  that  he 
could  never  forget  or  forgive  it.  In  this,  however, 
he  was  mistaken. 

My  father  received  the  governor's  letter  with  some 
surprise,  but  said  little  of  it  to  me  for  some  time. 
Captain  Holmes  returning,  he  showed  it  to  him,  and 
asked  him  if  he  knew  Sir  William  Keith,  and  what 
kind  of  man  he  was  ;  adding  that  he  must  be  of 


52  LIFE    OF    F<RANKLIN. 

small  discretion  to  think  of  setting  a  youth  up  in 
business  who  wanted  three  years  to  arrive  at  man's 
estate.  Holmes  said  what  he  could  in  favor  of  the 
project,  but  my  father  was  decidedly  against  it,  and 
at  last  gave  a  flat  denial.  He  wrote  a  civil  letter  to 
Sir  William,  thanking  him  for  the  patronage  he  had 
so  kindly  offered  me,  and  declining  to  assist  me  as 
yet  in  setting  up,  I  being,  in  his  opinion,  too  young 
to  be  trusted  with  the  management  of  an  undertaking 
so  important,  and  for  which  the  preparation  required 
a  considerable  expenditure. 

My  old  companion  Collins,  who  was  a  clerk  in 
the  post-office,  pleased  with  the  account  I  gave  him 
of  my  new  country,  determined  to  go  thither  also ; 
and,  while  I  waited  for  my  father's  determination, 
he  set  out  before  me  by  land  to  Rhode  Island,  leav 
ing  his  books,  which  were  a  pretty  collection  in 
mathematics  and  natural  philosophy,  to  come  with 
mine  and  me  to  New  York,  where  he  proposed  to 
wait  for  me. 

My  father,  though  he  did  not  approve  Sir  Will 
iam's  proposition,  was  yet  pleased  that  I  had  been 
able  to  obtain  so  advantageous  a  character  from  a 
person  of  such  note  where  I  had  resided,  and  that 
I  had  been  so  industrious  and  careful  as  to  equip 
myself  so  handsomely  in  so  short  a  time ;  therefore, 
seeing  no  prospect  of  an  accommodation  between 
my  brother  and  me,  he  gave  his  consent  to  my  re 
turning  again  to  Philadelphia,  advised  me  to  behave 
respectfully  to  the  people  there,  endeavor  to  obtain 
the  general  esteem,  and  avoid  lampooning  and  libel- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  53 

ing,  to  which  he  thought  I  had  too  much  inclination  ; 
telling  me,  that  by  steady  industry  and  prudent  par 
simony  I  might  save  enough  by  the  time  I  was  one- 
and-twenty  to  set  me  up  ;  and  that,  if  I  came  near 
the  matter,  he  would  help  me  out  with  the  rest. 
This  was  all  I  could  obtain,  except  some  small  gifts 
as  tokens  of  his  and  my  mother's  love,  when  I  em 
barked  again  for  New  York,  now  with  their  appro 
bation  and  their  blessing. 

The  sloop  putting  in  at  Newport,  Rhode  Island, 
1  visited  my  brother  John,  who  had  been  married 
and  settled  there  some  years.  He  received  me  very 
affectionately,  for  he  always  loved  me.  A  friend  of 
his,  one  Vernon,  having  some  money  due  to  him  in 
Pennsylvania,  about  thirty-five  pounds  currency,  de 
sired  I  would  recover  it  for  him,  and  keep  it  till  I 
had  his  directions  what  to  employ  it  in.  Accord 
ingly,  he  gave  me  an  order  to  receive  it.  This  busi 
ness  afterward  occasioned  me  a  good  deal  of  uneasi 
ness. 

At  Newport  we  took  in  a  number  of  passengers, 
among  whom  were  two  young  women  traveling  to 
gether,  and  a  sensible,  matron-like  Quaker  lady,  with 
her  servants.  I  had  shown  an  obliging  disposition 
to  render  her  some  little  services,  which  probably 
impressed  her  with  sentiments  of  good  will  toward 
me ;  for  when  she  witnessed  the  daily  growing 
familiarity  between  the  young  women  and  myself, 
which  they  appeared  to  encourage,  she  took  me 
aside,  and  said,  "  Young  man,  I  am  concerned  for 
thee,  as  thou  hast  no  friend  with  thee,  and  seems 


LIFE    OF    F  HANK  LIN. 


aot  to  know  much  of  the  world,  or  of  the  snares 
youth  is  exposed  to ;  depend  upon  it,  these  are  very 
bad  women ;  1  can  see  it  by  all  their  actions ;  and 
if  thee  art  not  upon  thy  guard,  they  will  draw  thee 
into  some  danger ;  they  are  strangers  to  thee,  and  I 
advise  thee,  in  a  friendly  concern  for  thy  welfare,  to 
have  no  acquaintance  with  them."  As  I  seemed  at 
first  not  to  think  so  ill  of  them  as  she  did,  she  men 
tioned  some  things  she  had  observed  and  heard  that 
had  escaped  my  notice,  but  now  convinced  me  she 
was  right.  I  thanked  her  for  her  kind  advice,  and 
promised  to  follow  it.  When  we  arrived  at  NCAY 
York,  they  told  me  where  they  lived,  and  invited 
me  to  come  and  see  them ;  but  I  avoided  it,  and  it 
was  well  I  did ;  for  the  next  day  the  captain  miss 
ed  a  silver  spoon  and  some  other  things,  that  had 
been  taken  out  of  his  cabin,  and,  knowing  that  these 
were  a  couple  of  strumpets,  he  got  a  warrant  to 
search  their  lodgings,  found  the  stolen  goods,  and 
had  the  thieves  punished.  So,  though  we  had 
escaped  a  sunken  rock,  which  we  scraped  upon  in 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  55 

the  passage,  I  thought  this  escape  of  rather  more 
importance  to  me. 

At  New  York  I  found  my  friend  Collins,  who  had 
arrived  there  some  time  before  me.  We  had  been 
intimate  from  children,  and  had  read  the  same  books 
together;  but  he  had  the  advantage  of  more  time  for 
reading  and  studying,  and  a  wonderful  genius  for 
mathematical  learning,  in  which  he  far  outstripped 
me.  While  I  lived  in  Boston,  most  of  my  hours  of 
leisure  for  conversation  were  spent  with  him,  and  he 
continued  a  sober  as  well  as  industrious  lad ;  was 
much  respected  for  his  learning  by  several  of  the 
clergy  and  other  gentlemen,  and  seemed  to  promise 
making  a  good  figure  in  life.  But,  during  my  ab 
sence,  he  had  acquired  a  habit  of  drinking  brandy ; 
and  I  found  by  his  own  account,  as  well  as  that  of 
others,  that  he  had  been  drunk  every  day  since  his 
arrival  at  New  York,  and  Behaved  himself  in  a  very 
extravagant  manner.  He  had  gamed  too,  and  lost 
his  money,  so  that  I  was  obliged  to  discharge  his 
lodgings,  and  defray  his  expenses  on  the  road  and 
at  Philadelphia,  which  proved  a  great  burden  to  me. 

The  then  Governor  of  New  York,  Burnet  (son  of 
Bishop  Burnet),  hearing  from  the  captain  that  one 
of  the  passengers  had  a  great  many  books  on  board, 
desired  him  to  bring  me  to  see  him.  I  waited  on 
him,  and  should  have  taken  Collins  with  me  had  he 
been  sober.  The  governor  received  me  with  great 
civility,  showed  me  his  library,  which  was  a  consid 
erable  one,  and  we  had  a  good  deal  of  conversation 
relative  to  books  and  authors.  This  was  the  second 


56 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


governor  who  had  done  me  the  honor  to  take  notice 
of  me ;  and  for  a  poor  boy  like  me,  it  was  very 
pleasing. 

We  proceeded  to  Philadelphia.  Ij  received  in  the 
way  Vernon's  money,  without  which  we  could  hard 
ly  have  finished  our  journey]]  Collins  wished  to  be 
employed  in  some  counting-house ;  but,  whether  they 
discovered  his  dram-drinking  by  his  breath,  or  by  his 
behavior,  though  he  had  some  recommendations,  he 
met  with  no  success  in  any  application,  and  con 
tinued  lodging  and  boarding  at  the  same  house  with 
me,  and  at  my  expense.  Knowing  I  had  that  money 
of  Vernon's,  he  was  continually  borrowing  of  me, 
still  promising  repayment  as  soon  as  he  should  be 
in  business.  At  length  he  had  got  so  much  of  it 
that  I  was  distressed  to  think  what  I  should  do  in 
case  of  being  called  on  to  remit  it. 

His  drinking  continued,  about  which  we  some 
times  quarreled;  for,  when  a  little  intoxicated,  he 
was  very  irritable.  Once,  in  a  boat  on  the  Dela- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  57 

ware  with  some  other  young  men,  lie  refused  to 
row  in  his  turn.  "  I  will  be  rowed  home,"  said  he. 
"  We  will  not.  row  you,"  said  I.  "  You  must,"  said 
he,  "  or  stay  all  night  on  the  water,  just  as  you 
please."  The  others  said,  "Let  us  row;  what  signi 
fies  it  f'  But,  my  mind  being  soured  with  his  other 
conduct,  I  continued  to  refuse.  So  he  swore  he 
would  make  me  row,  or  throw  me  overboard ;  and 
coming  along,  stepping  on  the  thwarts,  toward  me, 
when  he  came  up  and  struck  at  me,  I  clapped  my 
head  under  his  thighs,  and,  rising,  pitched  him  head 
foremost  into  the  river.  I  knew  he  was  a  good 
swimmer,  and  so  was  under  little  concern  about 
him ;  but  before  he  could  get  round  to  lay  hold  of 
the  boat,  we  had  with  a  few  strokes  pulled  her  out 
of  his  reach ;  and  whenever  he  drew  near  the  boat. 


we  asked  bun  if  he  would  row,  striking  a  few  strokes 
to  slide  her  away  from  him.  He  was  ready  t&  stifle 
with  vexation,  and  obstinately  would  not  promise  to 
row  Finding  him  at  last  beginning  to  tire,  we  drew 


58  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

him  into  the  boat,  and  brought  him  home  dripping 
wet.  We  hardly  exchanged  a  civil  word  after  this 
adventure.  At  length  a  West  India  captain,  who 
had  a  commission  to  procure  a  preceptor  for  the 
sons  of  a  gentleman  at  Barbadoes,  met  with  him, 
and  proposed  to  carry  him  thither  to  fill  that  situa 
tion.  He  accepted,  and  promised  to  remit  me  what 
he  owed  me  out  of  the  first  money  he  should  re 
ceive  ;  but  I  never  heard  of  him  after. 

The  violation  of  my  trust  respecting  Vernon's 
money  was  one  of  the  first  great  errata  of  my  life  ; 
and  this  showed  that  my  father  was  not  much  out 
in  his  judgment  when  he  considered  me  as  too 
young  to  manage  business.  But  Sir  William,  on 
reading  his  letter,  said  he  was  too  prudent;  that  there 
was  a  great  difference  in  persons ;  and  discretion  did 
not  always  accompany  years,  nor  was  youth  always 
without  it.  "  But,  since  he  will  not  set  you  up,  I 
will  do  it  myself.  Give  me  an  inventory  of  the 
things  necessary  to  be  had  from  England,  and  I  will 
send  for  them.  You  shall  repay  me  when  you  are 
able ;  I  am  resolved  to  have  a  good  printer  here, 
and  I  am  sure  you  must  succeed."  This  was  spoken 
with  such  an  appearance  of  cordiality,  that  I  had 
not  the  least  doubt  of  his  meaning  what  he  said.  I 
f  had  hitherto  kept  the  proposition  of  my  setting  up 
I  a  secret  in  Philadelphia,  and  I  still  kept  it.  Had  it 
been  known  that  I  depended  on  the  governor,  prob 
ably  some  friend,  that  knew  him  better,  would  have 
advised  me  not  to  rely  on  him,  as  I  afterward  heard 
it  as  his  known  character  to  be  liberal  of  promises 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  59 

which  he  never  meant  to  keep.  Yet,  unsolicited  as 
he  was  by  me,  how  could  I  think  his  generous  of 
fers  insincere  ?  I  believed  him  one  of  the  best  men 
in  the  world. 

I  presented  him  an  inventory  of  a  little  printing- 
house,  amounting  by  my  computation  to  about  one 
hundred  pounds  sterling.  He  liked  it,  but  asked  me 
if  my  being  on  the  spot  in  England  to  choose  the 
*ypes,  and  see  that  every  thing  was  good  of  the  kind, 
might  not  be  of  some  advantage.  "  Then,"  said  he, 
"  when  there,  you  may  make  acquaintance,  and 
establish  correspondences  in  the  bookselling  and 
stationery  line."  I  agreed  that  this  might  be  ad 
vantageous.  "  Then,"  said  he,  "  get  yourself  ready 
to  go  with  Annis ;"  which  was  the  annual  ship,  and 
the  only  one  at  that  time  usually  passing  between 
London  and  Philadelphia.  But  as  it  would  be  some 
months  before  Annis  sailed,  I  continued  working 
with  Keimer,  fretting  extremely  about  the  money 
Collins  had  got  from  me,  and  in  great  apprehensions 
of  being  called  upon  for  it  by  Vernon ;  this,  how 
ever,  did  not  happen  for  some  years  after. 

I  believe  I  have  omitted  mentioning  that,  in  my 
first  voyage  from  Boston  to  Philadelphia,  being  be 
calmed  off  Block  Island,  our  crew  employed  them 
selves  in  catching  cod,  and  hauled  up  a  great  num 
ber.  Till  then,  I  had  stuck  to  my  resolution  to  eat 
nothing  that  had  had  life;  and  on  this  occasion  1 
considered,  according  to  my  master  Tryon,  the 
taking  every  fish  as  a  kind  of  unprovoked  murder, 
since  none  of  them  had,  nor  could  do  us  any  injury 


60  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

that  might  justify  this  massacre.  All  this  seemed 
very  reasonable.  But  I  had  been  formerly  a  great 
lover  of  fish,  and,  when  it  came  out  of  the  frying- 
pan,  it  smelt  admirably  well.  I  balanced  some  time 
between  principle  and  inclination,  till  recollecting 
that,  when  the  fish  were  opened,  I  saw  smaller  fish 
taken  out  of  their  stomachs;  then  thought  I,  "If 
you  eat  one  another,  I  don't  see  why  we  may  not 
eat  you."  So  I  dined  upon  cod  very  heartily,  and 
have  since  continued  to  eat  as  other  people,  return 
ing  only  now  and  then  occasionally  to  a  vegetable 
diet.  So  convenient  a  thing  it  is  to  be  a  reason 
able  creature,  since  it  enables  one  to  find  or  make 
a  reason  for  every  thing  one  has  a  mind  to  do. 

Keimer  and  I  lived  on  a  pretty  good,  familiar  foot 
ing,  and  agreed  tolerably  well,  for  he  suspected  noth 
ing  of  my  setting  up.  He  retained  a  great  deal  of 
his  old  enthusiasm,  and  loved  argumentation.  We 
therefore  had  many  disputations.  I  used  to  work 
him  so  with  my  Socratic  method,  and  had  trepanned 
him  so  often  by  questions  apparently  so  distant  from 
any  point  we  had  in  hand,  yet  by  degrees  leading 
to  the  point,  and  bringing  him  into  difficulties  and 
contradictions,  that  at  last  he  grew  ridiculously  cau 
tious,  and  would  hardly  answer  me  the  most  com 
mon  question,  without  asking  first,  "  What  do  you 
intend  to  infer  from  that  V '  However,  it  gave  him 
so  high  an  opinion  of  my  abilities  in  the  confuting 
way,  that  he  seriously  proposed  my  being  his  col 
league  in  a  project  he  had  of  setting  up  a  new  sect. 
He  was  to  preach  the  doctrines,  and  I  was  to  con- 


LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN.  61 

found  all  opponents.  When  lie  came  to  explain  with 
me  upon  the  doctrines,  I  found  several  conundrums 
which  I  objected  to,  unless  I  might  have  my  way  a 
little  too,  and  introduce  some  of  mine. 

Keimer  wore  his  beard  at  full  length,  because 
somewhere  in  the  Mosaic  law  it  is  said,  "  Thou  shall 
not  mar  the  corners  of  thy  beard"  He  likewise  kept 
the  Seventh  day,  Sabbath ;  and  these  two  points 
were  essential  with  him.  I  disliked  both ;  but  agreed 
to  them  on  condition  of  his  adopting  the  doctrine 
of  not  using  animal  food.  "  I  doubt,"  said  he,  "  my 
constitution  will  not  bear  it."  I  assured  him  it 
would,  and  that  he  would  be  the  better  for  it.  He 
was  usually  a  great  eater,  and  I  wished  to  give  my 
self  some  diversion  in  half  starving  him.  He  con 
sented  to  try  the  practice,  if  I  would  keep  him  com 
pany.  I  did  so,  and  we  held  it  for  three  months. 
Our  provisions  were  purchased,  cooked,  and  brought 
to  us  regularly  by  a  woman  in  the  neighborhood, 
who  had  from  me  a  list  of  forty  dishes,  which  she 
prepared  for  us  at  different  times,  in  which  there 
entered  neither  fish,  flesh,  nor  fowl.  This  whim 
suited  me  the  better  at  this  time  from  the  cheapness 
of  it,  not  costing  us  above  eighteen  pence  sterling 
each  per  week.  I  have  since  kept  several  Lents  most 
strictly,  leaving  the  common  diet  for  that,  and  that 
for  the  common,  abruptly,  without  the  least  incon 
venience,  so  that  I  think  there  is  little  in  the  ad 
vice  of  making  those  changes  by  easy  gradations.  I 
went  on  pleasantly,  but  poor  Keimer  suffered  griev 
ously,  grew  tired  of  the  project,  longed  for  the  flesh- 


62 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


pots  of  Egypt,  and  ordered  a  roast  pig.  He  invited 
me  and  two  women  friends  to  dine  with  him ;  but, 
it  being  brought  too  soon  upon  table,  he  could  not 
resist  the  temptation,  and  ate  the  whole  before  we 

came. 

I  had  made  some  courtship  during  this  time  to 
Miss  Read.     I  had  a  great  respect  and  affection  for 


her,  and  had  some  reasons  to  believe  she  had  the 
same  for  me;  but,  as  I  was  about  to  take  a  long 
voyage,  and  we  were  both  very  young,  only  a  little 
above  eighteen,  it  was  thought  most  prudent  by  her 
mother  to  prevent  our  going  too  far  at  present,  as 
a  marriage,  if  it  was  to  take  place,  would  be  more 
convenient  after  my  return,  when  I  should  be,  as  I 
hoped,  set  up  in  my  business.  Perhaps,  too,  she 
thought  my  expectations  not  so  well  founded  as  I 
imagined  them  to  be. 

My  chief  acquaintances  at  this  time  were  Charles 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  63 

Osborne,  Joseph  Watson,  and  James  Ralph,  all 
lovers  of  reading;.  The  two  first  were  clerks  to 

a 

an  eminent  scrivener  or  conveyancer  in  the  town, 
Charles  Brockden ;  the  other  was  a  clerk  to  a  mer 
chant.  Watson  was  a  pious,  sensible  young  man, 
of  great  integrity ;  the  others  rather  more  lax  in 
their  principles  of  religion,  particularly  Ralph,  who, 
as  well  as  Collins,  had  been  unsettled  by  me,  for 
which  they  both  made  me  suffer.  Osborne  was 
sensible,  candid,  frank;  sincere  and  affectionate  to 
his  friends;  but,  in  literary  matters,  too  fond  of  criti 
cism.  Ralph  was  ingenious,  genteel  in  his  manners, 
and  extremely  eloquent ;  I  think  I  never  knew  a 
prettier  talker.  Both  were  great  admirers  of  poetry, 
and  began  to  try  their  hands  in  little  pieces.  Many 
pleasant  walks  we  have  had  together  on  Sundays 
in  the  woods,  on  the  banks  of  the  Schuylkill,  where 


we  read  to  one  another,  and  conferred  on  what  we 
had  read. 

Ralph  was  inclined  to  give  himself  up  entirely  to 


64  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

poetry,  not  doubting  that  he  might  make  great  pro 
ficiency  in  it,  and  even  make  his  fortune  by  it.  He 
pretended  that  the  greatest  poets  must,  when  they 
first  began  to  write,  have  committed  as  many  faults 
as  he  did.  Osborne  endeavored  to  dissuade  him, 
assured  him  he  had  no  genius  for  poetry,  and  ad 
vised  him  to  think  of  nothing  beyond  the  business 
he  was  bred  to  ;  that,  in  the  mercantile  way,  though 
he  had  no  stock,  he  might,  by  his  diligence  and  punc 
tuality,  recommend  himself  to  employment  as  a  factor, 
and  in  time  acquire  wherewith  to  trade  on  his  own 
account.  I  approved,  for  my  part,  the  amusing  one's 
self  with  poetry  now  and  then,  so  far  as  to  improve 
one's  language,  but  no  further. 

On  this  it  was  proposed  that  we  should  each  of  us, 
at  our  next  meeting,  produce  a  piece  of  our  own  com 
posing,  in  order  to  improve  by  our  mutual  observa 
tions,  criticisms,  and  corrections.     As  language  and 
expression  were  what  we  had  in  view  we  excluded 
all  considerations  of  invention  by  agreeing  that  the 
task  should  be  a  version  of  the  eighteenth  Psalm, 
which  describes  the  descent  of  a  Deity.     When  the 
*ime  of  our  meeting  drew  nigh,  Ralph  called  on  me 
first,  and  let  me  know  his  piece  was  ready.     I  told 
him  I  had  been  busy,  and,  having  little  inclination, 
had  done  nothing.     He  then  showed  me  his  piece 
for  my  opinion,  and  I  much  approved  it,  as  it  ap 
peared  to  me  to  have  great  merit.     "  Now,"  said  he, 
"  Osborne  never  will  allow  the  least  merit  in  any 
thing  of  mine,  but  makes  a  thousand  criticisms  out 
of  mere  envy.     He  is  not  so  jealous  of  you ;  I  wish. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  65 

therefore,  you  would  take  this  piece,  and  produce  it 
as  yours ;  I  will  pretend  not  to  have  had  time,  and 
so  produce  nothing.  We  shall  then  hear  what  he 
will  say  to  it."  It  was  agreed,  and  I  immediately 
transcribed  it,  that  it  might  appear  in  my  own  hand. 
We  met ;  Watson's  performance  was  read  ;  there 
were  some  beauties  in  it,  but  many  defects.  Os- 
borne's  was  read ;  it  was  much  better ;  Ralph  did  it 
justice;  remarked  some  faults,  but  applauded  the 
beauties.  He  himself  had  nothing  to  produce.  I 
was  backward;  seemed  desirous  of  being  excused; 
had  not  had  sufficient  time  to  correct,  &c.  ;  but  no 
excuse  could  be  admitted ;  produce  I  must.  It  was 
read  and  repeated ;  Watson  and  Osborne  gave  up 
the  contest,  and  joined  in  applauding  it.  Ralph 
only  made  some  criticisms,  and  proposed  some 
amendments;  but  I  defended  my  text.  Osborne 
was  severe  against  Ralph,  and  told  me  he  was  no 
better  able  to  criticise  than  compose  verses.  As 
these  two  were  returning  home,  Osborne  express 
ed  himself  still  more  strongly  in  favor  of  what  he 
thought  my  production  ;  having  before  refrained,  as 
he  said,  lest  I  should  think  he  meant  to  flatter  me. 
;'  But  who  would  have  imagined,"  said  he,  "  that 
Franklin  was  capable  of  such  a  performance ;  such 
painting,  such  force,  such  fire !  He  has  even  im 
proved  on  the  original.  In  common  conversation 
he  seems  to  have  no  choice  of  words ;  he  hesitates 
and  blunders ;  and  yet,  good  God !  how  he  writes !" 
When  we  next  met,  Ralph  discovered  the  trick  we 

had  played,  and  Osborne  was  laughed  at. 

E 


66  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

This  transaction  fixed  Ralph  in  his  resolution  of 
becoming  a  poet.  I  did  all  I  could  to  dissuade  him 
from  it,  but  he  continued  scribbling  verses  till  Pope 
cured  him.*  He  became,  however,  a  pretty  good 
prose  writer.  More  of  him  hereafter.  But,  as  1 
may  not  have  occasion  to  mention  the  other  two,  I 
shall  just  remark  here,  that  Watson  died  in  my  arms 
a  few  years  after,  much  lamented,  being  the  best  of 
our  set.  Osborne  went  to  the  West  Indies,  where 
he  became  an  eminent  lawyer  and  made  money,  but 
died  young.  He  and  I  had  made  a  serious  agree 
ment,  that  the  one  who  happened  first  to  die  should, 
ii  possible,  make  a  friendly  visit  to  the  other,  and 
acquaint  him  how  he  found  things  in  that  separate 
state.  But  he  never  fulfilled  his  promise. 

The  governor,  seeming  to  like  my  company,  had 

*  In  the  third  or  fourth  edition  of  the  "  Du'nciad"  occur  the  lines, 

"  Silence,  ye  \volves,  while  Ralph  to  Cynthia  howls, 
And  makes  Night  hideous — answer  him,  ye  owls." 

A  note  more  satirical  than  the  text  adds,  "James  Ralph,  3  name 
inserted  after  the  first  editions,  not  known  to  our  author  till  he  writ  a 
swearing  piece,  called  Sawney,  very  abusive  of  Dr.  Swift,  Mr.  Gay,  and 
himself.  These  lines  allude  to  a  thing  of  his,  entitled  Night,  a  poem.v 
Pope  calls  him  a  "low  writer"  who  praised  himself  in  the  journals — 
wholly  illiterate,  &c.  Ralph,  as  is  evident  from  Franklin's  account,  was 
a  man  of  no  moral  rectitude ;  and  his  flexible  principles  as  a  political 
hack  obtained  him  a  pension.  He  i*  saM  to  have  obtained  possession  of 
a  manuscript  belonging  to  Frederic,  prince  of  Wales,  for  surrendering 
which  his  former  pension  was  increased,  just  before  his  death  in  1762, 
to  six  hundred  pounds  a  year.  Mr.  Pope  could  hardly  be  thought  to  have 
"  cured  him  of  poetry,"  since  he  has  left  a  tragedy  and  other  dramatic 
pieces  behind  him.  Other  works  were  several  volumes  of  history,  show 
ing  great  research  and  acuteness ;  a  much-praised  work,  2  vols.  8vo,  on 
the  "Use  and  Abuse  of  Parliaments;"  a  work  in  8vo,  "The  Case  of 
Authors  by  Profession  ;"  and  a  vast  quantity  of  pamphlets,  &c.,  &c. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN?  67 

me  frequently  at  his  house,  and  his  setting  me  up 
was  always  mentioned  as  a  fixed  thing.  I  was  to 
take  with  me  letters  recommendatory  to  a  number 
of  his  friends,  besides  the  letter  of  credit  to  furnish 
me  with  the  necessary  money  for  purchasing  the 
press,  types,  paper,  &c.  For  these  letters  I  was  ap 
pointed  to  call  at  different  times,  when  they  were  to 
be  ready ;  but  a  future  time  was  still  named.  Thus 
we  went  on  till  the  ship,  whose  departure  too  had 
been  several  times  postponed,  was  on  the  point  of 
sailing.  Then,  when  I  called  to  take  my  leave  and 
receive  the  letters,  his  secretary,  Dr.  Baird,  came 
out  to  me  and  said  the  governor  was  extremely  busy 
in  writing,  but  would  be  down  at  Newcastle  before 
the  ship,  and  then  the  letters  would  be  delivered  to 
me. 

Ralph,  though  married,  and  having  one  child,  had 
determined  to  accompany  me  in  this  voyage.  It 
was  thought  he  intended  to  establish  a  correspond 
ence,  and  obtain  goods  to  sell  on  commission  ;  but  I 
found  after,  that,  having  some  cause  of  discontent 
with  his  wife's  relations,  he  proposed  to  leave  her 
on  their  hands,  and  never  to  return  to  America. 
Having  taken  leave  of  my  friends,  and  exchanged 
promises  with  Miss  Read,  I  quitted  Philadelphia  in 
the  ship,  which  anchored  at  Newcastle.  The  gov 
ernor  was  there ;  but  when  I  went  to  his  lodging, 
his  secretary  came  to  me  from  him  with  expressions 
of  the  greatest  regret  that  he  could  not  then  see  me, 
being  engaged  in  business  of  the  utmost  importance, 
but  that  he  would  send  the  letters  to  me  on  board. 


68 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


wishing  me  heartily  a  good  voyage  and  a  speedy  re 
turn,  &c.  I  returned  on  board  a  little  puzzled,  but 
still  not  doubting. 

Mr.  Andrew  Hamilton,  a  celebrated  lawyer  of 
Philadelphia,  had  taken  passage  in  the  same  ship 
for  himself  and  son,  with  Mr.  Denham,  a  Quaker 
merchant,  and  Messrs.  Oniam  and  Russel,  masters 
of  an  iron  work  in  Maryland,  who  had  engaged  the 
great  cabin ;  so  that  Ralph  and  I  were  forced  to  take 
up  with  a  berth  in  the  steerage,  and  none  on  board 
knowing  us,  were  considered  as  ordinary  persons. 
But  Mr.  Hamilton  and  his  son  (it  was  James,  since 
governor)  returned  from  Newcastle  to  Philadelphia, 
the  father  being  recalled  by  a  great  fee  to  plead  for 
a  seized  ship ;  and,  just  before  we  sailed,  Colonel 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  69 

French  coming  on  board,  and  showing  me  great  re* 
spect,  I  was  more  taken  notice  of,  and,  with  my 
friend  Ralph,  invited  by  the  other  gentlemen  to 
come  into  the  cabin,  there  being  now  room.  Ac 
cordingly,  we  removed  thither. 

Understanding  that  Colonel  French  had  brought 
on  board  the  governor's  despatches,  I  asked  the 
captain  for  those  letters  that  were  to  be  under  my 
care.  He  said  all  were  put  into  the  bag  together, 
and  he  could  not  then  come  at  them ;  but,  before 
we  landed  in  England,  I  should  have  an  opportunity 
of  picking  them  out ;  so  I  was  satisfied  for  the  pres 
ent,  and  we  proceeded  on  our  voyage.  We  had  a 
sociable  company  in  the  cabin,  and  lived  uncom 
monly  well,  having  the  addition  of  all  Mr.  Hamil 
ton's  stores,  who  had  laid  in  plentifully.  In  this 
passage  Mr.  Denham  contracted  a  friendship  for  me 
that  continued  during  his  life.  The  voyage  was 
otherwise  not  a  pleasant  oner  as  we  had  a  great  deal 
of  bad  weather. 


70 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


CHAPTER  III. 

WHEN  we  came  into  the  Channel,  the  captain 
kept  his  word  with  me,  and  gave  me  an  opportunity 
of  examining  the  bag  for  the  governor's  letters.  I 
found  some  upon  which  my  name  was  put  as  under 
my  care.  I  picked  out  six  or  seven,  that,  by  the 
handwriting,  I  thought  might  be  the  promised  let 
ters,  especially  as  one  of  them  was  addressed  to 
Baskett,  the  king's  printer,  and  another  to  some  sta 
tioner.  We  arrived  in  London  the  24th  of  Decem 
ber,  1724.  I  waited  upon  the  stationer,  who  came 
first  in  my  way,  delivering  the  letter  as  from  Gov 
ernor  Keith,  "  I  don't  know  such  a  person,"  said 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  71 

he  ;  but,  opening  the  letter,  "  O !  this  is  from  Rid- 
dlesden.  I  have  lately  found  him  to  be  a  complete 
rascal,  and  I  will  have  nothing  to  do  with  him,  nor 
receive  any  letters  from  him."  So,  putting  the  letter 
into  my  hand,  he  turned  on  his  heel  and  left  me  to 
serve  some  customer.  I  was  surprised  to  find  these 
were  not  the  governor's  letters ;  and,  after  recollect 
ing  and  comparing  circumstances,  I  began  to  doubt 
his  sincerity.  I  found  my  friend  Denham,  and  open 
ed  the  whole  affair  to  him.  He  let  me  into  Keith's 
character;  told  me  there  was  not  the  least  probability 
that  he  had  written  any  letters  for  me ;  that  no  one, 
who  knew  him,  had  the  smallest  dependence  on  him; 
and  he  laughed  at  the  idea  of  the  governor's  giving 
me  a  letter  of  credit,  having,  as  he  said,  no  credit 
to  give.  On  my  expressing  some  concern  about 
what  I  should  do,  he  advised  me  to  endeavor  get 
ting  some  employment  in  the  way  of  my  business. 
"Among  the  printers  here,"  said  he,  "you  will  im 
prove  yourself,  and,  when  you  return  to  America, 
you  will  set  up  to  greater  advantage." 

We  both  of  us  happened  to  know,  as  well  as  the 
stationer,  that  Riddlesden,  the  attorney,  was  a  very 
knave.  He  had  half  ruined  Miss  Read's  father  by 
persuading  him  to  be  bound  for  him.  By  his  letter 
it  appeared  there  was  a  secret  scheme  on  foot  to  the 
prejudice  of  Mr.  Hamilton  (supposed  to  be  then 
coming  over  with  us)  ;  that  Keith  was  concerned  in 
it  with  Riddlesden.  Denham,  who  was  a  friend  of 
Hamilton's,  thought  he  ought  to  be  acquainted  with 
it;  so,  when  he  arrived  in  England,  which  was  soon 


72  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

after,  partly  from  resentment  and  ill  will  to  Keith 
and  Riddlesden,  and  partly  from  good  will  to  him,  I 
waited  on  him,  and  gave  him  the  letter.  He  thank 
ed  me  cordially,  the  information  being  of  importance 
to  him ;  and  from  that  time  he  became  my  friend, 
greatly  to  my  advantage  afterward  on  many  occa 
sions. 

But  what  shall  we  think  of  a  governor  playing 
such  pitiful  tricks,  and  imposing  so  grossly  on  a  poor 
ignorant  boy  !  It  was  a  habit  he  had  acquired.  He 
wished  to  please  everybody ;  and,  having  little  to 
give,  he  gave  expectations.  He  was  otherwise  an 
ingenious,  sensible  man,  a  pretty  good  writer,  and  a 
good  governor  for  the  people,  though  not  for  his 
constituents,  the  proprietaries,  whose  instructions  he 
sometimes  disregarded.  Several  of  our  best  laws 
were  of  his  planning,  and  passed  during  his  admin 
istration. 

Ralph  and  I  were  inseparable  companions.  We 
took  lodgings  together  in  Little  Britain  at  three  shil 
lings  and  sixpence  a  week — as  much  as  we  could 
then  afford.  He  found  some  relations,  but  they 
were  poor,  and  unable  to  assist  him.  He  now  let 
me  know  his  intentions  of  remaining  in  London, 
and  that  he  never  meant  to  return  to  Philadelphia. 
He  had  brought  no  money  with  him,  the  whole  he 
could  muster  having  been  expended  in  paying  his 
passage.  I  had  fifteen  pistoles  ;  so  he  borrowed  oc 
casionally  of  me  to  subsist,  while  he  was  looking  out 
for  business.  He  first  endeavored  to  get  into  the 
playhouse,  believing  himself  qualified  for  an  actor; 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  73 

but  Wilkes,*  to  whom  he  applied,  advised  him  can 
didly  not  to  think  of  that  employment,  as  it  was  im 
possible  he  should  succeed  in  it.  Then  he  proposed 
to  Roberts,  a  publisher  in  Paternoster  Row,  to  write 
for  him  a  weekly  paper  like  the  Spectator,  on  cer 
tain  conditions,  which  Roberts  did  not  approve. 
Then  he  endeavored  to  get  employment  as  a  hack 
ney  writer,  to  copy  for  the  stationers  and  lawyers 
about  the  Temple,  but  could  not  find  a  vacancy. 

For  myself,  I  immediately  got  into  work  at  Pal 
mer's,  a  famous  printing-house  in  Bartholomew 
Close,  where  I  continued  near  a  year.  I  was  pretty 
diligent,  but  I  spent  with  Ralph  a  good  deal  of  my 
earnings  at  plays  and  public  amusements.  We  had 
nearly  consumed  all  my  pistoles,  and  now  just  rubbed 
on  from  hand  to  mouth.  He  seemed  quite  to  have 
forgotten  his  wife  and  child,  and  I,  by  degrees,  my 
engagements  with  Miss  Read,  to  whom  I  never  wrote 
more  than  one  letter,  and  that  was  to  let  her  know 
I  was  not  likely  soon  to  return.  This  was  another 
of  the  great  errata  of  my  life,  which  I  could  wish  to 
correct  if  I  were  to  live  it  over  again.  In  fact,  by 
our  expenses,  I  was  constantly  kept  unable  to  pay 
my  passage. 

At  Palmer's  I  was  employed  in  composing  for  the 
second  edition  of  Wollaston's  "  Religion  of  Nature" 
Some  of  his  reasonings  not  appearing  to  me  well 
founded,  I  wrote  a  little  metaphysical  piece  in  which 
I  made  remarks  on  them.  It  was  entitled  "A  Dis 
sertation  on  Liberty  and  Necessity,  Pleasure  and 

*  A  comedian  of  eminence. 


74 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN 


Pain"  I  inscribed  it  to  my  friend  Ralph ;  1  print 
ed  a  small  number.  It  occasioned  my  being  more 
considered  by  Mr.  Palmer  as  a  young  man  of  some 
ingenuity,  though  he  seriously  expostulated  with  me 
upon  the  principles  of  my  pamphlet,  which  to  him 
appeared  abominable.  My  printing  this  pamphlet 
was  another  erratum.  While  I  lodged  in  Little 
Britain,  I  made  an  acquaintance  with  one  Wile  ox, 
a  bookseller,  \vhose  shop  was  next  door.  He  had 
an  immense  collection  of  second-hand  books.  Cir 
culating  libraries  were  not  then  in  use ;  but  we 
agreed  that,  on  certain  reasonable  terms,  which  I 
have  now  forgotten,  I  might  take,  read,  and  return 


any  of  his  books.     This  I  esteemed  a  great  advan 
tage,  and  I  made  as  much  use  of  it  as  I  could. 

My  pamphlet  by  some  means  falling  into  the  hands 
of  one  Lyons,  a  surgeon,  author  of  a  book  entitled 
"  The  Infallibility  of  Human  Judgment"  it  occasion 
ed  an  acquaintance  between  us.  He  took  great  no- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  75 

tice  of  me,  called  on  me  often  to  converse  on  those 
subjects,  carried  me  to  the  Horns,  a  pale  alehouse  in 

Lane,  Cheapside,  and  introduced  me  to  Dr. 

Mandeville,  author  of  the  "Fable  of  the  Bees"  who 
had  a  club  there,  of  which  he  was  the  soul,  being  a 
most  facetious,  entertaining  companion.  Lyons,  too, 
introduced  me  to  Dr.  Pemberton,  at  Batson's  Coffee 
house,  who  promised  to  give  me  an  opportunity, 
some  time  or  other,  of  seeing  Sir  Isaac  Newton,  of 
which  I  was  extremely  desirous;  but  this  never  hap 
pened. 

I  had  brought  over  a  few  curiosities,  among  which 
the  principal  was  a  purse  made  of  the  asbestos,  which 
purifies  by  fire.  Sir  Hans  Sloane  heard  of  it,  came 
to  see  me,  and  invited  me  to  his  house  in  Blooms- 
bury  Square,  showed  me  all  his  curiosities,  and  per 
suaded  me  to  add  that  to  the  number,  for  which  he 
paid  me  handsomely. 

In  our  house  lodged  a  young  woman,  a  milliner, 
who,  I  think,  had  a  shop  in  the  Cloisters.  She  had 
been  genteelly  bred,  was  sensible,  lively,  and  of  a 
most  pleasing  conversation.  Ralph  read  plays  to 
her  in  the  evenings,  they  grew  intimate,  she  took 
another  lodging,  and  he  followed  her.  They  lived 
together  some  time ;  but,  he  being  still  out  of  busi 
ness,  and  her  income  not  sufficient  to  maintain  them 
with  her  child,  he  took  a  resolution  of  going  from 
London,  to  try  for  a  country  school,  which  he 
thought  himself  well  qualified  to  undertake,  as  he 
wrote  an  excellent  hand,  and  was  a  master  of  arith 
metic  and  accounts.  This,  however,  he  deemed  a 


76  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

business  below  him,  and  confident  of  future  better 
fortune,  when  he  should  be  unwilling  to  have  it 
known  that  he  once  was  so  meanly  employed,  he 
changed  his  name,  and  did  me  the  honor  to  assume 
mine ;  for  I  soon  after  had  a  letter  from  him,  ac 
quainting  me  that  he  was  settled  in  a  small  village 
(in  Berkshire,  I  think  it  was,  where  he  taught  read 
ing  and  writing  to  ten  or  a  dozen  boys,  at  sixpence 

each  per  week),  recommending  Mrs.  T to  my 

care,  and  desiring  me  to  write  to  him,  directing  for 
Mr.  Fraiiklin,  schoolmaster,  at  such  a  place. 

He  continued  to  write  to  me  frequently,  sending 
me  large  specimens  of  an  epic  poem  wtyich  he  was 
then  composing,  and  desiring  my  remarks  and  cor 
rections.  These  I  gave  him  from  time  to  time,  but 
endeavored  rather  to  discourage  his  proceeding.  One 
of  Young's  Satires  was  then  just  published.  I  copied 
and  sent  him  a  great  part  of  it,  which  set  in  a  strong 
light  the  folly  of  pursuing  the  Muses.  All  was  in 
vain;  sheets  of  the  poem  continued  to  come  by 

every  post.     In  the  mean  time,  Mrs.  T ,  having 

on  his  account  lost  her  friends  and  business,  was 
often  in  distresses,  and  used  to  send  for  me,  and 
borrow  what  money  I  could  spare  to  help  to  alleviate 
them.  I  grew  fond  of  her  company,  and,  being  at 
that  time  under  no  religious  restraint,  and  taking  ad 
vantage  of  my  importance  to  her,  I  attempted  to  take 
some  liberties  with  her  (another  erratum),  which 
she  repulsed  with  a  proper  degree  of  resentment. 
She  wrote  to  Ralph  and  acquainted  him  with  my 
conduct;  this  occasioned  a  breach  between  us;  and, 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  77 

when  he  returned  to  London,  he  let  me  know  he 
considered  all  the  obligations  he  had  been  under  to 
me  as  annulled,  from  which  I  concluded  I  was  never 
to  expect  his  repaying  the  money  I  had  lent  him,  or 
that  I  had  advanced  for  him.  This,  however,  was 
of  little  consequence,  as  he  was  totally  unable;  and 
by  the  loss  of  his  friendship  I  found  myself  relieved 
from  a  heavy  burden.  I  now  began  to  think  of  get 
ting  a  little  beforehand,  and,  expecting  better  em 
ployment,  I  left  Palmer's  to  work  at  Watts's,  near 
Lincoln's  Inn  Fields,  a  still  greater  printing-house. 
Here  I  continued  all  the  rest  of  my  stay  in  London 
At  my  first  admission  into  the  printing-house  I 
took  to  working  at  press,  imagining  I  felt  a  want  of 
the  bodily  exercise  I  had  been  used  to  in  America, 
where  presswork  is  mixed  with  the  composing.  I 
drank  only  water ;  the  other  workmen,  near  fifty  in 
number,  were  great  drinkers  of  beer.  On  occasion, 
I  carried  up  and  down  stairs  a  large  form  of  types 
in  each  hand,  when  others  carried  but  one  in  both 
hands.  They  wondered  to  see,  from  this  and  several 
instances,  that  the  Water- American,  as  they  called 
me,  was  sponger  than  themselves,  who  drank  strong 
beer !  We  had  an  alehouse  boy  who  attended  al 
ways  in  the  house  to  supply  the  workmen.  My 
companion  at  the  press  drank  every  day  a  pint  be 
fore  breakfast,  a  pint  at  breakfast  with  his  bread  and 
cheese,  a  pint  between  breakfast  and  dinner,  a  pint 
at  dinner,  a  pint  in  the  afternoon  about  six  o'clock, 
and  another  when  he  had  done  his  day's  work.  I 
thought  it  a  detestable  custom;  but  it  was  necessary, 


78 


F.IFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


he  supposed,  to  drink  strong  beer,  that  he  might  be 
strong  to  labor.  I  endeavored  to  convince  him  that 
the  bodily  strength  afforded  by  beer  could  only  be  in 
proportion  to  the  grain,  or  flour  of  the  barley  dis 
solved  in  the  water  of  which  it  was  made;  that 
there  was  more  flour  in  a  pennyworth  of  bread  ; 
and  therefore,  if  he  could  eat  that  with  a  pint  of 
water,  it  would  give  him  more  strength  than  a  quart 
of  beer.  He  drank  on,  however,  and  had  four  or  five 
shillings  to  pay  out  of  his  wages  every  Saturday  night 
for  that  vile  liquor;  an  expense  I  was  free  from. 
And  thus  these  poor  devils  keep  themselves  always 
under. 

Watts,  after  some  weeks,  desiring  to  have  me  in 


LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  79 

the  composing-room,  I  left  the  pressmen ;  a  new 
bien  venu  for  drink,  being  five  shillings,  was  demand 
ed  of  me  by  the  compositors.  I  thought  it  an  im 
position,  as  I  had  paid  one  to  the  pressmen;  the 
master  thought  so  too,  and  forbade  my  paying  it.  I 
stood  out  two  or  three  weeks,  was  accordingly  con 
sidered  as  an  excommunicate,  and  had  so  many  lit 
tle  pieces  of  private  malice  practised  on  me,  by  mix 
ing  my  sorts,  transposing  and  breaking  my  matter, 
&c.,  &c.,  if  ever  I  stepped  out  of  the  room,  and  all 
ascribed  to  the  chapel  ghost,  which  they  said  ever 
haunted  those  not  regularly  admitted,  that,  notwith 
standing  the  master's  protection,  I  found  myself 
obliged  to  comply  and  pay  the  money,  convinced 
of  the  folly  of  being  on  ill  terms  with  those  one  is  to 
live  with  continually. 

I  was  now  on  a  fair  footing  with  them,  and  soon 
acquired  considerable  influence.  I  proposed  some 
reasonable  alterations  in  their  chapel*  laws,  and  car 
ried  them  against  all  opposition.  From  my  example, 
a  great  many  of  them  left  their  muddling  breakfast 
of  beer,  bread,  and  cheese,  finding  they  could  with 
me  be  supplied  from  a  neighboring  house  with  a 
large  porringer  of  hot  water-gruel,  sprinkled  with 
pepper,  crumbled  with  bread,  and  a  bit  of  butter  in 
it,  for  the  price  of  a  pint  of  beer,  viz.,  three  half 
pence.  This  was  a  more  comfortable  as  well  as  a 
cheaper  breakfast,  and  kept  their  heads  clearer. 

*  A  printing-office  is  in  England  called  a  chapel,  from  a  tradition  that 
printing  was  first  carried  on  in  an  old  chapel.  The  bien  venu,  or  well- 
come,  answers  to  the  footing  in  other  employments :  it  is  altogether  abol 
ished  in  the  United  States,  and  is  falling  into  disuse  in  England. 


80  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

Those  who  continued  sotting  with  their  beer  all  day, 
were  often,  by  not  paying,  out  of  credit  at  the  ale 
house,  and  used  to  make  interest  with  me  to  get 
beer ;  their  light,  as  they  phrased  it,  being  out.  I 
watched  the  pay-table  on  Saturday  night,  and  col 
lected  what  I  stood  engaged  for  them,  having  to  pay 
sometimes  near  thirty  shillings  a  week  on  their  ac 
counts.  This,  and  my  being  esteemed  a  pretty  good 
riggite,  that  is,  a  jocular  verbal  satirist,  supported  my 
consequence  in  the  society.  My  constant  attend 
ance  (I  never  making  a  St.  Monday}  recommended 
me  to  the  master ;  and  my  uncommon  quickness  at 
composing  occasioned  my  being  put  upon  work  of 
dispatch,  which  was  generally  better  paid.  So  1 
went  on  now  very  agreeably. 

My  lodgings  in  Little  Britain  being  too  remote,  I 
found  another  in  Duke-street,  opposite  to  the  Romish 
Chapel.  It  was  up  three  pair  of  stairs  backward, 
at  an  Italian  warehouse.  A  widow  lady  kept  the 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  81 

• 

house ;  she  had  a  daughter,  and  a  maid  servant,  and 
a  journeyman  who  attended  the  warehouse,  but 
lodged  abroad.  After  sending  to  inquire  my  char 
acter  at  the  house  where  I  last  lodged,  she  agreed  to 
take  me  in  at  the  same  rate,  three  shillings  and  six 
pence  a  week ;  cheaper,  as  she  said,  from  the  pro 
tection  she  expected  in  having  a  man  to  lodge  in  the 
house.  She  was  a  widow,  an  elderly  woman  ;  had 
been  bred  a  Protestant,  being  a  clergyman's  daughter, 
but  was  converted  to  the  Catholic  religion  by  her 
husband,  whose  memory  she  much  revered ;  had 
lived  much  among  people  of  distinction,  and  knew 
a  thousand  anecdote?  of  them  as  far  back  as  the 
time  of  Charles  the  Second.  She  was  lame  in  her 
knees  with  the  goirt  and,  therefore,  seldom  stirred 
out  of  her  -room,  *o  sometimes  wanted  company  ; 
and  hers  was  so  Highly  amusing  to  me,  that  I  was 
sure  to  spend  an  evening  with  her  whenever  she  de 
sired  it.  Our  supper  was  only  half  an  anchovy  each, 
on  a  very  little  slice  of  bread  and  butter,  and  half  a 
pint  of  ale  between  us ;  but  the  entertainment  was 
in  her  conversation.  My  always  keeping  good 
hours,  and  giving  little  trouble  in  the  family,  made 
her  unwilling  to  part  with  me  ;  so  that,  when  I  talk 
ed  of  a  lodging  I  had  heard  of,  nearer  my  business, 
for  two  shillings  a  week,  which,  intent  as  I  was  on 
saving  money,  made  some  difference,  she  bid  me  not 
think  of  it,  for  she  would  abate  me  two  shillings  a 
week  for  the  future ;  so  I  remained  with  her  at  one 
shilling  and  sixpence  as  long  as  I  stayed  in  London. 

In  a  garret  of  her  house  there  lived  a  maiden  lady 

F 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

of  seventy,  in  the  most  retired  manner,  of  whom 
my  landlady  gave  me  this  account :  that  she  was  a 
Roman  Catholic,  had  been  sent  abroad  when  young, 
and  lodged  in  a  nunnery  with  an  intent  of  becoming 
a  nun ;  but,  the  country  not  agreeing  with  her,  she 
returned  to  England,  where,  there  being  no  nunnery, 
she  had  vowed  to  lead  the  life  of  a  nun,  as  near  as 
might  be  done  in  those  circumstances.  According 
ly,  she  had  given  all  her  estate  to  charitable  purposes, 
reserving  only  twelve  pounds  a  year  to  live  on,  and 
out  of  this  sum  she  still  gave  a  part  in  charity,  living 
herself  on  water-gruel  only,  and  using  no  fire  but  to 
boil  it.  She  had  lived  many  years  in  that  garret, 
being  permitted  to  remain  there  gratis  by  successive 
Catholic  tenants  of  the  house  below,  as  they  deem 
ed  it  a  blessing  to  have  her  there.  A  priest  visited 
her  to  confess  her  every  day.  "  From  this  I  asked 
her,"  said  my  landlady,  "  how  she,  as  she  lived,  could 
possibly  find  so  much  employment  for  a  confessor  f ' 
"Oh,"  said  she,  "it  is  impossible  to  avoid  vain 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  83 

thoughts"  I  was  permitted  once  to  visit  her.  She 
was  cheerful  and  polite,  and  conversed  pleasantly. 
The  room  was  clean,  but  had  no  other  furniture  than 
a  mattress,  a  table  with  a  crucifix,  and  a  book,  a 
stool  which  she  gave  me  to  sit  on,  and  a  picture 
over  the  chimney  of  Saint  Veronica  displaying 
her  handkerchief,  with  the  miraculous  figure  of 
Christ's  bleeding  face  on  it,  which  she  explained  to 
me  with  great  seriousness.  She  looked  pale,  but 
was  never  sick ;  and  I  give  it  as  another  instance 
on  how  small  an  income  life  and  health  may  be  sup 
ported. 

At  Watts' s  printing-house  I  contracted  an  ac 
quaintance  with  an  ingenious  young  man,  one  Wy- 
gate,  who,  having  wealthy  relations,  had  been  better 
educated  than  most  printers  ;  was  a  tolerable  Latin- 
ist,  spoke  French,  and  loved  reading.  I  taught  him 
and  a  friend  of  his  to  swim  at  twice  going  into  the 
river,  and  they  soon  became  good  swimmers.  They 
introduced  me  to  some  gentlemen  from  the  country, 
who  went  to  Chelsea  by  water  to  see  the  College 
and  Don  Saltero's  curiosities.  In  our  return,  at  the 
request  of  the  company,  whose  curiosity  Wygate 
had  excited,  I  stripped  and  leaped  into  the  river, 
and  swam  from  near  Chelsea  to  Blackfriar's,  per 
forming  in  the  way  many  feats  of  activity,  both  upon 
and  under  the  water,  that  surprised  and  pleased  those 
to  whom  they  were  novelties. 

I  had  from  a  child  been  delighted  with  this  exer 
cise,  had  studied  and  practised  Thevenot's  motions 
and  positions,  and  added  some  of  my  own,  aim- 


84  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

ing  at  the  graceful  and  easy  as  well  as  the  useful.* 
All  these  I  took  this  occasion  of  exhibiting  to  the 
company,  and  was  much  flattered  by  their  admira 
tion  ;  and  Wygate,  who  was  desirous  of  becoming 
a  master,  grew  more  and  more  attached  to  me  on 
that  account,  as  well  as  from  the  similarity  of  our 
studies.  He  at  length  proposed  to  me  traveling  all 
over  Europe  together,  supporting  ourselves  every 
where  by  working  at  our  business.  I  was  once  in 
clined  to  it;  but,  mentioning  it  to  my  good  friend 
Mr.  Denham,  with  whom  I  often  spent  an  hour  when 
I  had  leisure,  he  dissuaded  me  from  it,  advising  me 
to  think  only  of  returning  to  Pennsylvania,  which 
he  was  now  about  to  do. 

I  must  record  one  trait  of  this  good  man's  char 
acter.  He  had  formerly  been  in  business  at  Bristol, 
but  failed  in  debt  to  a  number  of  people,  compound 
ed,  and  went  to  America.  There,  by  a  close  ap 
plication  to  business  as  a  merchant,  he  acquired  a 
plentiful  fortune  in  a  few  years.  Returning  to  En 
gland  in  the  ship  with  me,  he  invited  his  old  creditors 
to  an  entertainment,  at  which  he  thanked  them  for 
the  easy  composition  they  had  favored  him  with, 
and,  when  they  expected  nothing  but  the  treat, 
every  man  at  the  first  remove  found  under  his  plate 
an  order  on  a  banker  for  the  full  amount  of  the  un 
paid  remainder,  with  interest. 

*  The  remarkable  experiments  of  Franklin  floating  with  a  kite-string 
in  his  hand,  &c.,  &c.,  and,  above  all,  his  sleeping  an  hour  by  the  watch 
while  floating-,  are  evidences  of  what  command  a  man  may  obtain  over 
the  water.  He  wrote  two  interesting  papers  on  the  art  of  swimming, 
which  have  been  much  quoted. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN  85 

He  now  told  me  he  was  about  to  return  to  Phila 
delphia,  and  should  carry  oyer  a  great  quantity  of 
goods  in  order  to  open  a  store  there.  He  proposed 
to  take  me  over  as  his  clerk,  to  keep  his  books,  in 
which  he  would  instruct  me,  copy  his  letters,  and 
attend  the  store.  He  added,  that,  as  soon  as  I  should 
be  acquainted  with  mercantile  business,  he  would 
promote  me  by  sending  me  with  a  cargo  of  flour  and 
bread  to  the  West  Indies,  and  procure  me  commis 
sions  from  others  which  would  be  profitable  ;  and,  if 
I  managed  well,  would  establish  me  handsomely. 
The  thing  pleased  me ;  for  I  was  grown  tired  of 
London,  remembered  with  pleasure  the  happy  months 
I  had  spent  in  Pennsylvania,  and  wished  again  to  see 
it ;  therefore  I  immediately  agreed  on  the  terms  of 
fifty  pounds  a  year,  Pennsylvania  money ;  less,  in 
deed,  than  my  present  gettings  as  a  compositor,  but 
affording  a  better  prospect. 

I  now  took  leave  of  printing,  as  I  thought,  for 
ever,  and  was  daily  employed  in  my  new  business, 
going  about  with  Mr.  Denham  among  the  tradesmen 
to  purchase  various  articles,  and  see  them  packed 
up,  delivering  messages,  calling  upon  workmen  to 
dispatch,  &c. ;  and,  when  all  was  on  board,  I  had  a 
few  days'  leisure.  On  one  of  these  days,  I  was,  to 
my  surprise,  sent  for  by  a  great  man  I  knew  only  by 
name,  Sir  William  Wyndham,  and  I  waited  upon 
him.  He  had  heard  by  some  means  or  other  of  my 
swimming  from  Chelsea  to  Blackfriar's,  and  of  my 
teaching  Wygate  and  another  young  man  to  swim 
in  a  few  hours.  He  had  two  sons,  about  to  set  out 


86  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

on  their  travels ;  he  wished  to  have  them  first  taught 
swimming,  and  proposed  to  gratify  me  handsomely 
if  I  would  teach  them.  They  were  not  yet  come 
to  town,  and  my  stay  was  uncertain,  so  I  could  not 
undertake  it ;  but,  from  the  incident,  I  thought  it 
likely  that,  if  I  were  to  remain  in  England  and  open 
a  swimming-school,  I  might  get  a  good  deal  of 
money ;  and  it  struck  me  so  strongly,  that,  had  the 
overture  been  made  me  sooner,  probably  I  should 
not  so  soon  have  returned  to  America.  Many  years 
after,  you  and  I  had  something  of  more  importance 
to  do  with  one  of  these  sons  of  Sir  William  Wynd- 
ham,  become  Earl  of  Egremont,  which  I  shall  men 
tion  in  its  place. 

Thus  I  passed  about  eighteen  months  in  London; 
most  part  of  the  time  I  worked  hard  at  my  busi 
ness,  and  spent  but  little  upon  myself  except  in  see 
ing  plays  and  in  books.  My  friend  Ralph  had  kept 
me  poor ;  he  owed  me  about  twenty-seven  pounds, 
which  I  was  now  never  likely  to  receive ;  a  great 
sum  out  of  my  small  earnings !  I  loved  him,  not 
withstanding,  for  he  had  many  amiable  qualities.  I 
had  improved  my  knowledge,  however,  though  I  had 
by  no  means  improved  my  fortune  ;  but  I  had  made 
some  very  ingenious  acquaintance,  whose  conversa 
tion  was  of  great  advantage  to  me ;  and  I  had  read 
considerably. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  87 


CHAPTER  IV. 

WE  sailed  from  Gravesend  on  the  23d  of  July, 
1726.  For  the  incidents  of  the  voyage,  I  refer  you 
to  my  Journal,  where  you  will  find  them  all  minute 
ly  related.  Perhaps  the  most  important  part  of  that 
journal  is  the  plan*  to  be  found  in  it,  which  I  form 
ed  at  sea,  for  regulating  the  future  conduct  of  my 
life.  It  is  the  more  remarkable,  as  being  formed 
when  I  was  so  young,  and  yet  being  pretty  faithful 
ly  adhered  to  quite  through  to  old  age. 

We  landed  at  Philadelphia  on  the  llth  of  Octo 
ber,  where  I  found  sundry  alterations.  Keith  was  no 
longer  governor,  being  superseded  by  Major  Gordon. 
I  met  him  walking  the  streets  as  a  common  citizen. 
He  seemed  a  little  ashamed  at  seeing  me,  and  passed 
without  saying  any  thing.  I  should  have  been  as 
much  ashamed  at  seeing  Miss  Read,  had  not  her 
friends,  despairing  with  reason  of  my  return  after 
the  receipt  of  my  letter,  persuaded  her  to  marry  an- 

*  The  part  referred  to  as  the  most  "  important  part  of  the  Journal," 
the  Plan  of  Order,  is  not  found  in  the  manuscript  Journal  which  was  left 
among  Franklin's  papers ;  nor  is  the  original  Journal  extant  in  this  country. 
The  copy  of  the  Journal  found  among  the  papers  was  made  at  Reading 
in  1787 ;  the  original  is  probably  lost,  as  the  son  of  William  Franklin  died 
in  England  without  issue.  In  a  subsequent  chapter  of  the  autobiography 
a  specimen  of  the  "  Plan  of  Order"  is  given.  The  Journal  at  sea  is 
pleasantly  written,  but  contains  nothing  of  so  much  interest  and  import 
ance  as  the  autobiography. 


88  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

other,  one  Rogers,  a  potter,  which  was  doiie  in  my 
absence.  With  him,  however,  she  was  never  happy, 
and  soon  parted  from  him,  refusing  to  cohabit  with 
him  or  bear  his  name,  it  being  now  said  he  had  an 
other  wife.  He  was  a  worthless  fellow,  though  an 
excellent  workman,  which  was  the  temptation  to 
her  friends.  He  got  into  debt,  ran  away  in  1727 
or  1728,  went  to  the  West  Indies,  and  died  there. 
Keimer  had  got  a  better  house,  a  shop  well  supplied 
with  stationery,  plenty  of  new  types,  and  a  number 
of  hands,  though  none  good,  and  seemed  to  have  a 
great  deal  of  business. 

Mr.  Denham  took  a  store  in  Water-street,  where 
we  opened  our  goods ;  I  attended  the  business  dili 
gently,  studied  accounts,  and  grew,  in  a  little  time, 
expert  at  selling.  We  lodged  and  boarded  together; 
he  counseled  me  as  a  father,  having  a  sincere  regard 
for  me.  I  respected  and  loved  him,  and  we  might 
have  gone  on  together  very  happily ;  but,  in  the  be 
ginning  of  February,  1727,  when  I  had  just  passed 
my  twenty-first  year,  we  both  were  taken  ill.  My 
distemper  was  a  pleurisy,  which  very  nearly  carried 
me  off.  I  suffered  a  good  deal,  gave  up  the  point 
in  my  own  mind,  and  was  at  the  time  rather  disap 
pointed  when  I  found  myself  recovering,  regretting, 
in  some  degree,  that  I  must  now,  some  time  or  other, 
have  all  that  disagreeable  work  to  go  over  again.  I 
forget  what  Mr.  Denham's  distemper  was;  it  held 
him  a  long  time,  and  at  length  carried  him  ofT.  He 
left  me  a  small  legacy  in  a  nuncupative  will,  as  a 
token  of  his  kindness  for  me,  and  he  left  me  once 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  89 

more  to  the  wide  world;  for  the  store  was  taken 
into  the  care  of  his  executors,  and  my  employment 
under  him  ended. 

My  brother-in-law,  Holmes,  being  now  at  Phila 
delphia,  advised  my  return  to  my  business;  and 
Keimer  tempted  me,  with  an  offer  of  large  wages 
by  the  year,  to  come  and  take  the  management  of 
his  printing-house,  that  he  might  better  attend  to  his 
stationer's  shop.  I  had  heard  a  bad  character  of 
him  in  London  from  his  wife  and  her  friends,  and 
was  not  for  having  any  more  to  do  with  him.  I 
wished  for  employment  as  a  merchant's  clerk;  but, 
not  meeting  with  any,  I  closed  again  with  Keimer. 
I  found  in  his  house  these  hands :  Hugh  Meredith, 
a  Welsh  Pennsylvanian,  thirty  years  of  age,  bred  to 
country  work;  he  was  honest,  sensible,  a  man  of 
experience,  and  fond  of  reading,  but  addicted  to 
drinking.  Stephen  Potts,  a  young  countryman  of 
full  age,  bred  to  the  same,  of  uncommon  natural 
parts,  and  great  wit  and  humor,  but  a  little  idle. 
These  he  had  agreed  with  at  extreme  low  wages 
per  week,  to  be  raised  a  shilling  every  three  months, 
as  they  would  deserve  by  improving  in  their  busi 
ness  ;  and  the  expectation  of  these  high  wages,  to 
come  on  hereafter,  was  what  he  had  drawn  them  in 
with.  Meredith  was  to  work  at  press,  Potts  at  book 
binding,  which  he,  by  agreement,  was  to  teach  them, 
though  he  knew  neither  one  nor  the  other.  John 

,  a  wild  Irishman,  brought  up  to  no  business, 

whose  service,  for  four  years,  Keimer  had  purchased 
from  the  captain  of  a  ship ;  he,  too,  was  to  be  made 


90  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

a  pressman.  George  Webb,  an  Oxibrd  scholar, 
whose  time  for  four  years  he  had  likewise  bought, 
intending  him  for  a  compositor,  of  whom  more  pres 
ently  ;  and  David  Harry,  a  country  boy,  whom  he 
had  taken  apprentice. 

I  soon  perceived  that  the  intention  of  engaging 
me  at  wages  so  much  higher  than  he  had  been  used 
to  give,  was,  to  have  these  raw,  cheap  hands  formed 
through  me ;  and,  as  soon  as  I  had  instructed  them, 
they  being  all  articled  to  him,  he  should  be  able  to 
do  without  me.  I  went,  however,  very  cheerfully, 
put  his  printing-house  in  order,  which  had  been  in 
great  confusion,  and  brought  his  hands  by  degrees 
to  mind  their  business  and  to  do  it  better. 

It  was  an  odd  thing  to  find  an  Oxford  scholar  in 
the  situation  of  a  bought  servant.  He  was  not  more 
than  eighteen  years  of  age,  and  he  gave  me  this  ac 
count  of  himself:  that  he  was  born  in  Gloucester, 
educated  at  a  grammar-school,  and  had  been  distin 
guished  among  the  scholars  for  some  apparent  supe 
riority  in  performing  his  part,  when  they  exhibited 
plays ;  belonged  to  the  Wits'  Club  there,  and  had 
written  some  pieces  in  prose  and  verse,  which  were 
printed  in  the  Gloucester  newspapers ;  thence  was 
sent  to  Oxford,  where  he  continued  about  a  year, 
but  not  well  satisfied,  wishing  of  all  things  to  see 
London,  and  become  a  player.  At  length,  receiving 
his  quarterly  allowance  of  fifteen  guineas,  instead  of 
discharging  his  debts  he  went  out  of  town,  hid  his 
gown  in  a  furze  bush,  and  walked  to  London, 
where,  having  no  friend  to  advise  him,  he  fell  intc 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  91 

bad  company,  soon  spent  his  guineas,  found  no 
means  of  being  introduced  among  the  players,  grew 
necessitous,  pawned  his  clothes,  and  wanted  bread. 
Walking  the  street  very  hungry,  not  knowing  what 
to  do  with  himself,  a  crimp's  bill  was  put  into  his 
hand,  offering  immediate  entertainment  and  en 
couragement  to  such  as  would  bind  themselves  to 
serve  in  America.  He  went  directly,  signed  the  in 
dentures,  was  put  into  the  ship,  and  came  over, 
never  writing  a  line  to  his  friends  to  acquaint  them 
what  was  become  of  him.  He  was  lively,  witty, 
good-natured,  and  a  pleasant  companion,  but  idle, 
thoughtless,  and  imprudent  to  the  last  degree. 

John,  the  Irishman,  soon  ran  away;  with  the  rest 
I  began  to  live  very  agreeably,  for  they  all  respected 
me  the  more,  as  tliey  found  Keimer  incapable  of  in 
structing  them,  and  that  from  me  they  learned  some 
thing  daily.  My  acquaintance  with  ihgenious  peo 
ple  in  the  town  increased.  We  never  worked  on 
Saturday,  that  being  Keimer' s  Sabbath,  so  that  I 
had  two  days  for  reading.  Keimer  himself  treated 
me  with  great  civility  and  apparent  regard,  and 
nothing  now  made  me  uneasy  but  my  debt  to  Ver- 
non,  which  I  was  yet  unable  to  pay,  being  hitherto 
but  a  poor  economist.  He,  however,  kindly  made 
no  demand  of  it. 

Our  printing-house  often  wanted  sorts,  and  there 
was  no  letter-foundry  in  America ;  I  had  seen  types 
cast  at  James's  in  London,  but  without  much  atten 
tion  to  the  matter;  however,  I  contrived  a  mold, 
and  made  use  of  the  letters  we  had  as  puncheons, 


92 


LTFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


struck  the  matrices  in  lead,  and  thus  supplied  in  a 
pretty  tolerable  way  all  deficiencies.  I  also  engraved 
several  things  on  occasion ;  made  the  ink ;  I  was 
warehouseman,  and,  in  short,  quite  a  fac-totum. 

But,  however  serviceable  I  might  be,  I  found  that 
my  services  became  every  day  of  less  importance,  as 
the  other  hands  improved  in  their  business ;  and, 
when  Keimer  paid  me  a  second  quarter's  wages,  he 
let  me  know  that  he  felt  them  too  heavy,  and  thought 
I  should  make  an  abatement.  He  grew  by  degrees 
less  civil,  put  on  more  the  airs  of  master,  frequently 
found  fault,  was  captious,  and  seemed  ready  for  an 
outbreaking.  I  went  on,  nevertheless,  with  a  good 
deal  of  patience,  thinking  that  his  encumbered  cir 
cumstances  were  partly  the  cause.  At  length  a 
trifle  snapped  our  connection ;  for,  a  great  noise 
happening  near  the  court-house,  I  put  my  head  out 
of  the  window  to  see  what  was  the  matter.  Keimer, 
being  in  the  street,  looked  up  and  saw  me,  called 


LIFE    OF    FRAN  KLIN  93 

out  to  ine  in  a  loud  voice  and  angry  tone  to  mind 
my  business,  adding  some  reproachful  words,  that 
nettled  me  the  more  for  their  publicity,  all  the  neigh 
bors  who  were  looking  out  on  the  same  occasion  be 
ing  witnesses  how  I  was  treated.  He  came  up  im 
mediately  into  the  printing-house,  continued  the 
quarrel,  high  words  passed  on  both  sides,  he  gave 
me  the  quarter's  warning  we  had  stipulated,  express 
ing  a  w7ish  that  he  had  not  been  obliged  to  so  long 
a  warning.  I  told  him  his  wish  was  unnecessary,  for 
I  would  leave  him  that  instant;  and  so,  taking  my 
hat,  walked  out  of  doors,  desiring  Meredith,  whom  I 
saw  below,  to  take  care  of  some  things  I  left,  and 
bring  them  to  my  lodgings. 

Meredith  came  accordingly  in  the  evening,  when 
we  talked  my  affair  over.  He  had  conceived  a  great 
regard  for  me,  and  was  very  unwilling  that  I  should 
leave  the  house  while  he  remained  in  it.  He  dis 
suaded  me  from  returning  to  my  native  country, 
which  I  began  to  think  of;  he  reminded  me  that 
Keimer  was  in  debt  for  all  he  possessed;  that  his 
creditors  began  to  be  uneasy ;  that  he  kept  his  shop 
miserably,  sold  often  without  a  profit  for  ready  money, 
and  often  trusted  without  keeping  accounts;  that  he 
must  therefore  fail,  which  would  make  a  vacancy  I 
might  profit  of.  I  objected  my  want  of  money.  He 
then  let  me  know  that  his  father  had  a  high  opinion 
of  me,  and,  from  some.discourse  that  had  passed  be 
tween  them,  he  was  sure  would  advance  money  to 
set  me  up,  if  I  would  enter  into  partnership  with  him. 
"  My  time,"  said  he,  "  will  be  out  with  Keimer  in 


94  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

the  spring;  by  that  time  we  may  have  our  press 
and  types  in  from  London.  Lam  sensible  I  am  no 
workman ;  if  you  like  it,  your  skill  in  the  business 
ihall  be  set  against  the  stock  I  furnish,  and  we  will 
share  the  profits  equally." 

The  proposal  was  agreeable  to  me,  and  I  consent 
ed  ;  his  father  was  in  town  and  approved  of  it ;  the 
more  as  he  said  I  had  great  influence  with  his  son, 
had  prevailed  on  him  to  abstain  long  from  dram- 
drinking,  and  he  hoped  might  break  him  of  that 
wretched  habit  entirely,  when  we  came  to  be  so 
closely  connected.  I  gave  an  inventory  to  the  fa 
ther,  who  carried  it  to  a  merchant ;  the  things  were 
sent  for,  the  secret  was  to  be  kept  till  they  should 
arrive,  and  in  the  mean  time  I  was  to  get  work,  if  I 
could,  at  the  other  printing-house.  But  I  found  no 
vacancy  there,  and  so  remained  idle  a  few  days, 
when  Keimer,  on  a  prospect  of  being  employed  to 
print  some  paper  money  in  New  Jersey,  which 
would  require  cuts  and  various  types  that  I  only 
could  supply,  and  apprehending  Bradford  might  en 
gage  me  and  get  the  job  from  him,  sent  me  a  very 
civil  message,  that  old  friends  should  not  part  for  a 
few  words,  the  effect  of  sudden  passion,  and  wish 
ing  me  to  return.  Meredith  persuaded  me  to  com 
ply,  as  it  would  give  more  opportunity  for  his  im 
provement  under  my  daily  instructions ;  so  I  return 
ed,  and  we  went  on  more  smoothly  than  for  some 
time  before.  The  New  Jersey  job  was  obtained,  I 
contrived  a  copper-plate  press  for  it,  the  first  that 
had  been  seen  in  the  country ;  I  cut  several  orna- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


95 


merits  and  checks  for  the  bills.  We  went  together 
to  Burlington,  where  I  executed  the  whole  to  satis 
faction  ;  and  he  received  so  large  a  sum  for  the  work 
as  to  be  enabled  thereby  to  keep  himself  longer  from 
ruin. 

At  Burlington  I  made  acquaintance  with  many 
principal  people  of  the  province.  Several  of  them 
had  been  appointed  by  the  Assembly  a  committee 
to  attend  the  press,  and  to  take  care  that  no  more 
bills  were  printed  than  the  law  directed.  They  were 
therefore,  by  turns,  constantly  with  us,  and  generally 
he  who  attended  brought  with  him  a  friend  or  two 
for  company.  My  mind  having  been  much  more 
improved  by  reading  than  Keimer's,  I  suppose  it  was 
for  that  reason  my  conversation  seemed  to  be  more 
valued.  They  had  me  to  their  houses,  introduced 
me  to  their  friends,  and  showed  me  much  civility ; 
while  he,  though  the  master,  was  a  little  neglect 
ed.  In  truth,  he  was  an  odd  creature ;  ignorant 
of  common  life,  fond  of  rudely  opposing  received 
opinions,  slovenly  to  extreme  dirtiness,  enthusias- 


96  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

tic  in  some  points  of  religion,  and  a  little  knavish 
withal. 

We  continued  there  near  three  months ;  and  by 
that  time  I  could  reckon  among  my  acquired  friends, 
Judge  Allen,  Samuel  Bustill,  the  secretary  of  the 
Province,  Isaac  Pearson,  Joseph  Cooper,  and  several 
of  the  Smiths,  members  of  Assembly,  and  Isaac  De- 
cow,  the  surveyor-general.  The  latter  was  a  shrewd, 
sagacious  old  man,  who  told  me  that  he  began  for 
himself,  when  young,  by  wheeling  clay  for  the  brick- 
makers,  learned  to  write  after  he  was  of  age,  carried 
the  chain  for  surveyors,  who  taught  him  surveying, 
and  he  had  now,  by  his  industry,  acquired  a  good 
estate  ;  and  said  he,  "  I  foresee  that  you  will  soon 
work  this  man  out  of  his  business,  and  make  a  for 
tune  in  it  at  Philadelphia."  He  had  then  not  the 
least  intimation  of  my  intention  to  set  up  there  or 
anywhere.  These  friends  were  afterward  of  great 
use  to  me,  as  I  occasionally  was  to  some  of  them. 
They  all  continued  their  regard  for  me  as  long  as 
they  lived. 

Before  I  enter  upon  my  public  appearance  in  busi 
ness,  it  may  be  well  to  let  you  know  the  then  state 
of  my  mind  with  regard  to  my  principles  and  morals, 
that  you  may  see  how  far  those  influenced  the  future 
events  of  my  life.  My  parents  had  early  given  me 
religious  impressions,  and  brought  me  through  my 
childhood  piously  in  the  Dissenting  way.  But  I 
was  scared  fifteen,  when,  after  doubting  by  turns 
several  points,  as  I  found  them  disputed  in  the  dif 
ferent  books  I  read,  I  began  to  doubt  of  the  Revela- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  97 

tion  itself.  Some  books  against  Deism  fell  into  my 
hands  ;  they  were  said  to  be  the  substance  of  the 
sermons  which  had  been  preached  at  Boyle's  Lec 
tures.  It  happened  that  they  wrought  an  effect  on 
me  quite  contrary  to  what  was  intended  by  them; 
for  the  arguments  of  the  Deists,'  which  were  quoted 
to  be  refuted,  appeared  to  me  much  stronger  than 
the  refutations;  in  short,-!  soon  became  a  thorough 
Deist.  My  arguments  perverted  some  others,  par 
ticularly  Collins  and  Ralph;  but,  each  of  these 
having  wronged  me  greatly  without  the  least  com- 
punctioti,  and  recollecting  Keith's  conduct  toward 
me  (wrho  was  another  freethinker),  and  my  own  to 
ward  Vernon  and  Miss  Read,  which  at  times  gave 
me  great  trouble^I^began  to  suspect  that  this  doc 
trine,  though  it  might  be  true,  was  not  very  useful. 
My  London  pamphlet,  printed  in  1725,  which  had 
for  its  motto  these  lines  of  Dryden  : 

"Whatever  is,  is  right.     But  purblind  man 
Sees  but  a  part  o'  the  chain,  the  nearest  links  : 
His  eyes  not  carrying  to  that  equal  beam, 
That  poises  all  above  ;" 

and  which,  from  the  attributes  of  God,  his  infinite 
wisdom,  goodness,  and  power,  concluded  that  noth 
ing  could  possibly  be  wrong  in  the  world,  and  that 
vice  and  virtue  were  empty  distinctions,  no  such 
things  existing,  appeared  now  not  so  clever  a  per 
formance  as  I  once  thought  it;  and  I  doubted  whether 
some  error  had  not  insinuated  itself  unperceived  into 
my  argument,  so  as  to  infect  all  that  followed,  as  is 

common  in  metaphysical  reasonings. 

G 


98  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

*  I  grew  convinced  that  truth,  sincerity,  and  in- 
i  /  tegrity  in  dealings  between  man  and  man  were  of 
the  utmost  importance  to  the  felicity  of  life ;  and  I 
formed  written  resolutions,  which  still  remain  in  my 
journal  book,  to  practice  them  ever  while  I  lived. 
Revelation  had  indeed  no  weight  with  me,  as  such ; 
but  I  entertained  an  opinion  that,  though  certain 
actions  might  not  be  bad  because  they  were  forbid 
den  by  it,  or  good  because  it  commanded  them,  yet 
probably  those  actions  might  be  forbidden  because 
they  were  bad  for  us,  or  commanded  because  they 
were  beneficial  to  us,  in  their  own  natures*  all  the 
circumstances  of  things  considered.  And  this  per 
suasion,  with  the  kind  hand  of  Providence,  or  some 
guardian  angel,  or  accidental  favorable  circumstances 
and  situations,  or  all  together,  preserved  me,  through 
this  dangerous  time  of  youth,  and  the  hazardous  sit 
uations  I  was  sometimes  in  among  strangers,  remote 
from  the  eye  and  advice  of  my  father,  free  from  any 
willful  gross  immorality  or  injustice,  that  might  have 
been  expected  from  my  want  of  religion.  I  say  will 
ful,  because  the  instances  I  have  mentioned  had 
something  of  necessity  in  them,  from  my  youth,  in 
experience,  and  the  knavery  of  others.  I  had  there 
fore  a  tolerable  character  to  begin  the  world  with  ;  I 
valued  it  properly,  and  determined  to  preserve  it. 

We  had  not  been  long  returned  to  Philadelphia 
A    before  the  new  types  arrived  from  London.    We  set 
tled  with  Keimer,  and  left  him  by  his  consent  before 
he  heard  of  it.     We  found  a  house  to  let  near  the 
Market,  and  took  it.     To  lessen  the  rent,  which 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  101 

was  then  but  twenty-four  pounds  a  year,  though  I 
have  since  known  it  to  let  for  seventy,  we  took  in 
Thomas  Godfrey,  a  glazier,  and  his  family,  who 
were  to  pay  a  considerable  part  of  it  to  us,  and  we 
to  board  with  them.  We  had  scarce  opened  our 
letters  and  put  our  press  in  order,  before  George 
House,  an  acquaintance  of  mine,  brought  a  country 
man  to  us,  whom  he  had  met  in  the  street  inquiring 
for  a  printer.  All  our  cash  was  now  expended  in 
the  variety  of  particulars  we  had  been  obliged  to 
procure,  and  this  countryman's  five  shillings,  being 
our  first-fruits,  and  coming  so  seasonably,  gave  me 
more  pleasure  than  any  crown  I  have  since  earned ; 
and  the  gratitude  I  felt  toward  House  has  made  me 
often  more  ready  than  perhaps  I  otherwise  should 
have  been  to  assist  young  beginners. 

There  are  croakers  in  every  country,  always  bod 
ing  its  ruin.  Such  a  one  there  lived  in  Philadelphia; 
a  person  of  note,  an  elderly  man,  with  a  wrise  look 
and  a  very  grave  manner  of  speaking ;  his  name  was 
Samuel  Mickle.  This  gentleman,  a  stranger  to  me, 
stopped  me  one  day  at  my  door,  and  asked  me  if  I 
was  the  young  man  who  had  lately  opened  a  new 
printing-house.  Being  answered  in  the  affirmative, 
he  said  he  was  sorry  for  me,  because  it  was  an  ex 
pensive  undertaking,  and  the  expense  would  be  lost; 
for  Philadelphia  was  a  sinking  place,  the  people  al 
ready  half  bankrupts,  or  near  being  so ;  all  the  ap 
pearances  of  the  contrary,  such  as  new  buildings  and 
the  rise  of  rents,  being  to  his  certain  knowledge  fal 
lacious  ;  for  they  were,  in  fact,  among  the  things  that 


102  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

would  ruin  us.  Then  he  gave  me  such  a  detail  of 
misfortunes  now  existing,  or  that  were  soon  to  exist, 
that  he  left  me  half  melancholy.  Had  I  known  him 
before  I  engaged  in  this  business,  probably  I  never 
should  have  done  it.  This  person  continued  to  live 
in  this  decaying  place,  and  to  declaim  in  the  same 
strain,  refusing  for  many  years  to  buy  a  house  there, 
because  all  was  going  to  destruction ;  and  at  last  I 
had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  him  give  five  times  as 
much  for  one  as  he  might  have  bought  it  for  when 
he  first  began  croaking. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


103 


CHAPTER  V. 

I  SHOULD  have  mentioned  before,  that,  in  the  au 
tumn  of  the  preceding  year,  I  had  formed  most  of 
my  ingenious  acquaintance  into  a  club  for  mutual 
improvement,  which  we  called  the  JUNTO  ;  we  met 


on  Friday  evenings.  The  rules  that  I  drew  up  re 
quired  that  every  member,  in  his  turn,  should  pro 
duce  one  or  more  queries  on  any  point  of  Morals, 
Politics,  or  Natural  Philosophy,  to  be  discussed  by 
the  company;  and  once  in  three  months  produce 
and  read  an  essay  of  his  own  writing,  on  any  sub 
ject  he  pleased.  Oar  debates  were  to  be  under  the 


104  LIFE    OF    FRAN  KLIN. 

direction  of  a  president,  and  to  be  conducted  in  the 
sincere  spirit  of  inquiry  after  truth,  without  fondness 
for  dispute,  or  desire  of  victory ;  and,  to  prevent 
warmth,  all  expressions  of  positiveness  in  opinions, 
or  direct  contradiction,  were  after  some  time  made 
contraband,  and  prohibited  under  small  pecuniary 
penalties. 

The  first  members  were  Joseph  Breintnal,  a  copier 
of  deeds  for  the  scriveners,  a  good-natured,  friendly, 
middle-aged  man,  a  great  lover  of  poetry,  reading  all 
he  could  meet  with,  and  writing  some  that  was  toler 
able;  very  ingenious  in  making  little  knickknacker- 
ies,  and  of  sensible  conversation. 

Thomas  Godfrey,  a  self-taught  mathematician, 
great  in  his  way,  and  afterward  inventor  of  what 
is  now  called  Hadleys  Quadrant*  But  he  knew 
little  out  of  his  way,  and  was  not  a  pleasing  com 
panion;  as,  like  most  great  mathematicians  I  have 
met  with,  he  expected  universal  precision  in  every 
thing  said,  or  was  for  ever  denying  or  distinguishing 
upon  trifles,  to  the  disturbance  of  all  conversation. 
He  soon  left  us. 

*  Godfrey  died  in  1749,  and  was  buried  in  Germantown.  In  1838  his 
remains  were  removed  from  Germantown  to  Laurel  Hill,  a  beautiful 
cemetery  near  Philadelphia,  at  the  charge  of  Mr.  John  F.  Watson,  the 
well-known  annalist.  On  the  27th  of  May,  1843,  the  Mercantile  Library 
Company  of  Philadelphia  noticed,  by  appropriate  ceremonies,  the  com 
pletion  of  a  monument,  which  that  association,  aided  by  other  citizens  of 
Philadelphia  and  Germantown,  had  caused  to  be  erected.  The  monument 
is  a  truncated  cone,  bearing  appropriate  devices,  and  inscriptions  asserting 
his  claim  to  the  honor  of  the  invention.  The  orator  of  the  day,  Governeur 
Emerson,  Esq.,  in  an  appropriate  address,  cited  the  facts  \vhich  establish 
the  claim  of  Godfrey  to  an  invention,  the  merit  of  which  Hadley  surrep 
titiously  obtained  by  copying  Godfrey's  instrument. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  105 

Nicholas  Scull,  a  surveyor,  afterward  surveyor- 
general,  who  loved  books,  and  sometimes  made  a 
few  verses. 

William  Parsons,  bred  a  shoemaker,  but,  loving 
reading,  had  acquired  a  considerable  share  of  mathe 
matics,  which  he  first  studied  with  a  view7  to  astrolo 
gy,  and  afterward  laughed  at  it.  He  also  became 
surveyor-general. 

William  Maugridge,  joiner,  but  a  most  exquisite 
mechanic,  and  a  solid,  sensible  man. 

Hugh  Meredith,  Stephen  Potts,  and  George  Webb 
I  have  characterized  before. 

Robert  Grace,  a  young  gentleman  of  some  fortune, 
generous,  lively,  and  witty ;  a  lover  of  punning  and 
of  his  friends. 

Lastly,  William  Coleman,  then  a  merchant's  clerk, 
about  my  age,  who  had  the  coolest,  clearest  head, 
the  best  heart,  and  the  exactest  morals  of  almost 
any  man  I  ever  met  with.  He  became  afterward  a 
merchant  of  great  note,  and  one  of  our  provincial 
judges.  Our  friendship  continued  without  interrup 
tion  to  his  death,  upward  of  forty  years;  and  the 
club  continued  almost  as  long,  and  was  the  best 
school  of  philosophy,  morality,  and  politics  that  then 
existed  in  the  province  ;  for  our  queries,  which  were 
read  the  week  preceding  their  discussion,  put  us 
upon  reading  with  attention  on  the  several  subjects, 
that  we  might  speak  more  to  the  purpose  ;  and  here, 
too,  we  acquired  better  habits  of  conversation,  every 
thing  being  studied  in  our  rules  which  might  prevent 
our  disgusting  each  other.  Hence  the  long  con- 


106  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

tinuance  of  the  club,  which  I  shall  have  frequent  oc 
casion  to  speak  further  of  hereafter. 

But  my  giving  this  account  of  it  here  is  to  show 
something  of  the  interest  I  had,  every  one  of  these 
exerting  themselves  in  recommending  business  to  us. 
Breintnal  particularly  procured  us  from  the  Quakers 
the  printing  of  forty  sheets  of  their  history,  the  rest 
being  to  be  done  by  Keimer;  and  upon  these  we 
worked  exceedingly  hard,  for  the  price  was  low.  It 
was  a  folio,  pro  patria  size,  in  pica,  with  long  primer 
notes.  I  composed  a  sheet  a  day,  and  Meredith 
worked  it  off  at  press ;  it  was  often  eleven  at  night. 
and  sometimes  later,  before  I  had  finished  my  dis 
tribution  for  the  next  day's  work,  for  the  little  jobs 
sent  in  by  our  other  friends  now  and  then  put  us 
back.  But  so  determined  I  was  to  continue  doing 
a  sheet  a  day  of  the  folio,  that  one  night,  when,  hav 
ing  imposed  my  forms,  I  thought  my  day's  work  over, 
one  of  them  by  accident  was  broken,  and  two  pages 
reduced  to  pi,  I  immediately  distributed  and  com 
posed  it  over  again  before  I  went  to  bed ;  and  this 
industry,  visible  to  our  neighbors,  began  to  give  us 
character  and  credit ;  particularly,  I  was  told,  that 
mention  being  made  of  the  new  printing-office  at 
the  merchants'  every-night  club,  the  general  opinion 
was  that  it  must  fail,  there  being  already  two  printers 
in  the  place,  Keimer  and  Bradford ;  but  Dr.  Baird 
(whom  you  and  I  saw  many  years  after  at  his  native 
place,  St.  Andrew's  in  Scotland)  gave  a  contrary 
opinion :  "  For  the  industry  of  that  Franklin,"  said 
he,  "  is  superior  to  any  thing  I  ever  saw  of  the  kind ; 


LIFE    OF    FkANKLIN.  107 

I  see  him  still  at  work  when  I  go  home  from  the  club, 
and  he  is  at  work  again  before  his  neighbors  are  out 
of  bed."  This  struck  the  rest,  and  we  soon  after 
had  offers  from  one  of  them  to  supply  us  with  sta 
tionery  ;  but  as  yet  we  did  not  choose  to  engage  in 
shop  business. 

I  mention  this  industry  more  particularly  and  the 
more  freely,  though  it  seems  to  be  talking  in  my  own 
praise,  that  those  of  my  posterity,  who  shall  read  it, 
may  know  the  use  of  that  virtue,  when  they  see  its 
effects  in  my  favor  throughout  this  relation. 

George  Webb,  who  had  found  a  female  friend  that 
lent  him  wherewith  to  purchase  his  time  of  Keimer, 
now  came  to  offer  himself  as  a  journeyman  to  us. 
We  could  not  then  employ  him ;  but  I  foolishly  let 
him  know  as  a  secret  that  I  soon  intended  to  begin 
a  newspaper,  and  might  then  have  work  for  him. 
My  hopes  of  success,  as  I  told  him,  were  founded  on 
this,  that  the  then  only  newspaper,  printed  by  Brad 
ford,  was  a  paltry  thing,  wretchedly  managed,  no 
way  entertaining,  and  yet  \vas  profitable  to  him ;  I 
therefore  freely  thought  a  good  paper  would  scarce 
ly  fail  of  good  encouragement.  I  requested  Webb 
not  to  mention  it ;  but  he  told  it  to  Keimer,  who 
immediately,  to  be  beforehand  with  me,  published 
proposals  for  one  himself,  on  which  Webb  was  to 
be  employed.  I  was  vexed  at  this ;  and,  to  counter 
act  them,  not  being  able  to  commence  our  paper,  I 
wrote  several  amusing  pieces  for  Bradford's  paper, 
under  the  title  of  the  BUSY  BODY,  which  Breintnal 
continued  some  months.  By  this  means  the  atten- 


108 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


don  of  the  public  was  fixed  on  that  piper,  and 
Keimer's  proposals,  which  we  burlesqued  and  ridi 
culed,  were  disregarded.  He  began  his  paper,  how 
ever,  and,  before  carrying  it  on  three  quarters  of  a 
year,  with  at  most  only  ninety  subscribers,  he  offer- 
it  me  for  a  trifle ;  and  I,  having  been  ready  some 
time  to  go  on  with  it,  took  it  in  hand  directly ;  and 
it  proved  in  a  few  years  extremely  profitable  to  me.* 
I  perceive  that  I  am  apt  to  speak  in  the  singular 
number,  though  our  partnership  still  continued;  it 
may  be  that,  in  fact,  the  whole  management  of  the 
business  lay  upon  me.  Meredith  was  no  compositor, 
a  poor  pressman,  and  seldom  sober.  My  friends 


.  This  was  tne 

assumed  the  publication 

llis  patrons  taking  exceptions 

him,  and  talk  the  matter  over. 

per  was  a  pitcher  of  water, 

nominated  «««forf.    When  he  found,         - 
friends  could  not  master  such  fare,  he  gave  them  tl    mora 
parable  iu  these  words  :  «  My  fncnds,  an,  one          «" 
on  ,aw-d«,t  pudding  and  water,  n'.ed,  no  man  , 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  109 

lamented  my  connection  with  him,  but  I.  was  to 
make  the  best  of  it. 

Our  first  papers  made  quite  a  different  appearance 
from  any  before  in  the  province ;  a  better  type,  and 
better  printed ;  but  some  remarks  of  my  writing,  on 
the  dispute  then  going  on  between  Governor  Burnet 
and  the  Massachusetts  Assembly,  struck  the  princi 
pal  people,  occasioned  the  paper  and  the  manager 
of  it  to  be  much  talked  of,  and  in  a  few  weeks 
brought  them  all  to  be  our  subscribers. 

Their  example  was  followed  by  many,  and  our 
number  went  on  growing  continually.  This  was 
one  of  the  first  good  effects  of  having  learned  a  little 
to  scribble ;  another  was,  that  the  leading  men,  see 
ing  a  newspaper  now  in  the  hands  of  those  who 
could  also  handle  a  pen,  thought  it  convenient  to 
oblige  and  encourage  me.  Bradford  still  printed  the 
votes,  and  laws,  and  other  public  business.  He  had 
printed  an  address  of  the  House  to  the  governor,  in 
a  coarse,  blundering  manner;  we  reprinted  it  ele 
gantly  and  correctly,  and  sent  one  to  every  member. 
They  were  sensible  of  the  difference :  it  strengthen 
ed  the  hands  of  our  friends  in  the  House,  and  they 
voted  us  their  printers  for  the  year  ensuing. 

Among  my  friends  in  the  House  I  must  not  forget 
Mr.  Hamilton,  before  mentioned,  who  was  then  re 
turned  from  England,  and  had  a  seat  in  it.  He  in 
terested  himself  for  me  strongly  in  that  instance,  as 
he  did  in  many  others  afterward,  continuing  his  pa 
tronage  till  his  death.* 

*  Franklin,  where  he  could  not  fully  satisfy  what  he  considered  in 


110  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

Mr.  Vernon,  about  this  time,  put  me  in  mind  of 
the  debt  I  owed  him,  but  did  not  press  me.  I  wrote 
to  him  an  ingenuous  letter  of  acknowledgment,  crav 
ing  his  forbearance  a  little  longer,  which  he  allow 
ed  me.  As  soon  as  I  was  able,  I  paid  the  principal 
with  the  interest,  and  many  thanks ;  so  that  erratum 
was  in  some  degree  corrected. 

But  now  another  difficulty  came  upon  me  which 
I  had  never  the  least  reason  to  expect.  Mr.  Mere 
dith's  father,  who  was  to  have  paid  for  our  printing- 
house,  according  to  the  expectations  given  me,  was 
able  to  advance  only  one  hundred  pounds  currency, 
which  had  been  paid ;  and  a  hundred  more  were 
due  to  the  merchant,  who  grew  impatient,  and  sued 
us  all.  We  gave  bail,  but  saw  that,  if  the  money 
could  not  be  raised  in  time,  the  suit  must  soon  come 
to  a  judgment  and  execution,  and  our  hopeful  pros 
pects  must,  with  us,  be  ruined,  as  the  press  and  let 
ters  must  be  sold  for  payment,  perhaps  at  half  price. 

In  this  distress  two  true  friends,  whose  kindness  1 
have  never  forgotten,  nor  ever  shall  forget  while  1 
can  remember  any  thing,  came  to  me  separately,  un 
known  to  each  other,  and,  without  any  application 
from  me,  offered  each  of  them  to  advance  me  all  the 
money  that  should  be  necessary  to  enable  me  to  take 
the  whole  business  upon  myself,  if  that  should  be 
practicable ;  but  they  did  not  like  my  continuing  the 


gratitude  due  the  parent,  remembered  the  children.  He  procured  for  the 
son  of  Mr.  Hamilton  five  hundred  pounds  after  his  father's  death ;  and 
to  a  descendant  of  Mr.  Vernon  he  rendered  important  services  while  resi 
ding  in  France  as  minister  from  the  United  States. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  Ill 

partnership  with  Meredith,  who,  as  they  said,  was 
often  seen  drunk  in  the  street,  playing  at  low  games 
in  alehouses,  much  to  our  discredit.  These  two 
friends  were  William  Coleman  and  Robert  Grace. 
I  told  them  I  could  not  propose  a  separation  while 
any  prospect  remained  of  the  Merediths'  fulfilling 
their  part  of  our  agreement,  because  I  thought  my 
self  under  great  obligation  to  them  for  what  they 
had  done,  and  would  do  if  they  could ;  but,  if  they 
finally  failed  in  their  performance,  and  our  partner 
ship  must  be  dissolved,  I  should  then  think  myself 
at  liberty  to  accept  the  assistance  of  my  friends. 

Thus  the  matter  rested  for  some  time,  when  I  said 
to  my  partner,  "  Perhaps  your  father  is  dissatisfied  at 
the  part  you  have  undertaken  in  this  affair  of  ours, 
and  is  unwilling  to  advance  for  you  and  me  what 
he  would  for  you.  If  that  is  the  case,  tell  me,  and 
I  will  resign  the  whole  to  you,  and  go  about  my 
business."  "  No,"  said  he,  "  my  father  has  really 
been  disappointed,  and  is  really  unable ;  and  I  am 
unwilling  to  distress  him  further.  I  see  this  is  a 
business  I  am  not  fit  for.  I  was  bred  a  farmer,  and 
it  was  folly  in  me  to  come  to  town,  and  put  myself, 
at  thirty  years  of  age,  an  apprentice  to  learn  a  new 
trade.  Many  of  our  Welsh  people  are  going  to  set 
tle  in  North  Carolina,  where  land  is  cheap.  I  am 
inclined  to  go  with  them,  and  follow  my  old  employ 
ment  ;  you  may  find  friends  to  assist  you.  If  you 
will  take  the  debts  of  the  company  upon  you,  return 
to  my  father  the  hundred  pounds  he  has  advanced, 
pay  my  little  personal  debts,  and  give  me  thirty 


112  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

pounds  and  a  new  saddle,  I  will  relinquish  the  part 
nership,  and  leave  the  whole  in  your  hands."  I 
agreed  to  this  proposal ;  it  was  drawn  up  in  writ 
ing,  signed,  and  sealed  immediately.  I  gave  him 
what  he  demanded,  and  he  went  soon  after  to  Caro 
lina,  whence  he  sent  me  next  year  two  long  letters, 
containing  the  best  account  that  had  been  given  of 
that  country,  the  climate,  the  soil,  and  husbandry, 
for  in  those  matters  he  was  very  judicious.  I  print 
ed  them  in  the  papers,  and  they  gave  great  satisfac 
tion  to  the  public. 

As  soon  as  he  was  gone,  I  recurred  to  my  two 
friends ;  and  because  I  would  not  give  an  unkind 
preference  to  either,  I  took  half  of  what  each  had 
offered  and  I  wanted  of  one,  and  half  of  the  other ; 
paid  off  the  company's  debts,  and  went  on  with  the 
business  in  my  own  name,  advertising  that  the  part 
nership  was  dissolved.  I  think  this  was  in  or  about 
the  year  1729* 

About  this  time  there  was  a  cry  among  the  peo 
ple  for  more  paper  money,  only  fifteen  thousand 
pounds  being  extant  in  the  province,  and  that  soon 
to  be  sunk.  The  wealthy  inhabitants  opposed  any 
addition,  being  against  all  paper  currency,  from  the 
apprehension  that  it  would  depreciate,  as  it  had  done 
in  New  England,  to  the  injury  of  all  creditors.  We 
had  discussed  this  point  in  our  Junto,  where  I  was 
on  the  side  of  an  addition,  being  persuaded  that 
the  first  small  sum  struck  in  1723  had  done  much 

*  By  the  agreement  of  dissolution,  still  extant,  it  appears  that  it  took 
place  July  14th,  1730 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  113 

good  by  increasing  the  trade,  employment,  and  num 
ber  of  inhabitants  in  the  province,  since  I  now  saw 
all  the  old  houses  inhabited,  and  many  new  ones 
building;  whereas  I  remembered  well,  when  I  first 
walked  about  the  streets  of  Philadelphia,  eating  my 
roll,  I  saw  many  of  the  houses  in  Walnut-street,  be 
tween  Second  and  Front  streets,  with  bills  on  their 
doors,  "  To  be  let ;"  and  many  likewise  in  Chestnut- 
street  and  other  streets,  which  made  me  think  the 
inhabitants  of  the  city  were  one  after  another  de 
serting  it. 

o 

Our  debates  possessed  me  so  fully  of  the  subject, 
that  I  wrote  and  printed  an  anonymous  pamphlet  on 
it,  entitled  "  The  Nature  and  Necessity  of  a  Paper 
Currency!1  It  was  well  received  by  the  common 
people  in  general ;  but  the  rich  men  disliked  it,  for 
it  increased  and  strengthened  the  clamor  for  more 
money,  and  they  happening  to  have  no  writers  among 
them  that  were  able  to  answer  it,  their  opposition 
slackened,  and  the  point  was  carried  by  a  majority 
in  the  House.  My  friends  there,  who  considered  I 
had  been  of  some  service,  thought  fit  to  reward  me 
by  employing  me  in  printing  the  money;  a  very 
profitable  job,  and  a  great  help  to  me.  This  was 
another  advantage  gained  by  my  being  able  to  write. 

The  utility  of  this  currency  became  by  time  and 
experience  so  evident,  that  the  principles  upon  which 
it  was  founded  were  never  afterward  much  disputed; 
so  that  it  grew  soon  to  fifty-five  thousand  pounds, 
and  in  1739  to  eighty  thousand  pounds,  trade, 
building,  and  inhabitants  all  the  while  increasing, 

H 


114  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

though  I  now  think  there  are  limits  beyond  which 
the  quantity  may  be  hurtful. 

~-f-soon  after  obtained,  through  my  friend  Hamil 
ton,  the  printing  of  the  Newcastle  paper  money,  an 
other  profitable  job,  as  I  then  thought  it;  small  things 
appearing  great  to  those  in  small  circumstances ;  and 
these,  to  me,  were  really  great  advantages,  as  they 
were  great  encouragements.  Mr.  Hamilton  pro 
cured  for  me,  also,  the  printing  of  the  laws  and  votes 
of  that  government,  which  continued  in  my  hands 
as  long  as  I  followed  the  business. 

I  now  opened  a  small  stationer's  shop.  I  had  in 
it  blanks  of  all  kinds,  the  correctest  that  ever  ap 
peared  among  us.  I  was  assisted  in  that  by  my 
friend  Breintnal.  I  had  also  paper,  parchment,  chap 
men's  books,  &c.  One  Whitemarsh,  a  compositor 
I  had  known  in  London,  an  excellent  workman, 
now  came  to  me,  and  worked  with  me  constantly 
and  diligently;  and  I  took  an  apprentice,  the  son 
of  Aquila  Rose. 

I  began  now  gradually  to  pay  off  the  debt  I  \vas 
under  for  the  printing-house.  In  order  to  secure  my 
credit  and  character  as  a  tradesman,  I  took  care  net 
only  to  be  in  reality  industrious  and  frugal,  but  to 
'  \  avoid  the  appearances  to  the  contrary.  I  dressed 
plain,  and  was  seen  at  no  places  of  idle  diversion.  I 
never  went  out  a  fishing  or  shooting;  a  book,  indeed, 
sometimes  debauched  me  from  my  work,  but  that 
was  seldom,  was  private,  and  gave  no  scandal ;  and, 
to  show  that  I  was  not  above  my  business,  I  some 
times  brought  home  the  paper  I  purchased  at  the 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


115 


stores  through  the  streets  on  a  wheelbarrow.  Thus 
being  esteemed  an  industrious,  thriving  young  man, 
and  paying  duly  for  what  I  bought,  the  merchants 
who  imported  stationery  solicited  my  custom  ;  others 
proposed  supplying  me  with  books,  and  I  went  on 
prosperously.  In  the  mean  time,  Keimer's  credit 
and  business  declining  daily,  he  was  at  last  forced 
to  sell  his  printing-house  to  satisfy  his  creditors. 
He  went  to  Barbadoes,  and  there  lived  some  years 
in  very  poor  circumstances. 

His  apprentice,  David  Harry,  whom  I  had  in 
structed  while  I  worked  with  him,  set  up  in  his 
place  at  Philadelphia,  having  bought  his  materials. 
I  was  at  first  apprehensive  of  a  powerful  rival  in 
Harry,  as  his  friends  were  very  able,  and  had  a  good 
deal  of  interest.  I  therefore  proposed  a  partnership 
to  him,  which  he,  fortunately  for  me,  rejected  with 
scorn.  He  was  very  proud,  dressed  like  a  gentle 


116  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

man,  lived  expensively,  took  much  diversion  and 
pleasure  abroad,  ran  in  debt,  and  neglected  his  busi 
ness  ;  upon  which,  all  business  left  him ;  and,  find 
ing  nothing  to  do,  he  followed  Keimer  to  Barbadoes, 
taking  the  printing-house  with  him.  There  this  ap 
prentice  employed  his  former  master  as  a  journey 
man  ;  they  quarreled  often,  and  Harry  went  con 
tinually  behindhand,  and  at  length  was  obliged  to 
sell  his  types  and  return  to  country  work  in  Penn 
sylvania.  The  person  who  bought  them  employed 
Keimer  to  use  them,  but  a  few  years  after  he  died. 

There  remained  now  no  other  printer  in  Philadel 
phia  but  the  old  Bradford ;  but  he  was  rich  and 
easy,  did  a  little  business  by  straggling  hands,  but 
was  not  anxious  about  it.  However,  as  he  held  the 
postoffice,  it  was  imagined  he  had  better  opportuni 
ties  of  obtaining  news;  his  paper  was  thought  a  bet 
ter  distributer  of  advertisements  than  mine,  and 
therefore  had  many  more,  which  was  a  profitable 
thing  to  him,  and  a  disadvantage  to  me ;  for,  though 
I  did  indeed  receive  and  send  papers  by  the  post, 
yet  the  public  opinion  was  otherwise,  for  what  I 
did  send  was  by  bribing  the  riders,  who  took  them 
privately,  Bradford  being  unkind  enough  to  forbid 
it,  which  occasioned  some  resentment  on  my  part; 
and  I  thought  so  meanly  of  the  practice,  that,  when 
I  afterward  came  into  his  situation,  I  took  care  never 
to  imitate  it. 

I  had  hitherto  continued  to  board  with  Godfrey, 
who  lived  in  a  part  of  my  house  with  his  wife  and 
children,  and  had  one  side  of  the  shop  for  his  glazier's 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  117 

business,  though  he  worked  little,  being  always  ab 
sorbed  in  his  mathematics.  Mrs.  Godfrey  projected 
a  match  for  me  with  a  relation's  daughter,  took  op 
portunities  of  bringing  us  often  together,  till  a  serious 
courtship  on  my  part  ensued,  the  girl  being  in  her 
self  very  deserving.  The  old  folks  encouraged  me 
by  continual  invitations  to  supper,  and  by  leaving  us 
together,  till  at  length  it  was  time  to  explain.  Mrs. 
Godfrey  managed  our  little  treaty.  I  let  her  know 
that  I  expected  as  much  money  with  their  daughter 
•as  \vould  pay  off  my  remaining  debt  for  the  print 
ing-house,  which  I  believe  was  not  then  above  a 
hundred  pounds.  She  brought  me  word  they  had 
no  such  sum  to  spare ;  I  said  they  might  mortgage 
their  house  in  the  loan-office.  The  answer  to  this, 
after  some  days,  was,  that  they  did  not  approve  the 
match ;  that,  on  inquiry  of  Bradford,  they  had  been 
informed  the  printing  business  was  not  a  profitable 
one  ;  the  types  would  soon  be  worn  out,  and  more 
wanted ;  that  Keimer  and  David  Harry  had  failed 
one  after  the  other,  and  I  should  probably  soon  fol 
low  them  ;  and,  therefore,  I  was  forbidden  the  house, 
and  the  daughter  was  shut  up. 

Whether  this  was  a  real  change  of  sentiment  or 
only  artifice,  on  a  supposition  of  our  being  too  far 
engaged  in  affection  to  retract,  and  therefore  that 
we  should  steal  a  marriage,  which  would  leave  them 
at  liberty  to  give  or  withhold  what  they  pleased, 
know  not;  but  I  suspected  the  motive,  resented  it, 
and  went  no  more.  Mrs.  Godfrey  brought  me  after 
ward  some  more  favorable  accounts  of  their  disposi- 


118  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

tion,  and  would  have  drawn  me  on  again ;  but  I  de 
clared  absolutely  my  resolution  to  have  nothing  more 
to  do  with  that  family.  This  was  resented  by  the 
Godfreys;  we  differed,  and  they  removed,  leaving  me 
the  whole  house,  and  I  resolved  to  take  no  more  in 
mates. 

But  this  affair  having  turned  my  thoughts  to  mar 
riage,  I  looked  round  me  and  made  overtures  of  ac 
quaintance  in  other  places  ;  but  soon  found  that,  the 
business  of  a  printer  being  generally  thought  a  poor 
one,  I  was  not  to  expect  money  with  a  wife,  unless 
with  such  a  one  as  I  should  not  otherwise  think 
agreeable.  A  friendly  correspondence  as  neighbor? 
had  continued  between  me  and  Miss  Read's  family, 
who  all  had  a  regard  for  me  from  the  time  of  my 
first  lodging  in  their  house.  I  was  often  invited 
there  and  consulted  in  their  affairs,  wherein  I  some 
times  was  of  service.  I  pitied  poor  Miss  Read's  un 
fortunate  situation,  who  was  generally  dejected,  sel- 


LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN.  119 

dom  cheerful,  and  avoided  company.  I  considered 
my  giddiness  and  inconstancy  when  in  London  as 
in  a  great  degree  the  cause  of  her  unhappiness, 
though  the  mother  was  good  enough  to  think  the 
fault  more  her  own  than  mine,  as  she  had  prevented 
our  marrying  before  I  went  thither,  and  persuaded 
the  other  match  in  my  absence.  Our  mutual  affec 
tion  was  revived,  but  there  were  now  great  objec 
tions  to  our  union.  The  match  was  indeed  looked 
upon  as  invalid,  a  preceding  wife  being  said  to  be 
living  in  England ;  but  this  could  not  easily  be 
proved,  because  of  the  distance,  &c. ;  and,  though 
there  was  a  report  of  his  death,  it  was  not  certain. 
Then,  though  it  should  be  true,  he  had  left  many 
debts,  which  his  successor  might  be  called  upon  to 
pay.  We  ventured,  however,  over  all  these  diffi 
culties,  and  I  took  her  to  wife,  September  1st,  1730. 
None  of  the  inconveniences  happened  that  we  had 
apprehended ;  she  proved  a  good  and  faithful  help 
mate,  assisted  me  much  by  attending  to  the  shop ; 
we  throve  together,  and  ever  mutually  endeavored 
to  make  each  other  happy.  Thus  I  corrected  that 
great  erratum  as  well  as  I  could. 

About  this  time,  our  club  meeting,  not  at  a  tavern, 
but  in  a  little  room  of  Mr.  Grace's,  set  apart  for  that 
purpose,  a  proposition  was  made  by  me,  that,  since 
our  books  were  often  referred  to  in  our  disquisitions 
upon  the  queries,  it  might  be  convenient  to  us  to 
have  them  all  together  where  we  met,  that  upon  oc 
casion  they  might  be  consulted ;  and  by  thus  club 
bing  our  books  in  a  common  library,  we  should, 


120  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

while  we  liked  to  keep  them  together,  have  each  of 
us  the  advantage  of  using  the  books  of  all  the  other 
members,  which  would  be  nearly  as  beneficial  as  if 
each  owned  the  whole.  It  was  liked  and  agreed 
to,  and  we  filled  one  end  of  the  room  with  such 
books  as  we  could  best  spare.  The  number  was 
not  so  great  as  we  expected ;  and,  though  they  had 
been  of  great  use,  yet  some  inconveniences  occur 
ring  for  want  of  due  care  of  them,  the  collection, 
after  about  a  year,  was  separated,  and  each  took  his 
books  home  again. 

And  now  I  set  on  foot  my  first  project  of  a  pub 
lic  nature,  that  for  a  subscription  library.  I  drew  up 
the  proposals,  got  them  put  into  form  by  our  great 
scrivener,  Brockden,  and,  by  the  help  of  my  friends 
in  the  Junto,  procured  fifty  subscribers  of  forty  shil 
lings  each  to  begin  with,  and  ten  shillings  a  year  for 
fifty  years,  the  term  our  company  was  to  continue. 
We  afterward  obtained  a  charter,  the  company  be 
ing  increased  to  one  hundred :  this  was  the  mother 
of  all  the  North  American  subscription  libraries,  now 
so  numerous.  It  is  become  a  great  thing  itself,  and 
continually  goes  on  increasing.  These  libraries  have 
improved  the  general  conversation  of  the  Americans, 
made  the  common  tradesmen  and  fanners  as  intelli 
gent  as  most  gentlemen  from  other  countries,  and 
perhaps  have  contributed  in  some  degree  to  the  stand 
so  generally  made  throughout  the  colonies  in  defense 
of  their  privileges. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  121 


CHAPTER  VI. 

[THE  last  chapter  concludes  that  part  of  Dr. 
Franklin's  autobiography  which  was  commenced  by 
him  at  Twyford,  and  continued  from  time  to  time,  as 
his  leisure  permitted,  until  the  commencement  of  the 
Revolutionary  war,  and  the  important  public  occu 
pations  in  which  the  author  was  engaged  compelled 
him  to  lay  it  aside.  The  first  part  was  written  with 
out  an  eye  to  publication,  or,  at  any  rate,  with  a  prin 
cipal  view  to  the  information  of  his  son.  The  re 
sumption  wras  undertaken  after  the  close  of  the  Revo 
lutionary  war,  at  the  earnest  solicitation  of  friends ; 
and  there  is  a  marked  difference  in  the  style  of  the 
work,  distinguishing  it  from  the  earlier  portions. 

The  letters,  with  a  reference  to  which  the  narra 
tive,  as  resumed,  commences,  were  from  his  friends 
Abel  James  and  Benjamin  Vaughan.  Mr.  James 
and  Mr.  Vaughan  had  each  seen  the  early  part  of 
the  narrative,  it  would  seem,  by  some  fortunate  ac 
cident,  for  Mr.  Vaughan  speaks  of  the  "twenty-three 
sheets  in  Franklin's  own  handwriting"  as  recovered 
by  Mr.  James.  Both  these  gentlemen  strongly  urged 
Dr.  Franklin  to  a  continuation  and  publication  of 
his  memoirs ;  nor  were  personal  solicitations  from 
others  wanting.  While  Dr.  Franklin  was  in  France, 
as  plenipotentiary  from  the  United  States,  he  show- 


122  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

ed  the  autobiography  to  some  friends  there,  and  one 
of  them  translated  it  into  French.  This  French 
translation  was  published  soon  after  Dr.  Franklin's 
death,  at  Paris,  and  shortly  after  that  a  most  excel 
lent  translation  into  English  appeared  in  London. 
That  edition  was  reprinted  in  this  country,  even  after 
the  original  was  published  by  his  grandson,  of  which 
this  is  a  copy.  The  continuation  is  headed  by  the 
author,  "  Continuation  of  the  account  of  my  Life, 
begun  at  Passy,  near  Paris,  1784."] 

It  is  some  time  since  I  received  the  above  letters, 
but  I  have  been  too  busy  till  now  to  think  of  com 
plying  with  the  request  they  contain.  It  might,  too, 
be  much  better  done  if  I  were  at  home  among  my 
papers,  which  would  aid  my  memory,  and  help  to 
ascertain  dates ;  but  my  return  being  uncertain,  and 
having  just  now  a  little  leisure,  I  will  endeavor  to 
recollect  and  write  what  I  can  ;  if  I  live  to  get  home, 
it  may  there  be  corrected  and  improved. 

Not  having  any  copy  here  of  what  is  already  writ 
ten,  I  kno.w  not  whether  an  account  is  given  of  the 
means  I  used  to  establish  the  Philadelphia  public 
library,  which,  from  a  small  beginning,  is  now  be 
come  so  considerable,  though  I  remember  to  have 
some  down  to  near  the  time  of  that  transaction 
(1730).  I  will  therefore  begin  here  with  an  account 
of  it,  which  may  be  struck  out  if  found  to  have  been 
already  given. 

At  the  time  I  established  myself  in  Pennsylvania, 
there  was  not  a  good  bookseller's  shop  in  any  of  the 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


123 


colonies  to  the  southward  of  Boston.  In  New  York 
and  Philadelphia  the  printers  were  indeed  stationers, 
but  they  sold  only  paper,  almanacs,  ballads,  and  a 
few  common  school-books.  Those  who  loved  read 
ing  were  obliged  to  send  for  their  books  from  En 
gland  ;  the  members  of  the  Junto  had  each  a  few. 
We  had  left  the  alehouse,  where  we  first  met,  and 
hired  a  room  to  hold  our  club  in.  I  proposed  that 
we  should  all  of  us  bring  our  books  to  that  room, 


where  they  would  not  only  be  ready  to  consult  in 
our  conferences,  but  become  a  common  benefit,  each 
of  us  being  at  liberty  to  borrow  such  as  he  \yished 
to  read  at  home.  This  was  accordingly  done,  and 
for  some  time  contented  us. 

Finding  the  advantage  of  this  little  collection,  I 
proposed  to  render  the  benefit  from  the  books  more 
common,  by  commencing  a  public  subscription  li 


124  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

brary.  I  drew  a  sketch  of  the  plan  and  rules  that 
would  be  necessary,  and  got  a  skillful  conveyancer, 
Mr.  Charles  Brockden,  to  put  the  whole  in  form  of 
articles  of  agreement  to  be  subscribed,  by  which 
each  subscriber  engaged  to  pay  a  certain  sum  down 
for  the  first  purchase  of  the  books,  and  an  annual 
contribution  for  increasing  them.  So  few  were 
the  readers  at  that  time  in  Philadelphia,  and  the 
majority  of  us  so  poor,  that  I  was  not  able,  with 
great  industry,  to  find  more  than  fifty  persons,  most 
ly  young  tradesmen,  willing  to  pay  down  for  this 
purpose  forty  shillings  each,  and  ten  shillings  per 
annum.  With  this  little  fund  we  began.  The 
books  were  imported;  the  library  was  opened  one 
day  in  the  week  for  lending  them  to  the  subscribers, 
on  their  promissory  notes  to  pay  double  the  value  if 
not  duly  returned.  The  institution  soon  manifested 
its  utility,  was  imitated  by  other  towns,  and  in  other 
provinces.  The  libraries  were  augmented  by  dona 
tions  ;  reading  became  fashionable ;  and  our  people, 
having  no  public  amusements  to  divert  their  attention 
from  study,  became  better  acquainted  with  books, 
and  in  a  few  years  were  observed  by  strangers  to  be 
better  instructed  and  more  intelligent  than  people 
of  the  same  rank  generally  are  in  other  countries. 

When  we  were  about  to  sign  the  above-mention 
ed  articles,  which  were  to  be  binding  on  us,  our 
heirs,  &c.,  for  fifty  years,  Mr.  Brockden,  the  scriv 
ener,  said  to  us,  "You  are  young  men,  but  it  is  scarce 
ly  probable  that  any  of  you  will  live  to  see  the  ex 
piration  of  the  term  fixed  in  the  instrument."  A 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

number  ot  us,  however,  are  yet  living ;  but  the  in 
strument  was  after  a  few  years  rendered  null  by  a 
charter  that  incorporated  and  gave  perpetuity  to  the 
company.* 

The  objections  and  reluctances  I  met  with  in  so 
liciting  the  subscriptions,  made  me  soon  feel  the  im 
propriety  of  presenting  one's  self  as  the  proposer  of 
any  useful  project,  that  might  be  supposed  to  raise 
one's  reputation  in  the  smallest  degree  above  that  of 
one's  neighbors,  when  one  has  need  of  their  assistance 
to  accomplish  that  project.  I  therefore  put  myself 
as  much  as  I  could  out  of  sight,  and  stated  it  as  a 
scheme  of  a  number  of  friends,  who  had  requested 
me  to  go  about  and  propose  it  to  such  as  they 
thought  lovers  of  reading.  In  this  way  my  affair 
went  on  more  smoothly,  and  I  ever  after  practised 
it  on  such  occasions;  and,  from  my  frequent  suc 
cesses,  can  heartily  recommend  it.  The  present  lit 
tle  sacrifice  of  your  vanity  will  afterward  be  amply 
repaid.  If  it  remains  a  while  uncertain  to  whom  the 
merit  belongs,  some  one  more  vain  than  yourself 
may  be  encouraged  to  claim  it,  and  then  even  envy 
will  be  disposed  to  do  you  justice  by  plucking  those 
assumed  feathers,  and  restoring  them  to  their  right 
owner. 

*  This  library,  founded  in  1731,  was  incorporated  in  1742.  By  the  ad 
dition  made  to  it  of  a  large  library  left  by  Dr.  James  Logan,  and  by  an 
nual  purchases,  the  Philadelphia  Library  now  numbers  nearly  60,000 
volumes.  The  spacious  and  handsome  edifice,  corner  of  Fifth  and 
Library  streets,  in  which  the  library  is  now  kept,  was  erected  just  before 
Franklin's  death.  The  marble  statue  which  occupies  a  niche  in  front, 
was  presented  to  the  company  by  Mr.  William  Bingham.  It  was  executed 
in  Italy  of  Carrara  marble,  at  a  cost  of  500  guineas. 


126  LITE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

This  library  afforded  me  the  means  of  improve 
ment  by  constant  study,  for  which  I  set  apart  an 
hour  or  two  each  day,  and  thus  repaired  in  some 
degree  the  loss  of  the  learned  education  my  father 
once  intended  for  me.  Reading  was  the  only  amuse 
ment  I  allowed  myself.  I  spent  no  time  in  taverns, 
games,  or  frolics  of  any  kind ;  and  my  industry  in 
my  business  continued  as  indefatigable  as  it  was 
necessary.  I  was  indebted  for  my  printing-house ; 
I  had  a  young  family  coming  on  to  be  educated,  and 
I  had  two  competitors  to  contend  with  for  business, 
who  were  established  in  the  place  before  me.  My 
circumstances,  however,  grew  daily  easier.  My 
original  habits  of  frugality  continuing,  and  my  father 
having,  among  his  instructions  to  me  when  a  boy, 
frequently  repeated  a  proverb  of  Solomon,  "  Seest 
thou  a  man  diligent  in  his  catting,  lie  shall  stand  be 
fore  kings,  he  shall  not  stand  before  mean  men"  I 
thence  considered  industry  as  a  means  of  obtaining 
wealth  and  distinction,  which  encouraged  me,  though 
I  did  not  think  that  I  should  ever  literally  stand  be 
fore  kings,  which,  however,  has  since  happened  ;  for 
I  have  stood  before  Jive,  and  even  had  the  honor  of 
sitting  down  with  one,  the  King  of  Denmark,  to 
.dinner. 

We  have  an  English  proverb  that  says,  "He  that 
would  thrive,  must  ask  his  wife."  It  was  lucky  for 
me  that  I  had  one  as  much  disposed  to  industry  and 
frugality  as  myself.  She  assisted  me  cheerfully  in 
my  business,  folding  and  stitching  pamphlets,  tend 
ing  shop,  purchasing  old  linen  rags  for  the  paper- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN, 


makers,  &c.  We  kept  no  idle  servants,  our  table 
was  plain  and  simple,  our  furniture  of  the  cheapest. 
For  instance,  my  breakfast  was  for  a  long  time  bread 
and  milk  (no  tea),  and  I  ate  it  out  of  a  twopenny 
earthen  porringer,  with  a  pewter  spoon.  But  mark 
how  luxury  will  enter  families,  and  make  a  progress, 
in  spite  of  principle :  being  called  one  morning  to 
breakfast,  I  found  it  in  a  China  bowl,  with  a  spoon 
of  silver  !  They  had  been  bought  for  me  without 
my  knowledge  by  my  wife,  and  had  cost  her  the 


128  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

enormous  sum  of  three-and-twenty  shillings,  for 
which  she  had  no  other  excuse  or  apology  to  make, 
but  that  she  thought  her  husband  deserved  a  silver 
spoon  and  China  bowl  as  well  as  any  of  his  neigh 
bors.  This  was  the  first  appearance  of  plate  and 
China  in  our  house,  which  afterward,  in  a  course  of 
years,  as  our  wealth  increased,  augmented  gradually 
to  several  hundred  pounds  in  value. 

I  had  been  religiously  educated  as  a  Presbyterian ; 
but,  though  some  of  the  dogmas  of  that  persuasion, 
such  as  the  eternal  decrees  of  God,  election,  reproba 
tion,  &c.,  appearing  to  me  unintelligible,  others  doubt 
ful,  and  I  early  absented  myself  from  the  public  as 
semblies  of  the  sect,  Sunday  being  my  studying  day, 
I  never  was  without  some  religious  principles.  I 
never  doubted,  for  instance,  the  existence  of  a  Deity; 
that  he  made  the  world,  and  governed  it  by  his  provi 
dence  ;  that  the  most  acceptable  service  of  God  was 
the  doing  good  to  man  ;  that  our  souls  are  immortal; 
and  that  all  crimes  will  be  punished,  and  virtue  re 
warded,  either  here  or  hereafter.  These  I  esteem 
ed  the  essentials  of  every  religion  ;  and,  being  to  be 
found  in  all  the  religions  wre  had  in  our  country,  I 
respected  them  all,  though  with  different  degrees  of 
respect,  as  I  found  them  more  or  less  mixed  with 
other  articles,  which,  without  any  tendency  to  in 
spire,  promote,  or  confirm  morality,  served  princi 
pally  to  divide  us,  and  make  us  unfriendly  to  one 
another.  This  respect  to  all,  with  an  opinion  that 
the  worst  had  some  good  effects,  induced  me  to 
avoid  all  discourse  that  might  tend  to  lessen  the 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  129 

good  opinion  another  might  have  of  his  own  reli 
gion  ;  and  as  our  province  increased  in  people,  and 
new  places  of  worship  were  continually  wanted,  and 
generally  erected  by  voluntary  contribution,  my  mite 
for  such  purposes,  whatever  might  be  the  sect,  was 
never  refused. 

Though  I  seldom  attended  any  public  worship,  1 
had  still  an  opinion  of  its  propriety,  and  of  its  utility 
when  rightly  conducted,  and  I  regularly  paid  my  an 
nual  subscription  for  the  support  of  the  only  Presby 
terian  minister  or  meeting  we  had  in  Philadelphia 
He  used  to  visit  me  sometimes  as  a  friend,  and  ad 
monish  me  to  attend  his  administrations,  and  I  was 
now  and  then  prevailed  on  to  do  so,  once  for  five 
Sundays  successively.  Had  he  been  in  my  opinion 
a  good  preacher,  perhaps  I  might  have  continued, 
notwithstanding  the  occasion  I  had  for  the  Sunday's 
leisure  in  my  course  of  study  ;  but  his  discourses 
were  chiefly  either  polemic  arguments,  or  explica 
tions  of  the  peculiar  doctrines  of  our  sect,  and  were 
all  to  me  very  dry,  uninteresting,  and  unedifying, 
since  not  a  single  moral  principle  was  inculcated  or 
enforced,  their  aim  seeming  to  be  rather  to  make 

citizens 


At  length  he  took  for  his  text  that  verse  of  the 
fourth  chapter  to  the  Philippians,  "  Finally,  brethren, 
whatsoever  things  are  true,  honest,  just,  pure,  lovely, 
or  of  good  report,  if  there  be  any  virtue,  or  any  praise, 
think  on  these  things!9  And  I  imagined,  in  a  sermon 
on  such  a  text,  we  could  not  miss  of  having  some 
morality.  But  he  confined  himself  to  five  points 


130  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

only,  as  meant  by  the  apostle :  1.  Keeping  holy  the 
Sabbath  day.  2.  Being  diligent  in  reading  the  holy 
Scriptures.  3.  Attending  duly  the  public  worship. 
4.  Partaking  of  the  Sacrament.  5.  Paying  a  due 
respect  to  God's  ministers.  These  might  be  all 
good  things ;  but,  as  they  were  not  the  kind  of  good 
things  that  I  expected  from  that  text,  I  despaired  of 
ever  meeting  with  them  from  any  other,  was  disgust 
ed,  and  attended  his  preaching  no  more.  I  had 
some  years  before  composed  a  little  Liturgy,  or  form 
of  prayer,  for  my  own  private  use  (in  1728),  entitled, 
Articles  of  Belief  and  Acts  of  Religion.  I  returned 
to  the  use  of  this,  and  went  no  more  to  the  public 
assemblies.  My  conduct  might  be  blamable,  but  I 
leave  it,  without  attempting  further  to  excuse  it;  my 
present  purpose  being  to  relate  facts,  and  not  to 
make  apologies  for  them.* 

It  was  about  this  time  I  conceived  the  bold  and 
arduous  project  of  arriving  at  moral  perfection.  I 
wished  to  live  without  committing  any  fault  at  any 
time,  and  to  conquer  all  that  either  natural  inclina 
tion,  custom,  or  company  might  lead  me  into.  As 
I  knew,  or  thought  I  knew,  what  was  right  and 
wrong,  I  did  not  see  why  I  might  not  always  do 
the  one  and  avoid  the  other.  But  I  soon  found  I 
had  undertaken  a  task  of  more  difficulty  than  I  had 
imagined.  While  my  attention  was  taken  up,  and 

*  In  a  letter  written  to  his  daughter,  we  find  Dr.  Franklin  impressing 
upon  her  mind  the  necessity  and  duty  of  attending  church,  and  of  not 
letting  disgust  toward  a  preacher  operate  against  the  usefulness  of  his 
discourse.  "  Pure  water,"  the  philosopher  remarks,  "  is  often  found  to 
have  come  through  very  dirty  earth." 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  131 

employed  in  guarding  against  one  fault,  I  was  often 
surprised  by  another;  habit  took  the  advantage  of 
inattention;  inclination  was  sometimes  too  strong 
for  reason.  I  concluded,  at  length,  that  the  mere 
speculative  conviction  that  it  was  our  interest  to  be 
completely  virtuous,  was  not  sufficient  to  prevent 
our  slipping;  and  that  the  contrary  habits  must  be 
broken,  and  good  ones  acquired  and  established,  be 
fore  we  can  have  any  dependence  on  a  steady,  uni 
form  rectitude  of  conduct.  For  this  purpose  I  there 
fore  tried  the  following  method. 

In  the  various  enumerations  of  the  moral  virtues 
I  had  met  with  in  my  reading,  I  found  the  catalogue 
more  or  less  numerous,  as  different  writers  included 
more  or  fewer  ideas  under  the  same  name.  Tem 
perance,  for  example,  was  by  some  confined  to  eating 
and  drinking,  while  by  others  it  was  extended  to 
mean  the  moderating  every  other  pleasure,  appetite, 
inclination,  or  passion,  bodily  or  mental,  even  to  our 
avarice  and  ambition.  I  proposed  to  myself,  for  the 
sake  of  clearness,  to  use  rather  more  names,  with 
fewer  ideas  annexed  to  each,  than  a  few  names  with 
more  ideas ;  and  I  included  under  thirteen  names  of 
virtues  all  that  at  that  time  occurred  to  me  as  nec 
essary  or  desirable,  and  annexed  to  each  a  short  pre 
cept,  which  fully  expressed  the  extent  I  gave  to  its 
meaning. 

These  names  of  virtues,  with  their  precepts, 
were, 

1.  TEMPERANCE. — Eat  not  to  dullness ;  drink  not 
fo  elevation. 


132  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

2.  SILENCE. — Speak  not  but  what  may  benefit 
others  or  yourself;  avoid  trifling  conversation. 

3.  ORDER. — Let  all  your  things  have  their  places ; 
let  each  part  of  your  business  have  its  time. 

4.  RESOLUTION. — Resolve  to  perform  what  you 
ought ;  perform  without  fail  what  you  resolve. 

5.  FRUGALITY. — Make  no  expense  but  to  do  good 
to  others  or  yourself;  that  is,  waste  nothing. 

6.  INDUSTRY. — Lose  no  time;  be  always  employed 
in  something  useful ;  cut  off  all  unnecessary  actions. 

7.  SINCERITY. — Use  no  hurtful  deceit ;  think  in 
nocently  and  justly;  and,  if  you  speak,  speak  ac 
cordingly. 

8.  JUSTICE. — Wrong  none  by  doing  injuries,  or 
omitting  the  benefits  that  are  your  duty. 

9.  MODERATION. — Avoid  extremes;   forbear  re 
senting  injuries  so  much  as  you  think  they  deserve. 

10.  CLEANLINESS. — Tolerate  no  uncleanliness  in 
body,  clothes,  or  habitation. 

11.  TRANQUILLITY. — Be  not  disturbed  at  trifles,  or 
at  accidents  common  or  unavoidable. 

12.  CHASTITY 

13.  HUMILITY. — Imitate  Jesus  and  Socrates. 

My  intention  being  to  acquire  the  habitude  of  all 
these  virtues,  I  judged  it  would  be  well  not  to  dis 
tract  my  attention  by  attempting  the  whole  at  once, 
but  to  fix  it  on  one  of  them  at  a  time ;  and,  when  1 
should  be  master  of  that,  then  to  proceed  to  another, 
and  so  on,  till  I  should  have  gone  through  the  thir 
teen  ;  and,  as  the  previous  acquisition  of  some  might 
facilitate  the  acquisition  of  certain  others,  I  arranged 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  133 

them  with  that  view,  as  they  stand  above.  Tem 
perance  first,  as  it  tends  to  procure  that  coolness  and 
clearness  of  head,  which  is  so  necessary  where  con 
stant  vigilance  was  to  be  kept  up,  and  a  guard  main 
tained  against  the  unremitting  attraction  of  ancient 
habits,  and  the  force  of  perpetual  temptations.  This 
being  acquired  and  established,  Silence  would  be 
more  easy  ;  and  my  desire  being  to  gain  knowledge 
at  the  same  time  that  I  improved  in  virtue,  and  con 
sidering  that  in  conversation  it  was  obtained  rather 
by  the  use  of  the  ear  than  of  the  tongue,  and  there 
fore  wishing  to  break  a  habit  I  was  getting  into  of 
prattling,  punning,  and  jesting,  which  only  made  me 
acceptable  to  trifling  company,  I  gave  Silence  the 
second  place.  This  and  the  next,  Order,  I  expect 
ed  would  allow  me  more  time  for  attending  to  my 
project  and  my  studies.  Resolution,  once  become 
habitual,  would  keep  me  firm  in  my  endeavors  to 
obtain  all  the  subsequent  virtues ;  Frugality  and  In- 
dustry  relieving  me  from  my  remaining  debt,  and 
producing  affluence  and  independence,  would  make 
more  easy  the  practice  of  Sincerity  and  Justice,  &c., 
&c.  '  Conceiving  then,  that,  agreeably  to  the  advice 
of  Pythagoras  in  his  Golden  Verses,  daily  examina 
tion  would  be  necessary,  I  contrived  the  following 
method  for  conducting  that  examination. 

I  made  a  little  book,  in  which  I  allotted  a  page  for 
each  of  the  virtues.  I  ruled  each  page  with  red  ink, 
so  as  to  have  seven  columns,  one  for  each  day  of  the 
week,  marking  each  column  with  a  letter  for  the 
day.  I  crossed  these  columns  with  thirteen  red 


134 


LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 


lines,  marking  the  beginning  of  each  line  with  the 
first  letter  of  one  of  the  virtues,  on  which  line,  and 
in  its  proper  column,  I  might  mark,  by  a  little  black 
spot,  every  fault  I  found  upon  examination  to  have 
been  committed  respecting  that  virtue  upon  that 
day.* 

Form  of  the  pages. 

TEMPERANCE. 
Eat  not  to  dullness  ;  drink  not  to  elevation. 


Sun. 

M. 

T. 

W. 

Th. 

F. 

s. 

Tern. 

Sil. 

•X- 

* 

* 

* 

i 

Ord. 

* 

* 

* 

* 

*     i 

Res. 

*• 

*• 

Fru. 

* 

* 

Ind. 

* 

Sine. 

Jus. 



( 

Mod. 

1 

Clea. 



Tran. 

Chas. 

I 

Hum. 

! 

1  determined  to  give  a  week's  strict  attention  to 
each  of  the  virtues  successively.  Thus,  in  the  first 
week,  my  great  guard  was  to  avoid  every  the  least 
offense  against  Temperance,  leaving  the  other  vir 
tues  to  their  ordinary  chance,  only  marking  every 
evening  the  faults  of  the  day.  Thus,  if  in  the  first 
week  I  could  keep  my  first  line,  marked  T,  clear  of 
spots,  I  supposed  the  habit  of  that  virtue  so  much 
strengthened,  and  its  opposite  weakened,  that  I  might 

*  This  "little  book"  is  dated  1st  July,  1733. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  135 

venture  extending  my  attention  to  include  the  next, 
and  for  the  following  week  keep  both  lines  clear 
of  spots.  Proceeding  thus  to  the  last,  I  could  get 
through  a  course  complete  in  thirteen  weeks,  and 
four  courses  in  a  year.  And  like  him  who,  having 
a  garden  to  weed,  does  not  attempt  to  eradicate  all 


the  bad  herbs  at  once,  which  would  exceed  his  read) 
and  his  strength,  but  works  on  one  of  the  beds  at  a 
time,  and,  having  accomplished  the  first,  proceeds  to 
a  second,  so  I  should  have,  I  hoped,  the  encouraging 
pleasure  of  seeing  on  my  pages  the  progress  made  in 
virtue,  by  clearing  successively  my  lines  of  their 
spots,  till  in  the  end,  by  a  number  of  courses,  I 
should  be  happy  in  viewing  a  clean  book,  after  a 
thirteen  weeks'  daily  examination. 

This  my  little  book  had  for  its  motto  these  lines 
from  Addison's  Cato : 


136  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

"  Here  will  I  hold.     If  there's  a  power  above  us 
(And  that  there  is,  all  nature  cries  aloud 
Through  all  her  works),  He  must  delight  in  virtue ; 
And  that  which  he  delights  in  must  be  happy." 

Another  from  Cicero, 

"  O  vitae  Philosophia  dux  !  O  virtutum  indagatrix  expultrixque  vitio- 
rum  !  Unus  dies,  bene  et  ex  praeceptis  tuis  actus,  peccanti  immortalitati 
est  anteponendus." 

Another  from  the  Proverbs  of  Solomon,  speaking 
of  wisdom  or  virtue  : 

"  Length  of  days  is  in  her  right  hand,  and  in  her  left  hand  riches  and 
honor.  Her  ways  are  ways  of  pleasantness,  and  all  her  paths  are  peace." 

And  conceiving  God  to  be  the  fountain  of  wis 
dom,  I  thought  it  right  and  necessary  to  solicit  his 
assistance  for  obtaining  it ;  to  this  end  I  formed  the 
following  little  prayer,  which  was  prefixed  to  my 
tables  of  examination,  for  daily  use. 

•'  O  powerful  Goodness  !  bountiful  Father  !  merciful  Guide  !  Increase 
jn  me  that  wisdom  which  discovers  my  truest  interest.  Strengthen  my 
resolution  to  perform  what  that  wisdom  dictates  Accept  my  kind  offices 
to  thy  other  children  as  the  only  return  in  my  power  for  thy  continual 
favors  to  me." 

I  used  also  sometimes  a  little  prayer  which  I  took 
from  Thomson's  Poems,  viz. : 

"  Father  of  light  and  life,  thou  Good  Supreme  ! 
0  teach  me  what  is  good  ;  teach  me  Thyself! 
Save  me  from  folly,  vanity,  and  vice, 
From  every  low  pursuit ;  and  feed  my  soul 
With  knowledge,  conscious  peace,  and  virtue  pure  ; 
Sacred,  substantial,  never-fading  bliss!" 

The  precept  of  Order  requiring  that  every  part  of 
my  business  should  have  its  allotted  time,  one  page 
in  my  little  book  contained  the  following  scheme  of 
•employment  for  the  twenty-four  hours  of  a  natural 
day. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


137 


MORNING. 


SCHEME. 

Hours. 

5  x       Rise,  wash,  and  address  Poio- 


The    Question.     What    good 
shall  I  do  this  dayl 


6  erful  Goodness  !    Contrive  day'i 
I,  business,  and  take  the  resolution 

7  of  the  day  ;  prosecute  the  pres- 
J  ent  study,  and  breakfast 

8' 

Work. 


NOON. 


AFTERNOON. 

EVENING. 

The    Question.     What   good 
have  I  done  to-day  1 


NIGHT. 


Work. 


Read,  or  look  over  my  ac 
counts,  and  dine. 
2- 
3 
4 
5, 
6\       Put   things    in    their  places. 

7  1   Supper.    Music  or  diversion,  or 

8  j  conversation.    Examination  of 

9  J  the  day 
10 

11 
12 

1  )>      Sleep. 

2  ' 
3 
4; 

1  entered  upon  the  execution  of  this  plan  for  self- 
examination,  and  continued  it  with  occasional  inter 
missions  for  some  time.  I  was  surprised  to  find  my 
self  so  much  fuller  of  faults  than  I  had  imagined ; 
but  I  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  them  diminish. 
To  avoid  the  trouble  of  renewing  now  and  then  my 
little  book,  which,  by  scraping  out  the  marks  on  the 
paper  of  old  faults  to  make  room  for  new  ones  in  a 
new  course,  became  full  of  holes,  I  transferred  my 
tables  and  precepts  to  the  ivory  leaves  of  a  memo 
randum  book,  on  which  the  lines  were  drawn  with 


138  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

red  ink,  that  made  a  durable  stain,  and  on  those 
lines  I  marked  my  faults  with  a  black-lead  pencil, 
which  marks  I  could  easily  wipe  out  with  a  wet 
sponge.  After  a  while  I  wrent  through  one  course 
only  in  a  year>  and  afterward  only  one  in  several 
years,  till  at  length  I  omitted  them  entirely,  being 
employed  in  voyages  and  business  abroad,  with  a 
multiplicity  of  affairs  that  interfered ;  but  I  always 
carried  my  little  book  with  me. 

My  scheme  of  Order  gave  me  the  most  trouble ; 
and  I  found  that,  though  it  might  be  practicable 
where  a  man's  business  was  such  as  to  leave  him 
the  disposition  of  his  time,  that  of  a  journeyman 
printer,  for  instance,  it  was  not  possible  to  be  exact 
ly  observed  by  a  master,  who  must  mix  with  the 
world,  and  often  receive  people  of  business  at  their 
own  hours.  Order,  too,  with  regard  to  places  for 
things,  papers,  &c.,  I  found  extremely  difficult  to  ac 
quire.  I  had  not  been  early  accustomed  to  method, 
and,  having  an  exceedingly  good  memory,  I  was  not 
so  sensible  of  the  inconvenience  attending  want  of 
method.  This  article,  therefore,  cost  me  much 
painful  attention,  and  my  faults  in  it  vexed  me  so 
much,  and  I  made  so  little  progress  in  amendment, 
and  had  such  frequent  relapses,  that  I  was  almost 
ready  to  give  up  the  attempt,  and  content  myself 
with  a  faulty  character  in  that  respect,  like  the 
man  who,  in  buying  an  ax  of  a  smith,  my  neighbor, 
desired  to  have  the  whole  of  its  surface  as  bright  as 
the  edge.  The  smith  consented  to  grind  it  bright 
for  him  if  he  would  turn  the  wheel ;  he  turned,  while 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


139 


the  smith  pressed  the  broad  face  of  the  ax  hard  and 
heavily  on  the  stone,  which  made  the  turning  of  it 
very  fatiguing.  The  man  came  every  now  and  then 
from  the  wheel  to  see  how  the  work  went  on,  and 
at  length  would  take  his  ax  as  it  was,  without  fur 
ther  grinding.  "No,"  said  the  smith,  "turn  on,  turn 
on ;  we  shall  have  it  bright  by-and-by ;  as  yet,  it  is 
only  speckled."  "Yes,"  said  the  man,  "but  I  think 
I  like  a  speckled  ax  best.'7  And  I  believe  this  may 


have  been  the  case  with  many,  who,  having,  for  want 
of  some  such  means  as  I  employed,  found  the  diffi 
culty  of  obtaining  good  and  breaking  bad  habits  in 
other  points  of  vice  and  virtue,  have  given  up  the 
struggle,  and  concluded  that  "  a  speckled  ax  is  best ;" 
for  something,  that  pretended  to  be  reason,  was 
every  now  and  then  suggesting  to  me  that  such  ex 
treme  nicety  as  I  exacted  of  myself  might  be  a  kind 


140  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

of  foppery  in  morals,  which,  if  it  were  known,  would 
make  me  ridiculous ;  that  a  perfect  character  might 
be  attended  with  the  inconvenience  of  being  envied 
and  hated  ;  and  that  a  benevolent  man  should  allow 
a  few  faults  in  himself,  to  keep  his  friends  in  coun 
tenance. 

In  truth,  I  found  myself  incorrigible  with  respect  to 
Order ;  and  now  I  am  grown  old,  and  my  memory 
bad,  I  feel  very  sensibly  the  want  of  it.  But,  on  the 
whole,  though  I  never  arrived  at  the  perfection  I  had 
been  so  ambitious  of  obtaining,  but  fell  far  short  of 
it,  yet  I  was,  by  the  endeavor,  a  better  and  a  hap 
pier  man  than  I  otherwise  should  have  been  if  I  had 
not  attempted  it ;  as  those  who  aim  at  perfect  writ 
ing  by  imitating  the  engraved  copies,  though  they 
never  reach  the  wished-for  excellence  of  those  copies, 
their  hand  is  mended  by  the  endeavor,  and  is  toler 
able  while  it  continues  fair  and  legible. 

It  may  be  well  my  posterity  should  be  informed 
that  to  this  little  artifice,  with  the  blessing  of  God, 
their  ancestor  owed  the  constant  felicity  of  his  life, 
down  to  his  seventy-ninth  year,  in  which  this  is 
written.  What  reverses  may  attend  the  remainder 
is  in  the  hand  of  Providence  ;  but,  if  they  arrive,  the 
reflection  on  past  happiness  enjoyed  ought  to  help 
his  bearing  them  with  more  resignation.  To  Tem 
perance  he  ascribes  his  long-continued  health,  and 
what  is  still  left  to  him  of  a  good  constitution ;  to 
Industry  and  Frugality,  the  early  easiness  of  his 
circumstances  and  acquisition  of  his  fortune,  with  all 
that  knowledge  that  enabled  him  to  be  a  useful  citi- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  141 

zen,  and  obtained  for  him  some  degree  of  reputation 
among  the  learned ;  to  Sincerity  and  Justice,  the 
confidence  of  his  country,  and  the  honorable  em 
ploys  it  conferred  upon  him ;  and  to  the  joint  in 
fluence  of  the  whole  mass  of  the  virtues,  even  in  the 
imperfect  state  he  was  able  to  acquire  them,  all  that 
evenness  of  temper,  and  that  cheerfulness  in  conver 
sation,  which  makes  his  company  still  sought  for,  and 
agreeable  even  to  his  young  acquaintance.  I  hope, 
therefore,  that  some  of  my  descendants  may  follow 
the  example  and  reap  the  benefit. 

It  will  be  remarked  that,  though  my  scheme  was 
not  wholly  without  religion,  there  was  in  it  no  mark 
of  any  of  the  distinguishing  tenets  of  any  particular 
sect.  {I  had  purposely  avoided  them ;  for,  being  fullv 
persuaded  of  the  utility  and  excellency  of  my  method^ 
and  that  it  might  be  serviceable  to  people  in  all  re 
ligions,  and  intending  some  time  or  other  to  publish 
it,  I  would  not  have  any  thing  in  it  that  should  preju 
dice  any  one,  of  any  sect,  against  it.  I  proposed 
writing  a  little  comment  on  each  virtue,  in  which  I 
would  have  shown  the  advantages  of  possessing  it, 
and  the  mischiefs  attending  its  opposite  vice ;  ] 
should  have  called  my  book  THE  ART  OF  VIRTUE, 
because  it  would  have  shown  the  means  and  man 
ner  of  obtaining  virtue,  which  would  have  distin 
guished  it  from  the  mere  exhortation  to  be  good, 
that  does  not  instruct  and  indicate  the  means,  but 
is  like  the  apostle's  man  of  verbal  charity,  who, 
without  showing  to  the  naked  and  hungry  how 
or  where  they  might  get  clothes  or  victuals,  only 


142  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

exhorted  them  to  be  fed  and  clothed. — James,  ii., 
15,  16. 

But  it  so  happened  that  my  intention  of  writing 
and  publishing  this  comment  was  never  fulfilled.  I 
had,  indeed,  from  time  to  time,  put  down  short  hints 
of  the  sentiments  and  reasonings  to  be  made  use  of 
in  it,  some  of  which  I  have  still  by  me;  but  the 
necessary  close  attention  to  private  business  in  the 
earlier  part  of  life,  and  public  business  since,  have 
occasioned  my  postponing  it ;  for,  it  being  con 
nected  in  my  mind  with  a  great  and  extensive  pro 
ject,  that  required  the  whole  man  to  execute,  and 
which  an  unforeseen  succession  of  employs  prevent 
ed  my  attending  to,  it  has  hitherto  remained  un 
finished. 

In  this  piece  it  was  my  design  to  explain  and  en 
force  this  doctrine,  that  vicious  actions  are  not  hurt 
ful  because  they  are  forbidden,  but  forbidden  because 
they  are  hurtful,  the  nature  of  man  alone  consider 
ed  ;  that  it  was,  therefore,  every  one's  interest  to  be 
virtuous  who  wished  to  be  happy  even  in  this  world ; 
and  I  should,  from  this  circumstance  (there  being  al 
ways  in  the  world  a  number  of  rich  merchants,  no 
bility,  states,  and  princes,  who  have  need  of  honest 
instruments  for  the  management  of  their  affairs,  and 
such  being  so  rare),  have  endeavored  to  convince 
young  persons  that  no  qualities  are  so  likely  to  make 
a  poor  man's  fortune  as  those  of  probity  and  in 
tegrity. 

My  list  of  virtues  contained  at  first  but  twelve ; 
but  a  Quaker  friend  having  kindly  informed  me  that 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  143 

I  was  generally  thought  proud ;  that  my  pride  show 
ed  itself  frequently  in  conversation ;  that  I  was  not 
content  with  being  in  the  right  when  discussing  any 
point,  but  was  overbearing,  and  rather  insolent,  of 
which  he  convinced  me  by  mentioning  several  in 
stances  ;  I  determined  to  endeavor  to  cure  myself, 
if  I  could,  of  this  vice  or  folly  among  the  rest,  and 
I  added  Humility  to  my  list,  giving  an  extensive 
meaning  to  the  word. 

I  can  not  boast  of  much  success  in  acquiring  the 
reality  of  this  virtue,  but  I  had  a  good  deal  with  re 
gard  to  the  appearance  of  it.  I  made  it  a  rule  to 
forbear  all  direct  contradiction  to  the  sentiments  of 
others,  and  all  positive  assertion  of  my  own.  I  even 
forbid  myself,  agreeably  to  the  old  laws  of  our  Junto, 
the  use  of  every  word  or  expression  in  the  language 
that  imported  a  fixed  opinion,  such  as  certainly,  un 
doubtedly,  &c.,  and  I  adopted,  instead  of  them,  /  con 
ceive,  I  apprehend,  or  /  imagine  a  thing  to  be  so  or 
so  ;  or  it  so  appears  to  me  at  present.  When  another 
asserted  something  that  I  thought  an  error,  I  denied 
myself  the  pleasure  of  contradicting  him  abruptly, 
and  of  showing  immediately  some  absurdity  in  his 
proposition ;  and  in  answering  I  began  by  observing 
that  in  certain  cases  or  circumstances  his  opinion 
would  be  right,  but  in  the  present  case  there  appear 
ed  or  seemed  to  me  some  difference,  &c.  I  soon 
found  the  advantage  of  this  change  in  my  manners  ; 
the  conversations  I  engaged  in  went  on  more  pleas 
antly.  The  modest  way  in  which  I  proposed  my 
opinions  procured  them  a  readier  reception  and  less 


144  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

contradiction ;  I  had  less  mortification  when  I  was 
found  to  be  in  the  wrong,  and  I  more  easily  pre 
vailed  with  others  to  give  up  their  mistakes  and  join 
with  me  when  I  happened  to  be  in  the  right. 

And  this  mode,  which  I  at  first  put  on  with  some 
violence  to  natural  inclination,  became  at  length 
easy,  and  so  habitual  to  me,  that  perhaps  for  the  last 
fifty  years  no  one  has  ever  heard  a  dogmatical  ex 
pression  escape  me.  And  to  this  habit  (after  my 
character  of  integrity)  I  think  it  principally  owing 
that  I  had  early  so  much  weight  with  my  fellow- 
citizens  when  I  proposed  new  institutions,  or  altera 
tions  in  the  old,  and  so  much  influence  in  public 
councils  when  I  became  a  member ;  for  I  was  but  a 
bad  speaker,  never  eloquent,  subject  to  much  hesita 
tion  in  my  choice  of  words,  hardly  correct  in  lan 
guage,  and  yet  I  generally  carried  my  point. 

In  reality,  there  is,  perhaps,  no  one  of  our  natural 
passions  so  hard  to  subdue  as  pride.  Disguise  it, 
struggle  with  it,  stifle  it,  mortify  it  as  much  as  one 
pleases,  it  is  still  alive,  and  will  every  now  and  then 
peep  out  and  show  itself;  you  will  see  it,  perhaps, 
often  in  this  history ;  for,  even  if  I  could  conceive 
that  I  had  completely  overcome  it,  I  should  probably 
be  proud  of  my  humility. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  145 


CHAPTER  VH. 

[THE  last  chapter  embraces  what  was  written  at 
Passy.  The  remainder  of  Franklin's  autobiography, 
so  far  as  he  continued  it,  is  endorsed  "MEMORANDUM. 
1  am  now  about  to  write  at  home  (Philadelphia), 
August,  1788,  but  can  not  have  the  help  expected 
from  my  papers,  many  of  them  being  lost  in  the  war. 
1  have,  however,  found  the  following."] 

Having  mentioned  a  great  and  extensive  project 
which  1  had  conceived,  it  seems  proper  that  some 
account  should  be  here  given  of  that  project  and  its 
object.  Its  first  rise  in  my  mind  appears  in  the  fol 
lowing  little  paper,  accidentally  preserved,  viz. : 

Observations  on  my  reading  history,  in  the  Li 
brary,  May  9th,  1731. 

"  That  the  great  affairs  of  the  world,  the  wars,  and 
revolutions  are  carried  on  and  effected  by  parties. 

"  That  the  view  of  these  parties  is  their  present 
general  interest,  or  what  they  take  to  be  such. 

"  That  the  different  views  of  these  different  par 
ties  occasion  all  confusion. 

"  That  while  a  party  is  carrying  on  a  general  de 
sign,  each  man  has  his  particular  private  interest  in 
view. 

"  That  as  soon  as  a  party  has  gained  its  general 

K 


146  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

point,  each  member  becomes  intent  upon  his  partic 
ular  interest;  which,  thwarting  others,  breaks  that 
party  into  divisions,  and  occasions  more  confusion. 

"  That  few  in  public  affairs  act  from  a  mere  view 
of  the  good  of  their  country,  whatever  they  may 
pretend ;  and,  though  their  actings  bring  real  good 
to  their  country,  yet  men  primarily  considered  that 
their  own  arid  their  country's  interest  were  united, 
and  so  did  not  act  from  a  principle  of  benevolence. 

"  That  fewer  still,  in  public  affairs,  act  with  a  view- 
to  the  good  of  mankind. 

"  There  seems  to  me  at  present  to  be  great  occa 
sion  for  raising  a  United  Party  for  Virtue,  by  form 
ing  the  virtuous  and  good  nien  of  all  nations  into  a 
regular  body,  to  be  governed  by  suitable  good  and 
wise  rules,  which  good  and  wise  men  may  probably 
oe  more  unanimous  in  their  obedience  to,  than  com 
mon  people  are  to  common  laws. 

"I  at  present  think  that  whoever  attempts  this 
aright,  and  is  well  qualified,  can  not  fail  of  pleasing 
God,  and  of  meeting  with  success." 

Revolving  this  project  in  my  mind,  as  to  be  under 
taken  hereafter,  when  my  circumstances  should  af 
ford  me  the  necessary  leisure,  I  put  down  from  time 
to  time,  on  pieces  of  paper,  such  thoughts  as  occurred 
to  me  respecting  it.  Most  of  these  are  lost ;  but  I 
find  one  purporting  to  be  the  substance  of  an  intend 
ed  creed,  containing,  as  I  thought,  the  essentials  of 
every  known  religion,  and  being  free  of  every  thing 
that  might  shock  the  professors  of  any  religion.  It 
is  expressed  in  these  words,  viz. : 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  147 

:•"  That  there  is  one  God,  who  made  all  things. 

"  That  he  governs  the  world  by  his  providence. 

"  That  he  ought  to  be  worshiped  by  adoration, 
prayer,  and  thanksgiving. 

"But  that  the  most  acceptable  service  to  God  is 
doing  good  to  man. 

"  That  the  soul  is  immortal. 

"  And  that  God  will  certainly  reward  virtue  and 
punish  vice,  either  here  or  hereafter." 

My  ideas  at  that  time  were,  that  the  sect  should 
be  begun  and  spread  at  first  among  young  and  single 
men  only ;  that  each  person  to  be  initiated  should 
not  only  declare  his  assent  to  such  creed,  but  should 
have  exercised  himself  with  the  thirteen  weeks'  ex 
amination  and  practice  of  the  virtues,  as  in  the  be 
fore-mentioned  model ;  that  the  existence  of  such  a 
society  should  be  kept  a  secret,  till  it  was  become 
considerable,  to  prevent  solicitations  for  the  admis 
sion  of  improper  persons,  but  that  the  members 
should  each  of  them  search  among  his  acquaint 
ance  for  ingenious,  well-disposed  youths,  to  whom, 
with  prudent  caution,  the  scheme  should  be  gradual 
ly  communicated ;  that  the  members  should  en 
gage  to  afford  their  advice,  assistance,  and  support 
to  each  other  in  promoting  one  another's  interest, 
business,  and  advancement  in  life  ;  that,  for  dis 
tinction,  we  should  be  called  THE  SOCIETY  OF  THE 
FREE  AND  EASY  :  free,  as  being,  by  the  general 
practice  and  habits  of  the  virtues,  free  from  the  do 
minion  of  vice ;  and  particularly  by  the  practice  of 
industry  and  frugality,  free  from  debts,  which  ex- 


148  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

poses  a  man  to  constraint,  and  a  species  of  slavery 
to  his  creditors. 

This  is  as  much  as  I  can  now  recollect  of  the 
project,  except  that  I  communicated  it  in  part  to  two 
young  men,  who  adopted  it  with  some  enthusiasm ; 
but  my  then  narrow  circumstances,  and  the  neces 
sity  I  was  under  of  sticking  close  to  my  business, 
occasioned  my  postponing  the  further  prosecution 
of  it  at  that  time ;  and  my  multifarious  occupations, 
public  and  private,  induced  me  to  continue  post 
poning,  so  that  it  has  been  omitted  till  I  have  no 
longer  strength  or  activity  left  sufficient  for  such  an 
enterprise ;  though  I  am  still  of  opinion  it  was  a 
practicable  scheme,  and  might  have  been  very  use 
ful,  by  forming  a  great  number  of  good  citizens  ;  and 
I  was  not  discouraged  by  the  seeming  magnitude  of 
the  undertaking,  as  I  have  always  thought  that  one 
man  of  tolerable  abilities  may  work  great  changes, 
and  accomplish  great  affairs  among  mankind,  if  he 
first  forms  a  good  plan,  and,  cutting  off  all  amuse 
ments  or  other  employments  that  would  divert  his 
attention,  make  the  execution  of  that  same  plan  his 
sole  study  and  business. 

In  1732  I  first  published  my  Almanac,  under  the 
name  of  Richard  Saunders ;  it  was  continued  by 
me  about  twenty-five  years,  and  commonly  called 
Poor  Richard's  Almanac.  I  endeavored  to  make  it 
both  entertaining  and  useful,  and  it  accordingly  came 
to  be  in  such  demand,  that  I  reaped  considerable 
profit,  from  it,  vending  annually  near  ten  thousand.* 

*  The  first  year  that  the  Almanac  was  printed  was  for  1733.     The  firs'. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  149 

And  observing  that  it  was  generally  read,  scarce  an y 
neighborhood  in  the  province  being  without  it,  I 
considered  it  as  a  proper  vehicle  for  conveying  in 
struction  among  the  common  people,  who  bought 
scarcely  any  other  books;  I  therefore  filled  all  the 
little  spaces  that  occurred  between  the  remarkable 
days  in  the  calendar  with  proverbial  sentences, 
chiefly  such  as  inculcated  industry  and  frugality,  as 
the  means  of  procuring  wealth,  and  thereby  securing 
virtue;  it  being  more  difficult  for  a  man  in  want  to 
act  always  honestly,  as,  to  use  here  one  of  those 
proverbs,  it  is  hard  for  an  empty  sack  to  stand  up 
right. 

These  proverbs,  which  contained  the  wisdom  of 
many  ages  and  nations,  I  assembled  and  formed  into 
a  connected  discourse  prefixed  to  the  Almanac  of 
1757,  as  the  harangue  of  a  wise  old  man  to  the  peo 
ple  attending  an  auction.  The  bringing  all  these 
scattered  counsels  thus  into  a  focus  enabled  them  to 
make  greater  impression.  The  piece,  being  uni- 

advertisement  of  it  appeared  in  December,  1732,  rather  later  in  the 
season  than  our  present  almanac  makers  issue.  Three  editions  of  the 
first  number  were  printed  before  the  end  of  January  ;  and  in  after  years, 
though  the  edition  was  increased,  it  was  frequently  necessary  to  reprint. 
We  copy  the  first  advertisement  from  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette  : 

"Just  published,  for  1733,  An  Almanac,  containing  the  Lunations, 
Eclipses,  Planets'  Motions  and  Aspects,  Weather,  Sun  and  Moon's  Rising 
and  Setting,  High  Water,  &c. ;  besides  many  pleasant  and  witty  Verses, 
Jests,  and  Sayings  ;  Author's  Motive  of  Writing ;  Prediction  of  the  Death 
of  his  Friend,  Mr.  Titan  Leeds ;  Moon  no  Cuckold ;  Bachelor's  Folly ; 
Parson's  Wine  and  Baker's  Pudding ;  Short  Visits  ;  Kings  and  Bears ; 
New  Fashions ;  Game  for  Kisses ;  Katherine's  Love ;  Different  Senti 
ments  ;  Signs  of  a  Tempest ;  Death  of  a  Fisherman  ;  Conjugal  Debate ; 
Men  and  Melons  ;  The  Prodigal ;  Breakfast  in  Bed  ;  Oyster  Lawsuit,  &c. 
By  Richard  Saunders,  Philomat.  Printed  and  Sold  by  B.  Franklin." 


150  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

versally  approved,  was  copied  in  all  the  newspapers 
of  the  American  Continent;  reprinted  in  Britain  on 
a  large  sheet  of  paper,  to  be  stuck  up  in  houses;  two 
translations  were  made  of  it  in  France,  and  great 
numbers  bought  by  the  clergy  and  gentry,  to  dis 
tribute  gratis  among  their  poor  parishioners  and 
tenants.  In  Pennsylvania,  as  it  discouraged  useless 
expense  in  foreign  superfluities,  some  thought  it  had 
its  share  of  influence  in  producing  that  growing 
plenty  of  money  which  was  observable  for  several 
years  after  its  publication. 

I  considered  my  newspaper,  also,  as  another  means 
of  communicating  instruction,  and  in  that  view  fre 
quently  reprinted  in  it  extracts  from  the  Spectator, 
and  other  moral  writers ;  and  sometimes  published 
little  pieces  of  my  own,  which  had  been  first  com 
posed  for  reading  in  our  Junto.  Of  these  are  a 
Socratic  dialogue,  tending  to  prove  that,  whatever 
might  be  his  parts  and  abilities,  a  vicious  man  could 
not  properly  be  called  a  man  of  sense ;  and  a  dis 
course  on  self-denial,  showing  that  virtue  was  not 
secure  till  its  practice  became  a  habitude,  and  was 
free  from  the  opposition  of  contrary  inclinations. 
These  may  be  found  in  the  papers  about  the  be 
ginning  of  1735. 

In  the  conduct  of  my  newspaper,  I  carefully  ex 
cluded  all  libeling  and  personal  abuse,  which  is  of 
late  years  become  so  disgraceful  to  our  country. 
Whenever  I  was  solicited  to  insert  any  thing  of  that 
kind,  and  the  writers  pleaded,  as  they  generally  did, 
the  liberty  of  the  press,  and  that  a  newspaper  was 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  151 

like  a  stage-coach,  in  which  any  one  who  would  pay 
had  a  right  to  a  place,  my  answer  was,  that  I  would 
print  the  piece  separately  if  desired,  and  the  author 
might  have  as  many  copies  as  he  pleased  to  distrib 
ute  himself,  but  that  I  would  not  take  upon  me  to 
spread  his  detraction ;  and  that,  having  contracted 
with  my  subscribers  to  furnish  them  with  what  might 
be  either  useful  or  entertaining,  I  could  not  fill  their 
papers  with  private  altercation,  in  which  they  had 
no  concern,  without  doing  them  manifest  injustice. 
Now,  many  of  our  printers  make  no  scruple  of  grati 
fying  the  malice  of  individuals  by  false  accusations 
of  the  fairest  characters  among  ourselves,  augment 
ing  animosity  even  to  the  producing  of  duels ;  and 
are,  moreover,  so  indiscreet  as  to  print  scurrilous  re 
flections  on  the  government  of  neighboring  states, 
and  even  on  the  conduct  of  our  best  national  allies, 
which  may  be  attended  with  the  most  pernicious 
consequences.  These  things  I  mention  as  a  caution 
to  young  printers,  and  that  they  may  be  encouraged 
not  to  pollute  their  presses  and  disgrace  their  pro 
fession  by  such  infamous  practices,  but  refuse  steadi 
ly,  as  they  may  see  by  my  example  that  such  a 
course  of  conduct  will  not,  on  the  whole,  be  injurious 
to  their  interests. 

In  1733  I  sent  one  of  my  journeymen  to  Charles 
ton,  South  Carolina,  where  a  printer  was  wanting. 
I  furnished  him  with  a  press  and  letters,  on  an  agree 
ment  of  partnership,  by  which  I  was  to  receive  one 
third  of  the  profits  of  the  business,  paying  one  third 
of  the  expense.  He  was  a  man  of  learning,  but 


152  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

ignorant  in  matters   of  account :    and,   though    he 

o  o 

sometimes  made  me  remittances,  I  could  get  no  ac 
count  from  him,  nor  any  satisfactory  state  of  our 
partnership  while  he  lived.  On  his  decease,  the 
business  was  continued  by  his  widow,  who,  being 


horn  and  bred  in  Holland,  where,  as  1  have  been  in 
formed,  the  knowledge  of  accounts  makes  a  part  of 
female  education,  she  not  only  sent  me  as  clear  a 
statement  as  she  could  find  of  the  transactions  past, 
but  continued  to  account  with  the  greatest  regularity 
and  exactness  every  quarter  afterward,  and  managed 
the  business  with  such  success,  that  she  not  only  rep 
utably  brought  up  a  family  of  children,  but,  at  the 
expiration  of  the  term,  was  able  to  purchase  of  me 
the  printing-house,  and  establish  her  son  in  it. 

I  mention  this  affair  chiefly  for  the  sake  of  recom 
mending  that  branch  of  education  for  our  young 
women,  as  likely  to  be  of  more  use  to  them  and  their 
children,  in  case  of  widowhood,  than  either  music 
or  dancing,  by  preserving  them  from  losses  by  im- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  153 

position  of  crafty  men,  and  enabling  them  to  con 
tinue,  perhaps,  a  profitable  mercantile  house,  with 
established  correspondence,  till  a  son  is  grown  up 
fit  to  undertake  and  go  on  with  it,  to  the  lasting  ad 
vantage  and  enriching  of  the  family. 

About  the  year  1734  there  arrived  among  us  a 
young  Presbyterian  preacher,  named  Hemphill,  who 
delivered  with  a  good  voice,  and  apparently  extem 
pore,  most  excellent  discourses,  which  drew  together 
considerable  numbers  of  different  persuasions,  who 
joined  in  admiring  them.  Among  the  rest,  I  be 
came  one  of  his  constant  hearers,  his  sermons  pleas 
ing  me,  as  they  had  little  of  the  dogmatical  kind,  but 
inculcated  strongly  the  practice  of  virtue,  or  what  in 
the  religious  style  are  called  good  works.  Those, 
however,  of  our  congregation,  who  considered  them 
selves  as  orthodox  Presbyterians,  disapproved  his 
doctrine,  and  were  joined  by  most  of  the  old  minis 
ters,  who  arraigned  him  of  heterodoxy  before  the 
synod,  in  order  to  have  him  silenced.  I  became  his 
zealous  partisan,  and  contributed  all  1  could  to  raise 
a  party  in  his  favor,  and  combated  for  him  a  while 
with  some  hopes  of  success.  There  was  much 
scribbling  pro  and  con  upon  the  occasion;  and  find 
ing  that,  though  an  elegant  preacher,  he  was  but 
a  poor  writer,  I  wrote  for  him  two  or  three  pam 
phlets,  and  a  piece  in  the  Gazette  of  April,  1735. 
Those  pamphlets,  as  is  generally  the  case  with  con 
troversial  writings,  though  eagerly  read  at  the  time, 
were  soon  out  of  vogue,  and  I  question  whether  a 
single  copy  of  them  now  exists. 


154  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

During  the  contest  an  unlucky  occurrence  hurt 
his  cause  exceedingly.  One  of  our  adversaries  hav 
ing  heard  him  preach  a  sermon  that  was  much  ad 
mired,  thought  he  had  somewhere  read  the  sermon 
before,  or  at  least  a  part  of  it.  On  searching,  he 
found  that  part  quoted  at  length,  in  one  of  the  British 
Reviews,  from  a  discourse  of  Dr.  Foster's.  This  de 
tection  gave  many  of  our  party  disgust,  who  accord 
ingly  abandoned  his  cause,  and  occasioned  our  more 
speedy  discomfiture  in  the  synod.  I  stuck  by  him, 
however ;  I  rather  approved  his  giving  us  good  ser 
mons  composed  by  others,  than  bad  ones  of  his  own 
manufacture,  though  the  latter  was  the  practice  of 
our  common  teachers.  He  afterward  acknowledged 
to  me  that  none  of  those  he  preached  were  his  own  ; 
adding,  that  his  memory  was  such  as  enabled  him  to 
retain  and  repeat  any  sermon  after  once  reading 
only.  On  our  defeat,  he  left  us  in  search  elsewhere 
of  better  fortune,  and  I  quitted  the  congregation, 
never  attending  it  after,  though  I  continued  many 
years  my  subscription  for  the  support  of  its  ministers. 

I  had  begun  in  1733  to  study  languages;  I  soon 
made  myself  so  much  a  master  of  the  French  as  to 
be  able  to  read  the  books  in  that  language  with  ease. 
I  then  undertook  the  Italian.  An  acquaintance, 
who  was  learning  it,  used  often  to  tempt  me  to  play 
chess  with  him.  Finding  this  took  up  too  much  of 
the  time  I  had  to  spare  for  study,  I  at  length  refused 
to  play  any  more,  unless  on  this  condition,  that  the 
victor  in  every  game  should  have  a  right  to  impose 
a  task,  either  of  parts  of  the  grammar  to  be  got  by 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  1    5 


heart,  or  in  translations,  which  tasks  the  vanquished 
was  to  perform  upon  honor  before  our  next  meeting. 
As  we  played  pretty  equally,  we  thus  beat  one  an 
other  into  that  language.  I  afterward,  with  a  little 
pains-taking,  acquired  as  much  of  the  Spanish  as  to 
read  their  books  also. 

I  have  already  mentioned  that  I  had  only  one 
year's  instruction  in  a  Latin  school,  and  that  when 
very  young,  after  which  I  neglected  that  language  en 
tirely.  But,  when  I  had  attained  an  acquaintance 
with  the  French,  Italian,  and  Spanish,  I  was  surprised 
to  find,  on  looking  over  a  Latin  Testament,  that  I  un 
derstood  more  of  that  language  than  I  had  imagined, 
which  encouraged  me  to  apply  myself  again  to  the 
study  of  it,  and  I  met  with  more  success,  as  those 
preceding  languages  had  greatly  smoothed  my  way. 

From  these  circumstances,  I  have  thought  there  is 
some  inconsistency  in  our  common  mode  of  teach 
ing  languages.  We  are  told  that  it  is  proper  to  be- 


156  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

gin  first  with  the  Latin,  and,  having  acquired  that,  it 
will  be  more  easy  to  attain  those  modern  languages 
which  are  derived  from  it ;  and  yet  we  do  not  be 
gin  with  the  Greek,  in  order  more  easily  to  acquire 
the  Latin.  It  is  true  that,  if  we  can  clamber  and 
get  to  the  top  of  a  staircase  without  using  the  steps, 
we  shall  more  easily  gain  them  in  descending;  but 
certainly,  if  we  begin  with  the  lowest,  we  shall  with 
more  ease  ascend  to  the  top ;  and  I  would  there 
fore  offer  it  to  the  consideration  of  those  who  super 
intend  the  education  of  our  youth,  wh ether,  since 
many  of  those  who  begin  with  the  Latin  quit  the 
same  after  spending  some  years  without  having  made 
any  great  proficiency,  and  what  they  have  learned 
becomes  almost  useless,  so  that  their  time  has  been 
lost,  it  would  not  have  been  better  to  have  begun 
with  the  French,  proceeding  to  the  Italian  and  Latin ; 
for,  though,  after  spending  the  same  time,  they  should 
quit  the  study  of  languages  and  never  arrive  at  the 
Latin,  they  would,  however,  have  acquired  another 
tongue  or  two,  that,  being  in  modern  use,  might  be 
serviceable  to  them  in  common  life. 

After  ten  years'  absence  from  Boston,  and  having 
become  easy  in  my  circumstances,  I  made  a  journey 
thither  to  visit  my  relations,  which  I  could  not  sooner 
afford.  In  returning,  1  called  at  Newport  to  see  my 
brother  James,  then  settled  there  with  his  printing- 
house.  Our  former  differences  were  forgotten,  and 
our  meeting  was  very  cordial  and  affectionate.  He 
was  fast  declining  in  health,  and  requested  me  that, 
in  case  of  his  death,  which  he  apprehended  not  far 


UFK    OK     Fii  A.NKI.IN. 


distant,  I  would  take  home  his  son,  then  ten  years 
of  age,  and  bring  him  up  to  the  printing  business. 


This  I  accordingly  performed,  sending  him  a  few 
years  to  school  before  I  took  him  into  the  office. 
His  mother  carried  on  the  business  till  he  was  grown 
up,  when  I  assisted  him  with  an  assortment  of  new 
types,  those  of  his  father  being  in  a  manner  worn 
out.  Thus  it  was  that  I  made  my  brother  ample 
amends  for  the  service  I  had  deprived  him  of  by 
leaving  him  so  early. 

In  1736  I  lost  one  of  my  sons,  a  fine  boy  of  four 
years  old,  by  the  small-pox,  taken  in  the  common 
way.  I  long  regretted  him  bitterly,  and  still  regret 
that  I  had  not  given  it  to  him  by  inoculation.  This 
I  mention  for  the  sake  of  parents  who  omit  that 
operation,  on  the  supposition  that  they  should  never 


158  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

forgive  themselves  if  a  child  died  under  it;  my  ex 
ample  showing  that  the  regret  may  be  the  same 
either  way,  and,  therefore,  that  the  safer  should  be 
chosen. 

Our  club,  the  Junto,  was  found  so  useful,  arid  af 
forded  such  satisfaction  to  the  members,  that  some 
were  desirous  of  introducing  their  friends,  which 
could  not  well  be  done  without  exceeding  what  we 
had  settled  as  a  convenient  number,  viz.,  twelve. 
We  had  from  the  beginning  made  it  a  rule  to  keep 
our  institution  a  secret,  which  was  pretty  well  ob 
served;  the  intention  was  to  avoid  applications  of 
improper  persons  for  admittance,  some  of  whom, 
perhaps,  we  might  find  it  difficult  to  refuse.  I  was 
one  of  those  who  were  against  any  addition  to  our 
number,  but,  instead  of  it,  made  in  writing  a  proposal, 
that  every  member  separately  should  endeavor  to 
form  a  subordinate  club,  with  the  same  rules  respect 
ing  queries,  &c.,  and  without  informing  them  of  the 
connection  with  the  Junto.  The  advantages  pro 
posed  were,  the  improvement  of  so  many  more  young 
citizens  by  the  use  of  our  institutions ;  our  better  ac 
quaintance  with  the  general  sentiments  of  the  in 
habitants  on  any  occasion,  as  the  Junto  member 
might  propose  what  queries  we  should  desire,  and 
was  to  report  to  the  Junto  what  passed  at  his  sepa 
rate  club ;  the  promotion  of  our  particular  interests 
in  business  by  more  extensive  recommendation,  and 
the  increase  of  our  influence  in  public  affairs,  and 
our  power  of  doing  good  by  spreading  through  the 
several  clubs  the  sentiments  of  the  Junto. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  159 

The  project  was  approved,  and  every  member 
undertook  to  form  his  club,  but  they  did  not  all  suc 
ceed.  Five  or  six  only  were  completed,  which  were 
called  by  different  names,  as  the  Vine,  the  Union, 
the  Band.  They  were  useful  to  themselves,  and  af 
forded  us  a  good  deal  of  amusement,  information, 
and  instruction,  besides  answering,  in  some  consid 
erable  degree,  our  views  of  influencing  the  public  on 
particular  occasions,  of  which  I  shall  give  some  in 
stances  in  course  of  time  as  they  happened. 

My  first  promotion  was  my  being  chosen,  in  1736, 
clerk  of  the  General  Assembly.  The  choice  was 
made  that  year  without  opposition ;  but  the  year 
following,  when  I  was  again  proposed  (the  choice, 
like  that  of  the  members,  being  annual),  a  new  mem 
ber  made  a  long  speech  against  me,  in  order  to  favor 
some  other  candidate.  I  was,  however,  chosen, 
which  was  the  more  agreeable  to  me,  as,  besides 
the  pay  for  the  immediate  service  of  clerk,  the  place 
gave  me  a  better  opportunity  of  keeping  up  an  in 
terest  among  the  members,  which  secured  to  me  the 
business  of  printing  the  votes,  laws,  paper  money, 
and  other  occasional  jobs  for  the  public,  that,  on  the 
whole,  were  very  profitable. 

I  therefore  did  not  like  the  opposition  of  this  new 
member,  who  was  a  gentleman  of  fortune  and  edu 
cation,  with  talents  that  were  likely  to  give  him,  in 
time,  great  influence  in  the  House,  which,  indeed,  af 
terward  happened.  I  did  not,  however,  aim  at  gain 
ing  his  favor  by  paying  any  servile  respect  to  him, 
but,  after  some  time,  took  this  other  method.  Hav- 


160  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

ing  heard  that  he  had  in  his  library  a  certain  very 
scarce  and  curious  book,  I  wrote  a  note  to  him,  ex 
pressing  my  desire  of  perusing  that  book,  and  re 
questing  that  he  would  do  me  the  favor  of  lending 
it  to  me  for  a  few  days.  He  sent  it  immediately, 
and  I  returned  it  in  about  a  week  with  another  note, 
expressing  strongly  the  sense  of  the  favor.  When 
we  next  met  in  the  House,  he  spoke  to  me,  which 
he  had  never  done  before,  and  with  great  civility ; 
and  he  ever  after  manifested  a  readiness  to  serve  me 
on  all  occasions,  so  that  we  became  great  friends, 
and  our  friendship  continued  to  his  death.  This  is 
another  instance  of  the  truth  of  an  old  maxim  I  had 
learned,  which  says,  "  He  that  has  once  done  you  a 
kindness  will  be  more  ready  to  do  you  another,  than 
he  whom  you  yourself  have  obliged"  And  it  shows 
how  much  more  profitable  it  is  prudently  to  remove, 
than  to  resent,  return,  and  continue  inimical  pro 
ceedings. 

In  1737,  Colonel  Spotswood,  late  governor  of  Vir 
ginia,  and  then  postmaster-general,  being  dissatisfied 
with  the  conduct  of  his  deputy  at  Philadelphia,  re 
specting  some  negligence  in  rendering,  and  want  of 
exactness  in  framing  his  accounts,  took  from  him  the 
commission  and  offered  it  to  me.  I  accepted  it 
readily,  and  found  it  of  great  advantage  ;  for,  though 
the  salary  was  small,  it  facilitated  the  correspondence 
that  improved  my  newspaper,  increased  the  number 
demanded,  as  well  as  the  advertisements  to  be  in 
serted,  so  that  it  came  to  afford  me  a  considerable 
income.  My  old  competitor's  newspaper  declined 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  161 

proportionably,  and  I  was  satisfied  without  retaliating 
his  refusal,  while  postmaster,  to  permit  my  papers 
being  carried  by  the  riders.  Thus  he  suffered  great 
ly  from  his  neglect  in  due  accounting ;  and  I  men 
tion  it  as  a  lesson  to  those  young  men  who  may  be 
employed  in  managing  affairs  for  others,  that  they 
should  always  render  accounts,  and  make  remit 
tances,  with  great  clearness  and  punctuality.  The 
character  of  observing  such  a  conduct  is  the  most 
powerful  of  all  recommendations  to  new  employ 
ments  and  increase  of  business. 

I  now  began  to  turn  my  thoughts  to  public  affairs, 
beginning,  however,  with  small  matters.  The  city 
watch  was  one  of  the  first  things  that  I  conceived 
to  want  regulation.  It  was  managed  by  the  con 
stables  of  the  respective  wards  in  turn ;  the  consta 
ble  summoned  a  number  of  housekeepers  to  attend 
him  for  the  night.  Those  who  chose  never  to  at 
tend,  paid  him  six  shillings  a  year  to  be  excused, 
which  was  supposed  to  go  to  hiring  substitutes,  but 
was,  in  reality,  much  more  than  was  necessary  for 
that  purpose,  and  made  the  constableship  a  place  of 
profit ;  and  the  constable,  for  a  little  drink,  often  got 
such  ragamuffins  about  him  as  a  watch,  that  respect 
able  housekeepers  did  not  choose  to  mix  with. 
Walking  the  rounds,  too,  was  often  neglected,  and 
most  of  the  nights  spent  in  tippling.  I  thereupon 
wrote  a  paper  to  be  read  in  the  Junto,  representing 
these  irregularities,  but  insisting  more  particularly 
on  the  inequality  of  this  six- shilling  tax  of  the  con 
stables,  respecting  the  circumstances  of  those  who 

L 


162  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

paid  it,  since  a  poor  widow  housekeeper,  all  whose 
property  to  be  guarded  by  the  watch  did  not  per 
haps  exceed  the  value  of  fifty  pounds,  paid  as  much 
as  the  wealthiest  merchant,  who  had  thousands  of 
pounds'  worth  of  goods  in  his  stores. 

On  the  whole,  I  proposed,  as  a  more  effectual 
watch,  the  hiring  of  proper  men  to  serve  constantly 
in  the  business ;  and  as  a  more  equitable  way  of 
supporting  the  charge,  the  levying  a  tax  that  should 
be  proportioned  to  the  property.  This  idea,  being 
approved  by  the  Junto,  was  communicated  to  the 
other  clubs,  but  as  originating  in  each  of  them  ;  and 
though  the  plan  was  not  immediately  carried  into 
execution,  yet,  by  preparing  the  minds  of  people  for 
the  change,  it  paved  the  way  for  the  law  obtained  a 
few  years  after,  when  the  members  of  our  clubs  were 
grown  into  more  influence. 

About  this  time  I  wrote  a  paper  (first  to  be  read 
in  the  Junto,  but  it  was  afterward  published)  on 
the  different  accidents  and  carelessnesses  by  which 
houses  were  set  on  fire,  with  cautions  against  them, 
and  means  proposed  of  avoiding  them.  This  was 
spoken  of  as  a  useful  piece,  and  gave  rise  to  a  pro 
ject,  which  soon  followed  it,  of  forming  a  company 
for  the  more  ready  extinguishing  of  fires,  and  mutual 
assistance  in  removing  and  securing  of  goods  when 
in  danger.  Associates  in  this  scheme  were  presently 
found,  amounting  to  thirty.  Our  articles  of  agree 
ment  obliged  every  member  to  keep  always  in  good 
order,  and  fit  for  use,  a  certain  number  of  leathern 
buckets,  with  strong  bags  and  baskets  (for  packing 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  163 

and  transporting  of  goods),  which  were  to  be  brought 
to  every  fire  ;  and  we  agreed  about  once  a  month  to 
spend  a  social  evening  together,  in  discoursing  and 
communicating  such  ideas  as  occurred  to  us  upon 
the  subject  of  fires,  as  might  be  useful  in  our  conduct 
on  such  occasions. 

The  utility  of  this  institution  soon  appeared,  and 
many  more  desiring  to  be  admitted  than  we  thought 
convenient  for  one  company,  they  were  advised  to 
form  another,  which  was  accordingly  done;  and 
thus  went  on  one  new  company  after  another,  till 
they  became  so  numerous  as  to  include  most  of  the 
inhabitants  who  were  men  of  property ;  and  now,  at 
the  time  of  my  writing  this,  though  upward  of  fifty 
years  since  its  establishment,  that  which  1  first  form 
ed,  called  the  Union  Fire  Company,  still  subsists, 
though  the  first  members  are  all  deceased  but  one, 
who  is  older  by  a  year  than  I  am.  The  fines  that 
have  been  paid  by  members  for  absence  at  the 
monthly  meetings  have  been  applied  to  the  pur 
chase  of  fire-engines,  ladders,  fire-hooks,  and  other 
useful  implements  for  each  qompany,  so  that  I  ques 
tion  whether  there  is  a  city  in  the  world  better  pro 
vided  with  the  means  of  putting  a  stop  to  beginning 
conflagrations ;  and,  in  fact,  since  these  institutions, 
the  city  has  never  lost  by  fire  more  than  one  or  two 
houses  at  a  time,  and  the  flames  have  often  been  ex 
tinguished  before  the  house  in  which  they  began  has 
been  half  consumed. 


164 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

IN  1739  arrived  among  us  from  Ireland  the  Rev 
erend  Mr.  Whitefield,  who  had  made  himself  remark 


able  there  as  an  itinerant  preacher.  He  was  at  first 
permitted  to  preach  in  some  of  our  churches ;  but 
the  clergy,  taking  a  dislike  to  him,  soon  refused  him 
their  pulpits,  and  he  was  obliged  to  preach  in  the 
fields.  The  multitudes  of  all  sects  and  denomina 
tions  that  attended  his  sermons  were  enormous,  and 
it  was  a  matter  of  speculation  to  me,  who  was  one  of 
the  number,  to  observe  the  extraordinary  influence 
of  his  oratory  on  his  hearers,  and  how  much  they 
admired  and  respected  him,  notwithstanding  his 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  165 

common  abuse  of  them,  by  assuring  them  they  were 
naturally  half  beasts  and  half  devils.  It  was  wonder 
ful  to  see  the  change  soon  made  in  the  manners  of 
our  inhabitants.  From  being  thoughtless  or  indif 
ferent  about  religion,  it  seemed  as  if  all  the  world 
were  growing  religious,  so  that  one  could  not  walk 
through  the  town  in  an  evening  without  hearing 
psalms  sung  in  different  families  of  every  street. 

And  it  being  found  inconvenient  to  assemble  in 
the  open  air,  subject  to  its  inclemencies,  the  build 
ing  of  a  house  to  meet  in  was  no  sooner  proposed, 
and  persons  appointed  to  receive  contributions,  than 
sufficient  sums  were  soon  received  to  procure  the 
ground  and  erect  the  building,  which  was  one  hun 
dred  feet  long  and  seventy  broad ;  and  the  work  was 
carried  on  with  such  spirit  as  to  be  finished  in  a 
much  shorter  time  than  could  have  been  expected. 
Both  house  and  ground  were  vested  in  trustees,  ex 
pressly  for  the  use  of  any  preacher  of  any  religious 
persuasion  who  might  desire  to  say  something  to 
the  people  at  Philadelphia ;  the  design  in  building 
being  not  to  accommodate  any  particular  sect,  but 
the  inhabitants  in  general ;  so  that  even  if  the  Mufti 
of  Constantinople  were  to  send  a  missionary  to 
preach  Mohammedanism  to  us,  he  would  find  a  pul 
pit  at  his  service. 

Mr.  Whitefield,  on  leaving  us,  went  preaching  all 
the  way  through  the  colonies  to  Georgia.  The  set 
tlement  of  that  province  had  been  lately  begun,  but, 
instead  of  being  made  with  hardy,  industrious  hus 
bandmen,  accustomed  to  labor,  the  only  people  fit 


166  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

for  such  an  enterprise,  it  was  with  families  of  broken 
shop-keepers  and  other  insolvent  debtors,  many  of 
indolent  and  idle  habits,  taken  out  of  the  jails,  who, 
being  set  down  in  the  woods,  unqualified  for  clear 
ing  land,  and  unable  to  endure  the  hardships  of  a 
new  settlement,  perished  in  numbers,  leaving  many 
helpless  children  unprovided  for.  The  sight  of  their 
miserable  situation  inspired  the  benevolent  heart  of 
Mr.  Whitefield  with  the  idea  of  building  an  Orphan 
House  there,  in  which  they  might  be  supported  and 
educated.  Returning  northward,  he  preached  up 
this  charity,  and  made  large  collections,  for  his  elo 
quence  had  a  wonderful  power  over  the  hearts  and 
purses  of  his  hearers,  of  which  I  myself  was  an  in 
stance. 

I  did  not  disapprove  of  the  design,  but,  as  Georgia 
was  then  destitute  of  materials  and  workmen,  and  it 
was  proposed  to  send  them  from  Philadelphia  at  a 
great  expense,  I  thought  it  would  have  been  better 
to  have  built  the  house  at  Philadelphia,  and  brought 
the  children  to  it.  This  I  advised  ;  but  he  was  reso 
lute  in  his  first  project,  rejected  my  counsel,  and  I 
therefore  refused  to  contribute.  I  happened  soon 
after  to  attend  one  of  his  sermons,  in  the  course  of 
which  I  perceived  he  intended  to  finish  with  a  col 
lection,  and  I  silently  resolved  he  should  get  nothing 
from  me.  I  had  in  my  pocket  a  handful  of  copper 
money,  three  or  four  silver  dollars,  and  five  pistoles 
in  gold.  As  he  proceeded  I  began  to  soften,  and 
concluded  to  give  the  copper.  Another  stroke  of 
his  oratory  made  me  ashamed  of  that,  and  detenu- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  167 

ined  me  to  give  the  silver;  and  he  finished  so  ad- 

O  7 

mirably,  that  I  emptied  my  pocket  wholly  into  the 
collector's  dish,  gold  and  all.  At  this  sermon  there 
was  also  one  of  our  club,  who,  being  of  my  senti 
ments  respecting  the  building  in  Georgia,  and  sus 
pecting  a  collection  might  be  intended,  had,  by  pre 
caution,  emptied  his  pockets  before  he  came  from 
home.  Toward  the  conclusion  of  the  discourse, 
however,  he  felt  a  strong  inclination  to  give,  and  ap 
plied  to  a  neighbor,  who  stood  near  him,  to  lend 
him  some  money  for  the  purpose.  The  request  was 
fortunately  made  to  perhaps  the  only  man  in  the 
company  who  had  the  firmness  not  to  be  affected 
by  the  preacher.  His  answer  was,  "At  any  other 
time,  Friend  Hopkinson,  I  would  lend  to  thee  freely; 
but  not  now,  for  thee  seems  to  be  out  of  thy  right 


senses." 


Some  of  Mr.  Whitefield's  enemies  affected  to  sup 
pose  that  he  would  apply  these  collections  to  his 
own  private  emolument ;  but  I,  who  was  intimately 
acquainted  with  him,  being  employed  in  printing  his 
Sermons  and  Journals,  never  had  the  least  suspicion 
of  his  integrity,  but  am  to  this  day  decidedly  of 
opinion  that  he  was  in  all  his  conduct  a  perfectly 
honest  man ;  and  methinks  my  testimony  in  his  favor 
ought  to  have  the  more  weight,  as  we  had  no  re- 

O  O        " 

ligious  connection.  He  used,  indeed,  sometimes  to 
pray  for  my  conversion,  but  never  had  the  satisfac 
tion  of  believing  that  his  prayers  were  heard.  Ours 
was  a  mere  civil  friendship,  sincere  on  both  sides, 
and  lasted  to  his  death. 


168  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

The  following  instance  will  show  the"  terms  on 
which  we  stood.  Upon  one  of  his  arrivals  from 
England  at  Boston,  he  wrote  to  me  that  he  should 
come  soon  to  Philadelphia,  but  knew  not  where  he 
could  lodge  when  there,  as  he  understood  his  old 
friend  and  host,  Mr.  Benezet,  was  removed  to  Ger- 
mantown.  My  answer  was,  "  You  know  my  house ; 
if  you  can  make  shift  with  its  scanty  accommoda 
tions,  you  will  be  most  heartily  welcome."  He  re 
plied,  that  if  I  made  that  kind  offer  for  Christ's  sake, 
I  should  not  rniss  of  a  reward.  And  I  returned, 
"  Don't  let  me  be  mistaken ;  it  was  not  for  Christ's 
sake,  but  for  your  sake!'  One  of  our  common  ac 
quaintance  jocosely  remarked,  that,  knowing  it  to 
be  the  custom  of  the  saints,  when  they  received  any 
favor,  to  shift  the  burden  of  the  obligation  from  off 
their  own  shoulders,  and  place  it  in  heaven,  I  had 
contrived  to  fix  it  on  earth. 

The  last  time  I  saw  Mr.  Whitefield  was  in  Lon 
don,  when  he  consulted  me  about  his  Orphan  House 
concern,  and  his  purpose  of  appropriating  it  to  the 
establishment  of  a  college. 

He  had  a  loud  and  clear  voice,  and  articulated 
his  words  so  perfectly,  that  he  might  be  heard  and 
understood  at  a  great  distance,  especially  as  his 
auditors  observed  the  most  perfect  silence.  He 
preached  one  evening  from  the  top  of  the  Court 
house  steps,  which  are  in  the  middle  of  Market- 
street,  and  on  the  west  side  of  Second-street,  which 
crosses  it  at  right  angles.  Both  streets  were  filled 
with  his  hearers  to  a  considerable  distance.  Being 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  169 

among  the  hindmost  in  Market-street,  I  had  the 
curiosity  to  learn  how  far  he  could  be  heard,  by  re 
tiring  backward  down  the  street  toward  the  river; 
and  I  found  his  voice  distinct  till  I  came  near  Front- 
street,  when  some  noise  in  that  street  obscured  it. 
Imagining  then  a  semicircle,  of  which  my  distance 
should  be  the  radius,  and  that  it  was  filled  with  au 
ditors,  to  each  of  whom  I  allowed  two  square  feet, 
I  computed  that  he  might  well  be  heard  by  more 
than  thirty  thousand.  This  reconciled  me  to  the 
newspaper  accounts  of  his  having  preached  to  twen 
ty-five  thousand  people  in  the  fields,  and  to  the  his 
tory  of  generals  haranguing  whole  armies,  of  which 
I  had  sometimes  doubted. 

By  hearing  him  often,  I  came  to  distinguish  easily 
between  sermons  newly  composed,  and  those  which 
he  had  often  preached  in  the  course  of  his  travels. 
His  delivery  of  the  latter  was  so  improved  by  fre 
quent  repetition,  that  every  accent,  every  emphasis, 
every  modulation  of  voice,  was  so  perfectly  well 
turned  and  well  placed,  that,  without  being  interest 
ed  in  the  subject,  one  could  not  help  being  pleased 
with  the  discourse ;  a  pleasure  of  much  the  same 
kind  with  that  received  from  an  excellent  piece  of 
music.  This  is  an  advantage  itinerant  preachers 
have  over  those  who  are  stationary,  as  the  latter 
can  not  well  improve  their  delivery  of  a  sermon  by 
so  many  rehearsals. 

His  writing  and  printing  from  time  to  time  gave 
great  advantage  to  his  enemies ;  unguarded  expres 
sions,  and  even  erroneous  opinions,  delivered  in 


170  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

preaching,  might  have  been  afterward  explained  or 
qualified  by  supposing  others  that  might  have  ac 
companied  them,  or  they  might  have  been  denied; 
but  liter  a  scripta  manet.  Critics  attacked  his  writ 
ings  violently,  and  with  so  much  appearance  of 
reason  as  to  diminish  the  number  of  his  votaries  and 
prevent  their  increase ;  so  that  I  am  satisfied  that, 
if  he  had  never  written  any  thing,  he  would  have 
left  behind  him  a  much  more  numerous  and  im 
portant  sect,  and  his  reputation  might  in  that  case 
have  been  still  growing,  even  after  his  death,  as, 
-there  being  nothing  of  his  writing  on  which  to  found 
a  censure  and  give  him  a  lower  character,  his  prose 
lytes  would  be  left  at  liberty  to  attribute  to  him  as 
great  a  variety  of  excellences  as  their  enthusiastic 
admiration  might  wish  him  to  have  possessed,* 

*  The  remarks  which  Franklin  makes  relative  to  the  distance  at  which 
he  heard  Whitefield's  voice  may  require  a  little  explanation  to  those  who 
are  acquainted  with  the  appearances  of  Market-street  now.  The  Court 
house,  of  which  he  speaks  as  then  standing  in  High  or  Market  street,  has 
long  since  been  removed,  and  a  long  line  of  market-houses  occupies  the 
, center  of  the  street.  The  following  interesting  particulars  relative  to  the 
reception  of  Whitefield  in  this  country  are  extracted  from  cotemporary 
files  of  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette,  Franklin's  newspaper. 

November  15th,  1739. — "The  Reverend  Mr.  Whitefield,  having  given 
me  copies  of  his  Journals  and  Sermons,  with  leave  to  print  the  same,  I 
propose  .to  publish  them  with  all  expedition,  if  I  fin'd  sufficient  encourage 
ment.  The  Sermons  will  make  two  volumes,  and  the  Journals  two 
more,  which  will  be  delivered  to  subscribers  at  two  shillings  for  each 
volume,  bound.  Those,  therefore,  who  are  inclined  to  encourage  this 
work,  are  desired  speedily  to  send  in  their  names  to  me,  that  I  may  take 
measures  accordingly." 

November  29^. "  On  Friday  last,  Mr.  Whitefield  arrived  here  with  his 

friends  from  New  York,  where  he  preached  eight  times.  He  has  preach 
ed  twice  every  day  to  great  crowds,  except  Tuesday,  when  he  preached 
,ut  Germantown,  from  a  balcony,  to  about  five  thousand  people  in  the 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  171 

My  business  was  now  constantly  augmenting*  and 
my  circumstances  growing  daily  easier,  my  news 
paper  having  become  very  profitable,  as  being  for  a 
time  almost  the  only  one  in  this  and  the  neighbor 
ing  provinces.  I  experienced,  too,  the  truth  of  the 
observation,  "  that  after  getting  the  first  hundred 
pounds,  it  is  more  easy  to  get  the  second"  money  it 
self  being  of  a  prolific  nature. 

The  partnership  at  Carolina  having  succeeded,  I 

street.  And  last  night  the  crowd  was  so  great  to  hear  his  farewell  ser 
mon,  that  the  church  could  not  contain  one  half,  whereupon  they  with 
drew  to  Society  Hill,  where  he  preached  from  a  balcony  to  a  multitude 
computed  at  not  less  than  ten  thousand  people.  He  left  this  city  to-day." 

December  5th. — "On  Thursday  last,  the  Reverend  Mr.  Whitefield  left 
this  city,  and  was  accompanied  to  Chester  by  about  one  hundred  and  fifty 
horse,  ana  preached  there  to  about  seven  thousand  people.  On  Friday 
he  preached  twice  at  Willing's  Town  to  about  five  thousand ,  on  Saturday, 
at  Newcastle,  to  about  two  thousand  five  hundred ;  and  the  same  even 
ing  at  Christiana  Bridge,  to  about  three  thousand ;  on  Sunday,  at  White 
Clay  Creek,  he  preached  twice,  resting  about  half  an  hour  between  the 
sermons,  to  about  eight  thousand,  of  whom  three  thousand,  it  is  computed, 
came  on  horseback.  It  rained  most  of  the  time,  and  yet  they  stood  in 
the  open  air." 

May  15th,  1740. — "This  evening  the  Reverend  Mr.  Whitefield  went 
on  board  his  sloop  at  Newcastle  to  sail  for  Georgia.  On  Sunday  he 
preached  twice  at  Philadelphia.  The  last  was  his  farewell  sermon,  at 
which  was  a  vast  audience.  On  Monday  he  preached  at  Derby  and 
Chester ;  on  Tuesday  at  Wilmington  and  White  Clay  Creek ;  on  Wednes 
day  at  Nottingham ;  on  Thursday  at  Fog's  Manor.  The  congregations 
were,  at  every  place,  much  more  numerous  than  when  he  was  here  last. 
We  hear  that  he  has  collected  in  these  parts,  in  goods  and  money,  be 
tween  four  and  five  hundred  pounds  sterling  for  his  Orphan  House  in 
Georgia." 

May  2Zd,  1740. — "Monday  next  will  be  delivered  to  the  subscribers 
two  volumes  of  the  Reverend  Mr.  Whitefield's  works,  viz.,  one  of  Ser 
mons  and  one  of  Journals.  The  other  volumes  being  nearly  finished,  will 
be  ready  in  a  short  time.  The  whole  number  of  names  subscribed  far 
exceeds  the  number  of  books  printed.  Those  subscribers  who  have  paid, 
or  who  bring  the  money  in  their  hands,  will  have  the  preference  " 


172  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

was  encouraged  to  engage  in  others,  and  to  promote 
several  of  my  workmen,  who  had  behaved  well,  by 
establishing  them  in  printing-houses  in  different 
colonies,  on  the  same  terms  with  that  in  Carolina. 
Most  of  them  did  well,  being  enabled  at  the  end  of 
our  term,  six  years,  to  purchase  the  types  of  me  and 
go  on  working  for  themselves,  by  which  means  sev 
eral  families  were  raised.  Partnerships  often  finish 
in  quarrels ;  but  I  was  happy  in  this,  that  mine 
were  all  carried  on  and  ended  amicably,  owing,  I 
think,  a  good  deal  to  the  precaution  of  having  very 
explicitly  settled,  in  our  articles,  every  thing  to  be 
done  by  or  expected  from  each  partner,  so  that  there 
was  nothing  to  dispute,  which  precaution  I  would 
therefore  recommend  to  all  who  enter  into  partner 
ships  ;  for,  whatever  esteem  partners  may  have  for, 
and  confidence  in,  each  other  at  the  time  of  the  con 
tract,  little  jealousies  and  disgusts  may  arise,  with 
ideas  of  inequality  in  the  care  and  burden,  business, 
&c.,  which  are  attended  often  with  breach  of  friend 
ship  and  of  the  connection,  perhaps  with  lawsuits 
and  other  disagreeable  consequences. 

I  had,  on  the  whole,  abundant  reason  to  be  satis 
fied  with  my  being  established  in  Pennsylvania. 
There  were,  however,  some  things  that  I  regretted, 
there  being  no  provision  for  defense,  nor  for  a  com 
plete  education  of  youth ;  no  militia,  nor  any  college. 
I  therefore,  in  1743,  drew  up  a  proposal  for  estab 
lishing  an  academy ;  and  at  that  time,  thinking  the 
Reverend  Richard  Peters,  who  was  out  of  employ, 
a  fit  person  to  superintend  such  an  institution,  I  com- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  173 

municated  the  project  to  him;  but  he,  having  more 
profitable  views  in  the  service  of  the  proprietors, 
which  succeeded,  declined  the  undertaking;  and, 
not  knowing  another  at  that  time  suitable  for  such 
a  trust,  I  let  the  scheme  lie  a  while  dormant.  I  suc 
ceeded  better  the  next  year,  1744,  in  proposing  and 
establishing  a  Philosophical  Society*  The  paper 
I  wrote  for  that  purpose  will  be  found  among  my 
writings,  if  not  lost  with  many  others. 

With  respect  to  defense,  Spain  having  been  sev 
eral  years  at  war  against  Great  Britain,  and  being  at 
length  joined  by  France,  which  brought  us  into  great 
danger ;  and  the  labored  and  long-continued  en 
deavor  of  our  governor,  Thomas,  to  prevail  with  our 
Quaker  Assembly  to  pass  a  militia  law,  and  make 
other  provisions  for  the  security  of  the  province, 
having  proved  abortive,  I  proposed  to  try  what  might 
be  done  by  a  voluntary  subscription  of  the  people. 
To  promote  this,  I  first  wrote  and  published  a  pam 
phlet,  entitled  PLAIN  TRUTH,  in  which  I  stated  our 
helpless  situation  in  strong  lights,  with  the  necessity 
of  union  and  discipline  for  our  defense,  and  promised 
to  propose  in  a  few  days  an  association,  to  be  gen 
erally  signed  for  that  purpose.  The  pamphlet  had 

*  This  institution,  one  of  the  best  and  oldest  in  the  country,  now  pos 
sesses  a  library  of  14,000  volumes,  and  a  fine  collection  of  minerals,  fos 
sils,  relics,  &c.,  &c.  Its  "Transactions,"  published  from  time  to  time, 
are  of  great  value,  and  its  present  condition  is  highly  prosperous.  It 
numbers  among  its  active  members  men  of  the  best  practical  and  philo 
sophical  mind  in  the  country,  and  its  rooms,  open  to  strangers  on  appli 
cation  to  the  librarian,  have  many  visitors.  In  1740  Franklin  published 
a  "  General  Magazine,"  better  adapted  to  be  useful  than  popular,  which 
lasted  only  six  months. 


174  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

a  sudden  and  surprising  effect.  I  was  called  upon 
for  the  instrument  of  association.  Having  settled 
the  draft  of  it  with  a  few  friends,  I  appointed  a  meet 
ing  of  the  citizens  in  the  large  building  before  men 
tioned.  The  house  was  pretty  full ;  I  had  prepared 
a  number  of  printed  copies,  and  provided  pens  and 
ink  dispersed  all  over  the  room.  I  harangued  them 
a  little  on  the  subject,  read  the  paper,  explained  it, 
and  then  distributed  the  copies,  which  were  eagerly 
signed,  not  the  least  objection  being  made. 

When  the  company  separated,  and  the  papers 
were  collected,  we  found  above  twelve  hundred  sig 
natures  ;  and,  other  copies  being  dispersed  in  the 
country,  the  subscribers  amounted  at  length  to  up 
ward  of  ten  thousand.  These  all  furnished  them 
selves  as  soon  as  they  could  with  arms,  formed  them 
selves  into  companies  and  regiments,  chose  their  own 
officers,  and  met  every  week  to  be  instructed  in  the 
manual  exercise,  and  other  parts  of  military  disci 
pline.  The  women,  by  subscriptions  among  them 
selves,  provided  silk  colors,  which  they  presented  to 
the  companies,  painted  with  different  devices  and 
mottoes,  which  I  supplied. 

The  officers  of  the  companies  composing  the 
Philadelphia  regiment,  being  met,  chose  me  for  their 
colonel ;  but,  conceiving  myself  unfit,  I  declined  that 
station,  and  recommended  Mr.  Lawrence,  a  fine  per 
son,  and  a  man  of  influence,  who  was  accordingly 
appointed.  I  then  proposed  a  lottery  to  defray  the 
expense  of  building  a  battery  below  the  town,  and 
furnished  with  cannon.  It  filled  expeditiously,  and 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


175 


the  battery  was  soon  erected,  the  merlons  being 
framed  of  logs  and  filled  with  earth.  We  bought 
some  old  cannon  from  Boston  ;  but,  these  not  being 
sufficient,  we  wrote  to  London  for  more,  soliciting, 
at  the  same  time,  our  proprietaries  for  some  assist 
ance,  though  without  much  expectation  of  obtain 
ing  it. 

Meanwhile,  Colonel  Lawrence,  Mr.  Allen,  Abra 
ham  Taylor,  and  myself  were  sent  to  New  York  by 
the  associators,  commissioned  to  borrow  some  can 
non  of  Governor  Clinton.  He  at  first  refused  us 
peremptorily  ;  but  at  dinner  with  his  council,  where 
there  was  great  drinking  of  Madeira  wine,  as  the 
custom  of  that  place  then  was,  he  softened  by  de- 


17f)  LIFE     OF    FRAN  KLIN. 

grees,  and  said  he  would  lend  us  six.  After  a  few 
more  bumpers  he  advanced  to  ten;  and  at  length 
he  very  good-naturedly  conceded  eighteen.  They 
were  fine  cannon,  eighteen-pounders,  with  their  car 
riages,  which  were  soon  transported  and  mounted 
on  our  batteries,  where  the  associators  kept  a  night 
ly  guard  while  the  war  lasted,  and  among  the  rest 
I  regularly  took  my  turn  of  duty  there  as  a  conr- 
mon  soldier. 


My  activity  in  these  operations  was  agreeable  to 
the  governor  and  council ;  they  took  me  into  con 
fidence,  and  I  was  consulted  by  them  in  every 
measure  where  their  concurrence  was  thought  use 
ful  to  the  association.  Calling  in  the  aid  of  reli 
gion,  I  proposed  to  them  the  proclaiming  a  fast,  to 
promote  reformation,  and  implore  the  blessing  ol 
Heaven  on  our  undertaking.  They  embraced  the 
motion  ;  but,  as  it  was  the  first  fast  ever  thought  of 
in  the  province,  the  secretary  had  no  precedent 


LIFE     OF     FRANKLIN.  177 

from  which  to  draw  the  proclamation.  My  educa 
tion  in  New  England,  where  a  fast  is  proclaimed 
every  year,  was  here  of  some  advantage :  I  drew  it 
in  the  accustomed  style  ;  it  was  translated  into 
German,  printed  in  both  languages,  and  circulated 
through  the  province.  This  gave  the  clergy  of  the 
different  sects  an  opportunity  of  influencing  their 
congregations  to  join  the  association,  and  it  wrould 
probably  have  been  general  among  all  but  the  Quak 
ers  if  the  peace  had  not  soon  intervened. 

It  was  thought  by  some  of  my  friends  that,  by  my 
activity  in  these  affairs,  I  should  offend  that  sect, 
and  thereby  lose  my  influence  in  the  Assembly  of 
the  province,  where  they  formed  a  great  majority. 
A  young  man,  who  had  likewise  some  friends  in 
the  Assembly,  and  washed  to  succeed  me  as  their 
clerk,  acquainted  me  that  it  was  decided  to  displace 
me  at  the  next  election ;  and  he,  through  good  will, 
advised  me  to  resign,  as  more  consistent  with  my 
honor  than  being  turned  out.  My  answer  to  him 
was,  that  I  had  read  or  heard  of  some  public  man 
who  made  it  a  rule  never  to  ask  for  an  office,  and 
never  to  refuse  one  when  offered  to  him.  "  I  ap 
prove,"  said  I,  "  of  this  rule,  arid  shall  practice  it 
with  a  small  addition :  I  shall  never  ask,  never  re 
fuse,  nor  ever  RESIGN  an  office.  If  they  will  have 
my  office  of  clerk  to  dispose  of  it  to  another,  they 
shall  take  it  from  me.  I  will  not,  by  giving  it  up, 
lose  my  right  of  some  time  or  other  making  reprisal 
on  my  adversaries."  I  heard,  however,  no  more  of 

this ;  I  was  chosen  again  unanimously  as  clerk  at 

M 


178  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

the  next  election.  Possibly,  as  they  disliked  my 
late  intimacy  with  the  members  of  council,  who 
had  joined  the  governors  in  all  the  disputes  about 
military  preparations,  with  which  the  House  had 
long  been  harassed,  they  might  have  been  pleased 
if  I  would  voluntarily  have  left  them ;  but  they  did 
not  care  to  displace  me  on  account  merely  of  my 
zeal  for  the  association,  and  they  could  not  well 
give  another  reason. 

Indeed,  I  had  some  reason  to  believe  that  the  de 
fense  of  the  country  was  not  disagreeable  to  any  of 
them,  provided  they  were  not  required  to  assist  in 
it.  And  I  found  that  a  much  greater  number  of 
them  than  I  could  have  imagined,  though  against 
offensive  war,  were  clearly  for  the  defensive.  Many 
pamphlets  pro  and  con  were  published  on  the  sub 
ject,  and  some  by  good  Quakers,  in  favor  of  defense, 
which  I  believe  convinced  most  of  their  young  peo 
ple. 

A  transaction  in  our  fire  company  gave  me  some 
insight  into  their  prevailing  sentiments.  It  had  been 
proposed  that  we  should  encourage  the  scheme  for 
building  a  battery  by  laying  out  the  present  stock, 
then  about  sixty  pounds,  in  tickets  of  the  lottery. 
By  our  rules,  no  money  could  be  disposed  of  till  the 
next  meeting  after  the  proposal.  The  company  con 
sisted  of  thirty  members,  of  whom  twenty-two  were 
Quakers,  and  eight  only  of  other  persuasions.  We 
eight  punctually  attended  the  meeting;  but,  though 
we  thought  that  some  of  the  Quakers  would  join 
us,  we  were  by  no  means  sure  of  a  majority.  Only 


LIFE     OF     FRANKLIN.  179 

one  Quaker,  Mr.  James  Morris,  appeared  to  oppose 
the  measure.  He  expressed  much  sorrow  that  it 
had  ever  been  proposed,  as  he  said  Friends  were  all 
against  it,  and  it  would  create  such  discord  as  might 
break  up  the  company.  We  told  him  that  we  saw 
no  reason  for  that;  we  were  the  minority,  and  if 
Friends  were  against  the  measure,  and  out-voted  us, 
we  must  and  should,  agreeably  to  the  usage  of  all  so 
cieties,  submit.  When  the  hour  for  business  arrived, 
it  was  moved  to  put  this  to  the  vote ;  he  allowed 
we  might  do  it  by  the  rules,  but,  as  he  could  assure 
us  that  a  number  of  members  intended  to  be  present 
for  the  purpose  of  opposing  it,  it  would  be  but  can 
did  to  allow  a  little  time  for  their  appearing. 

While  we  were  disputing  this,  a  waiter  came  to 
tell  me  that  two  gentlemen  below  desired  to  speak 
with  me.  I  went  down,  and  found  there  two  of  our 
Quaker  members.  They  told  me  there  were  eight 
of  them  assembled  at  a  tavern  just  by;  that  they 
wrere  determined  to  corne  and  vote  with  us  if  there 
should  be  occasion,  which  they  hoped  would  not 
be  the  case,  and  desired  we  would  not  call  for  their 
assistance  if  we  could  do  without  it,  as  their  voting 
for  such  a  measure  might  .embroil  them  with  their 
elders  and  friends.  Being  thus  secure  of  a  majori 
ty,  I  went  up,  and  after  a  little  seeming  hesitation, 
agreed  to  a  delay  of  another  hour.  This  Mr.  Mor 
ris  allowed  to  be  extremely  fair.  Not  one  of  his 
opposing  friends  appeared,  at  which  he  expressed 
great  surprise ;  and,  at  the  expiration  of  the  hour, 
we  carried  the  resolution  eight  to  one ;  and  as,  of 


180  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

the  twenty- two  Quakers,  eight  were  ready  to  vote 
with  us,  and  thirteen,  by  their  absence,  manifested 
that  they  were  not  inclined  to  oppose  the  measure, 
I  afterward  estimated  the  proportion  of  Quakers  sin 
cerely  against  defense  as  one  to  twenty- one  only; 
for  these  were  all  regular  members  of  the  society, 
and  in  good  reputation  among  them,  and  who  had 
notice  of  what  was  proposed  at  that  meeting. 

The  honorable  and  learned  Mr.  Logan,  who  had 
always  been  of  that  sect,  wrote  an  address  to  them, 
declaring  his  approbation  of  defensive  war,  and  sup 
ported  his  opinion  by  many  strong  arguments.  He 
put  into  my  hands  sixty  pounds  to  be  laid  out  in 
lottery  tickets  for  the  battery,  with  directions  to  ap 
ply  what  prizes  might  be  drawn  wholly  to  that 
service.  He  told  me  the  following  anecdote  of  his 
old  master,  William  Penn,  respecting  defense.  He 
came  over  from  England,  when  a  young  man,  with 
that  proprietary,  and  as  his  secretary.  It  was  war 
time,  and  their  ship  was  chased  by  an  armed  vessel, 
supposed  to  be  an  enemy.  Their  captain  prepared 
for  defense ;  but  told  William  Penn,  and  his  com 
pany  of  Quakers,  that  he  did  not  expect  their  assist 
ance,  and  they  might  retire  into  the  cabin,  which 
they  did,  except  James  Logan,  who  chose  to  stay 
upon  deck,  and  was  quartered  to  a  gun.  The  sup 
posed  enemy  proved  a  friend,  so  there  was  no  fight 
ing  ;  but  when  the  secretary  went  down  to  commu 
nicate  the  intelligence,  William  Penn  rebuked  him 
severely  for  staying  upon  deck,  and  undertaking  to 
assist  in  defending  the  vessel,  contrary  to  the  prin- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  181 

ciples  of  Friends,  especially  as  it  had  not  been  re 
quired  by  the  captain.  This  reprimand,  being  be 
fore  all  the  company,  piqued  the  secretary,  who 
answered,  "I  being  thy  servant,  why  did  thee  not 
order  me  to  come  down  1  But  thee  was  willing 
enough  that  I  should  stay  and  help  to  fight  the  ship 
when  thee  thought  there  was  danger." 

My  being  many  years  in  the  Assembly,  a  majority 
of  which  were  constantly  Quakers,  gave  me  frequent 
opportunities  of  seeing  the  embarrassment  given 
them  by  their  principle  against  war,  whenever  ap 
plication  was  made  to  them,  by  order  of  the  crown, 
to  grant  aids  for  military  purposes.  They  were  un 
willing  to  offend  government,  on  the  one  hand,  by 
a  direct  refusal;  and  their  friends,  the  body  of  the 
Quakers,  on  the  other,  by  a  compliance  contrary  to 
their  principles ;  using  a  variety  of  evasions  to  avoid 
complying,  and  modes  of  disguising  the  compliance 
when  it  became  unavoidable.  The  common  mode 
at  last  was,  to  grant  money  under  the  phrase  of  its 
being  "for  the  king's  use"  and  never  to  inquire  how 
it  was  applied. 

But,  if  the  demand  was  not  directly  from  the 
crown,  that  phrase  was  found  not  so  proper,  and 
some  other  was  to  be  invented.  Thus,  when  pow 
der  was  wanting  (I  think  it  was  for  the  garrison  at 
Louisburg),  and  the  government  of  New  England 
solicited  a  grant  of  some  from  Pennsylvania,  which 
was  much  urged  on  the  House  by  Governor  Thomas, 
they  would  not  grant  money  to  buy  powder t  because 
that  was  an  ingredient  of  war;  but  they  voted  an 


182 


LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 


aid  to  New  England  of  three  thousand  pounds,  to  be 
put  into  the  hands  of  the  governor,  and  appropriated 
it  for  the  purchase  of  bread,  flour,  wheat,  or  other 
gram.  Some  of  the  council,  desirous  of  giving  the 
House  still  further  embarrassment,  advised  the  gov 
ernor  not  to  accept  provision,  as  not  being  the  thing 
he  had  demanded ;  but  he  replied,  "  I  shall  take  the 
money,  for  I  understand  very  well  their  meaning; 
other  grain  is  gunpowder,"  which  he  accordingly 
bought,  and  they  never  objected  to  it. 

It  was  in  allusion  to  this  fact  that,  when  in  our 
fire  company  we  feared  the  success  of  our  proposal 
in  favor  of  the  lottery,  and  I  had  said  to  a  friend  of 
mine,  one  of  our  members,  "If  we  fail,  let  us  move 
the  purchase  of  a  fire-engine  with  the  money;  the 
Quakers  can  have  no  objection  to  that;  and  then, 
if  you  nominate  me  and  I  you  as  a  committee  for 
that  purpose,  we  will  buy  a  great  gun,  which  is  cer 
tainly  a  fire-engine."  "  I  see,"  said  he,  "  you  have 


• 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  183 

improved  by  being  so  long  in  the  Assembly;  your 
equivocal  project  would  be  just  a  match  for  their 
wheat  or  other  grain'' 

Those  embarrassments  that  the  Quakers  suffered 
from  having  established  and  published  it  as  one  of 
their  principles  that  no  kind  of  war  was  lawful,  and 
which,  being  once  published,  they  could  not  after 
ward,  however  they  might  change  their  minds,  easily 
get  rid  of,  reminds  rne  of  what  I  think  a  more  pru 
dent  conduct  in  another  sect  among  us,  that  of  the 
Dunkers.  I  was  acquainted  with  one  of  its  founders, 
Michael  Welfare,  soon  after  it  appeared.  He  com 
plained  to  me  that  they  were  grievously  calumniated 
by  the  zealots  of  other  persuasions,  and  charged  with 
abominable  principles  and  practices,  to  which  they 
were  utter  strangers.  I  told  him  this  had  always 
been  the  case  with  new  sects,  and  that,  to  put  a  stop 
to  such  abuse,  I  imagined  it  might  be  well  to  publish 
the  articles  of  their  belief,  and  the  rules  of  their  dis 
cipline.  He  said  that  it  had  been  proposed  among 
them,  but  not  agreed  to,  for  this  reason :  "  When 
we  were  first  drawn  together  as  a  society,"  said  he, 
"it  had  pleased  God  to  enlighten  our  minds  so  far 
as  to  see  that  some  doctrines,  which  were  esteemed 
truths,  were  errors ;  and  that  others,  which  we  had 
esteemed  errors,  were  real  truths.  From  time  to 
time  He  has  been  pleased  to  afford  us  further  light, 
and  our  principles  have  been  improving,  and  our 
errors  diminishing.  Now  we  are  not  sure  that  we 
are  arrived  at  the  end  of  this  progression,  and  at  the 
perfection  of  spiritual  or  theological  knowledge ;  and 


184  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

we  fear  that,  if  we  should  once  print  our  confession 
of  faith,  we  should  feel  ourselves  as  if  bound  and 
confined  by  it,  and  perhaps  be  unwilling  to  receive 
further  improvement,  and  our  successors  still  more 
so,  as  conceiving  what  their  elders  and  founders  had 
done  to  be  something  sacred,  never  to  be  departed 
from." 

This  modesty  in  a  sect  is  perhaps  a  singular  in 
stance  in  the  history  of  mankind,  every  other  sect 
supposing  itself  in  possession  of  all  truth,  and  that 
those  who  differ  are  so  far  in  the  wrong ;  like  a  man 
traveling  in  foggy  weather,  those  at  some  distance 
before  him  on  the  road  he  sees  wrapped  up  in  the 
fog,  as  well  as  those  behind  him,  and  also  the  people 
in  the  fields  on  each  side,  but  near  him  all  appear 
clear,  though  in  truth  he  is  as  much  in  the  fog  as 
any  of  them.  To  avoid  this  kind  of  embarrassment, 
the  Quakers  have  of  late  years  been  gradually  de 
clining  the  public  service  in  the  Assembly  and  in  the 
magistracy,  choosing  rather  to  quit  their  power  than 
their  principle. 

In  order  of  time,  I  should  have  mentioned  before, 
that  having,  in  1742,  invented  an  open  stove  for  the 
better  warming  of  rooms,  and  at  the  same  time  saving 
fuel,  as  the  fresh  air  admitted  was  warmed  in  enter 
ing,  I  made  a  present  of  the  model  to  Mr.  Robert 
Grace,  one  of  my  early  friends,  who,  having  an  iron- 
furnace,  found  the  casting  of  the  plates  for  these 
stoves  a  profitable  thing,  as  they  were  growing  in 
demand.  To  promote  that  demand,  I  wrote  and 
published  a  pamphlet,  entitled  "An  Account  of  the 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  185 

new-invented  Pennsylvanian  Fireplaces ;  wherein 
their  Construction  and  Manner  of  Operation  are 
particularly  explained;  their  Advantages  above  every 
other  Method  of  warming  Rooms  demonstrated  ; 
and  all  Objections  that  have  been  raised  against  the 
Use  of  them  answered  and  obviated,"  &c.  This 
pamphlet  had  a  good  effect.  Governor  Thomas  was 
so  pleased  with  the  construction  of  this  stove,  as  de 
scribed  in  it,  that  he  offered  to  give  me  a  patent  for 
the  sole  vending  of  them  for  a  term  of  years ;  but  I 
declined  it  from  a  principle  which  has  ever  weighed 
with  me  on  such  occasions,  viz.,  That,  as  we  enjoy 
great  advantages  from  the  inventions  of  others,  we 
should  be  glad  of  an  opportunity  to  serve  others  by 
any  invention  of  ours  ;  and  this  we  should  do  freely 
and  generously. 

An  ironmonger  in  London,  however,  assuming  a 
good  deal  of  my  pamphlet,  and  working  it  up  into 
his  own,  and  making  some  small  changes  in  the 
machine,  which  rather  hurt  its  operation,  got  a  patent 
for  it  there,  and  made,  as  I  was  told,  a  little  fortune 
by  it.  And  this  is  not  the  only  instance  of  patents 
taken  out  of  my  inventions  by  others,  though  not  al 
ways  with  the  .same  success,  which  I  never  con 
tested,  as  having  no  desire  of  profiting  by  patents 
myself,  and  hating  disputes.  The  use  of  these  fire 
places  in  very  many  houses,  both  here  in  Pennsyl 
vania  and  the  neighboring  states,  has  been,  and  is, 
a  great  saving  of  wood  to  the  inhabitants. 


186  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

PEACE  being  concluded,  and  the  association  busi 
ness  therefore  at  an  end,  I  turned  my  thoughts  again 
to  the  affair  of  establishing  an  academy.  The  first 
step  I  took  was  to  associate  in  the  design  a  number 
of  active  friends,  of  whom  the  Junto  furnished  a  good 
part ;  the  next  was  to  write  and  publish  a  pamphlet, 
entitled  Proposals  relating  to  the  Education  of  Youth 
in  Pennsylvania.  This  I  distributed  among  the  prin 
cipal  inhabitants  gratis  ;  and  as  soon  as  I  could  sup 
pose  their  minds  a  little  prepared  by  the  perusal  of 
it,  I  set  on  foot  a  subscription  for  opening  and  sup 
porting  an  academy :  it  was  to  be  paid  in  quotas 
yearly  for  five  years ;  by  so  dividing  it,  I  judged  the 
subscription  might  be  larger,  and  I  believe  it  was  so, 
amounting  to  no  less,  if  I  remember  right,  than  five 
thousand  pounds. 

In  the  introduction  to  these  proposals,  I  stated  their 
publication,  not  as  an  act  of  mine,  but  of  some  pub 
lic-spirited  gentlemen,  avoiding  as  much  as  I  could, 
according  to  my  usual  rule,  the  presenting  myself  to 
the  public  as  the  author  of  any  scheme  for  their 
benefit. 

The  subscribers,  to  carry  the  project  into  imme 
diate  execution,  chose  out  of  their  number  twenty- 
four  trustees,  and  appointed  Mr.  Francis,  then  at- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  187 

torney-general,  and  myself  to  draw  up  constitutions 
for  the  government  of  the  academy ;  which  being 
done  and  signed,  a  house  was  hired,  masters  en 
gaged,  and  the  schools  opened,  I  think,  in  the  same 
year,  1749. 

The  scholars  increasing  fast,  the  house  was  soon 
found  too  small,  and  we  were  looking  out  for  a  piece 
of  ground,  properly  situated,  with  intent  to  build, 
when  accident  threw  in  our  way  a  large  house  ready 
built,  which,  with  a  few  alterations,  might  well  serve 
our  purpose.  This  was  the  building  before  men 
tioned,  erected  by  the  hearers  of  Mr.  Whiten*  eld,  and 
was  obtained  for  us  in  the  following  manner. 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  contributions  to  this 
building  being  made  by  people  of  different  sects, 
care  was  taken  in  the  nomination  of  trustees,  in 
whom  the  building  and  ground  were  to  be  vested, 
that  a  predominance  should  not  be  given  to  any 
sect,  lest  in  time  that  predominance  might  be  a 
means  of  appropriating  the  whole  to  the  use  of  such 
sect,  contrary  to  the  original  intention.  It  was  for 
this  reason  that  one  of  each  sect  was  appointed, 
viz.,  one  Church-of-England  man,  one  Presbyterian, 
one  Baptist,  one  Moravian,  &c.,  who,  in  case  of  va 
cancy  by  death,  were  to  fill  it  by  election  from  among 
the  contributors.  The  Moravian  happened  not  to 
please  his  colleagues,  and  on  his  death  they  resolved 
to  have  no  other  of  that  sect.  The  difficulty  then 
was,  how  to  avoid  having  two  of  some  other  sect, 
by  means  of  the  new  choice. 

Several  persons  were  named,  and  for  that  reason 


188  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

not  agreed  to.  At  length  one  mentioned  me,  with 
the  observation  that  I  was  merely  an  honest  man, 
and  of  no  sect  at  all,  which  prevailed  with  them  to 
choose  me.  The  enthusiasm  which  existed  when 
the  house  was  built  had  long  since  abated,  and  its 
trustees  had  not  been  able  to  procure  fresh  contri 
butions  for  paying  the  ground-rent,  and  discharging 
some  other  debts  the  building  had  occasioned,  which 
embarrassed  them  greatly.  Being  now  a  member 
of  both  boards  of  trustees,  that  for  the  building  and 
that  for  the  academy,  I  had  a  good  opportunity  of 
negotiating  with  both,  and  brought  them  finally  to 
an  agreement,  by  which  the  trustees  for  the  building 
were  to  cede  it  to  those  of  the  academy,  the  latter 
undertaking  to  discharge  the  debt,  to  keep  forever 
open  in  the  building  a  large  hall  for  occasional 
preachers,  according  to  the  original  intention,  and 
maintain  a  free-school  for  the  instruction  of  poor 
children.  Writings  were  accordingly  drawn,  and 
on  paying  the  debts  the  trustees  of  the  academy 
were  put  in  possession  of  the  premises ;  and  by  di 
viding  the  great  and  lofty  hall  into  stories,  and  differ 
ent  rooms  above  and  below  for  the  several  schools, 
and  purchasing  some  additional  ground,  the  whole 
was  soon  made  fit  for  our  purpose,  and  the  scholars 
removed  into  the  building.  The  whole  care  and 
trouble  of  agreeing  with  the  workmen,  purchasing 
materials,  and  superintending  the  work,  fell  upon  me ; 
and  I  went  through  it  the  more  cheerfully,  as  it  did 
not  then  interfere  with  my  private  business,  having 
year  before  taken  a  very  able,  industrious,  and 


LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN.  1S9 

honest  partner,  Mr.  David  Hall,  with  whose  charac 
ter  I  was  well  acquainted,  as  he  had  worked  for  me 
four  years.  He  took  off  my  hands  all  care  of  the 
printi ng-office,  paying  me  punctually  my  share  oi 
the  profits.  This  partnership  continued  eighteen 
years,  successfully  for  us  both. 

The  trustees  of  the  academy,  after  a  while,  were 
incorporated  by  a  charter  from  the  governor ;  their 
funds  were  increased  by  contributions  in  Britain  and 
grants  of  land  from  the  proprietaries,  to  which  the 
Assembly  has  since  made  considerable  addition ; 
and  thus  was  established  the  present  University  of 
Philadelphia.  I  have  been  continued  one  of  its 
trustees  from  the  beginning,  now  near  forty  years, 
and  have  had  the  very  great  pleasure  of  seeing  a 
number  of  the  youth  who  have  received  their  edu 
cation  in  it,  distinguished  by  their  improved  abilities, 
serviceable  in  public  stations,  and  ornaments  to  their 
country.* 

When  I  was  disengaged  myself,  as  above  men 
tioned,  from  private  business,  I  flattered  myself  that, 
by  the  sufficient  though  moderate  fortune  I  had  ac 
quired,  I  had  found  leisure  during  the  rest  of  my  life 
for  philosophical  studies  and  amusements.  I  pur- 

*  The  old  "  Academy,"  as  the  building  of  which  Franklin  speaks  above 
was  called,  remained  standing  in  Fourth-street,  above  Market,  until 
1844.  Whatever  advantages  its  internal  arrangements  may  have  pre 
sented,  its  exterior  was  unsightly.  It  was  crowded  and  hemmed  in  by 
other  structures.  A  new  and  tasteful  edifice,  with  modern  improve 
ments  and  conveniences,  has  now  taken  its  place.  For  many  years  the 
building  had  been  occupied  as  an  academy,  preparatory  to  the  University, 
commodious  buildings  for  which  wero  erected  in  North-street,  near 
Chestnut. 


190  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

chased  all  Dr.  Spence's  apparatus,  who  had  come 
from  England  to  lecture  in  Philadelphia,  and  I  pro 
ceeded  in  my  electrical  experiments  with  great  alac 
rity  ;  but  the  public,  now  considering  me  as  a  man 
of  leisure,  laid  hold  of  me  for  their  purposes,  every 
part  of  our  civil  government,  and  almost  at  the  same 
time,  imposing  some  duty  upon  me.  The  governor 
put  me  into  the  commission  of  the  peace ;  the  cor 
poration  of  the  city  chose  me  one  of  the  common 
council,  and  soon  after  alderman ;  and  the  citizens 
at  large  elected  me  a  burgess  to  represent  them  in 
the  Assembly.  This  latter  station  was  the  more 
agreeable  to  me,  as  I  grew  at  length  tired  with  sit 
ting  there  to  hear  the  debates,  in  which,  as  clerk,  I 
could  take  no  part,  and  which  were  often  so  unin 
teresting  that  I  was  induced  to  amuse  myself  with 
making  magic  squares  or  circles,  or  any  thing  to 
avoid  weariness;  and  I  conceived  my  becoming  a 
member  would  enlarge  my  power  of  doing  good.  I 
would  not,  however,  insinuate  that  my  ambition  was 
not  flattered  by  all  these  promotions ;  it  certainly 
was;  for,  considering  my  low  beginning,  they  were 
great  things  to  me ;  and  they  were  still  more  pleas 
ing,  as  being  so  many  spontaneous  testimonies  of  the 
public  good  opinion,  and  by  me  entirely  unsolicited. 
The  office  of  justice  of  the  peace  I  tried  a  little, 
by  attending  a  few  courts,  and  sitting  on  the  bench 
to  hear  causes ;  but  finding  that  more  knowledge  of 
the  common  law  than  I  possessed  was  necessary  to 
act  in  that  station  with  credit,  I  gradually  withdrew 
from  it,  excusing  myself  by  being  obliged  to  attend 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  191 

the  higher  duties  of  a  legislator  in  the  Assembly. 
My  election  to  this  trust  was  repeated  every  year 
for  ten  years,  without  my  ever  asking  any  elector 
for  his  vote,  or  signifying,  either  directly  or  indirect 
ly,  any  desire  of  being  chosen.  On  taking  my  seat 
in  the  House,  my  son  was  appointed  their  clerk. 

The  year  following,  a  treaty  being  to  be  held  with 
the  Indians  at  Carlisle,  the  governor  sent  a  message 
to  the  House,  proposing  that  they  should  nominate 
some  of  their  members,  to  be  joined  with  some 
members  of  council,  as  commissioners  for  that  pur 
pose.  The  House  named  the  speaker  (Mr.  Norris) 
and  myself;  and,  being  commissioned,  we  went  to 
Carlisle,  and  met  the  Indians  accordingly. 

As  those  people  are  extremely  apt  to  get  drunk, 
and,  when  so,  are  very  quarrelsome  and  disorderly, 
we  strictly  forbade  the  selling  any  liquor  to  them ; 
and  when  they  complained  of  this  restriction,  we 
told  them  that  if  they  would  continue  sober  during 
the  treaty,  we  would  give  them  plenty  of  rum  when 
the  business  was  over.  They  promised  this,  and 
they  kept  their  promise,  because  they  could  get  no 
rum,  and  the  treaty  was  conducted  very  orderly,  and 
concluded  to  mutual  satisfaction.  They  then  claim 
ed  and  received  the  rum ;  this  was  in  the  afternoon  : 
they  were  near  one  hundred  men,  women,  and  chil 
dren,  and  were  lodged  in  temporary  cabins,  built  in 
the  form  of  a  square,  just  without  the  town.  In  the 
evening,  hearing  a  great  noise  among  them,  the 
commissioners  walked  to  see  what  was  the  matter. 
We  found  they  had  made  a  great  bonfire  in  the 


192 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


middle  of  the  square ;  they  were  all  drunk,  men  and 
women,  quarreling  and  righting.      Their  dark-col 


ored  bodies,  half  naked,  seen  only  by  the  gloomy 
light  of  the  bonfire,  running  after  and  beating  one 
another  with  firebrands,  accompanied  by  their  hor 
rid  yellings,  formed  a  scene  the  most  resembling  our 
ideas  of  hell  that  could  well  be  imagined  ;  there  was 
no  appeasing  the  tumult,  and  we  retired  to  our  lodg 
ing.  At  midnight  a  number  of  them  came  thunder 
ing  at  our  door,  demanding  more  rum,  of  which  we 
took  no  notice. 

The  next  day,  sensible  they  had  misbehaved  in 
giving  us  that  disturbance,  they  sent  three  of  their 
old  counselors  to  make  their  apology.  The  orator 
acknowledged  the  fault,  but  laid  it  upon  the  rum ; 
and  then  endeavored  to  excuse  the  rum  by  saying, 
'  The  Great  Spirit,  who  made  all  things,  made  every 


LIFE     OF     F  K  A  t\  K  L  I  \.  1  93 

thing  for  some  use,  and  whatever  use  he  designed  any 
thing  for,  that  use  it  should  always  he  put  to.  Now, 
when  he  made  ruin,  he  said,  '  Let  this  be  for  the  In 
dians  to  get  drunk  with',  and  it  must  be  so."  And, 
indeed,  if  it  be  the  design  of  Providence  to  extirpate 
these  savages  in  order  to  make  room  for  the  culti 
vators  of  the  earth,  it  seems  not  impossible  that  rum 
may  be  the  appointed  means.  It  has  already  anni 
hilated  all  the  tribes  who  formerly  inhabited  the  sea- 
coast. 

In  1751,  Dr.  Thomas  Bond,  a  particular  friend 
of  mine,  conceived  the  idea  of  establishing  a  hospital 
in  Philadelphia  (a  very  beneficent  design,  which  has 
been  ascribed  to  me,  but  was  originally  and  truly 
his),  for  the  reception  and  cure  of  poor  sick  persons, 
whether  inhabitants  of  the  province  or  strangers. 
He  was  zealous  and  active  in  endeavoring  to  pro 
cure  subscriptions  for  it,  but  the  proposal  being  a 
novelty  in  America,  and  at  first  not  well  understood, 
he  met  but  with  little  success. 

At  length  he  came  to  me  with  the  compliment 
that  he  found  there  was  no  such  thing  as  carrying 
a  public-spirited  project  through  without  my  being 
concerned  in  it.  "  For,"  said  he,  "  I  am  often  asked 
by  those  to  whom  I  propose  subscribing,  Have  you 
consulted  Franklin  on  this  business  ?  And  what  does 
lie  think  of  it  ?  And  when  1  tell  them  that  I  have 
not,  supposing  it  rather  out  of  your  line,  they  do  not 
subscribe,  but  say  they  will  consider  it!'  I  inquired 
into  the  nature  and  probable  utility  of  this  scheme, 
and  receiving  from  him  a  very  satisfactory  explana- 

N 


194  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

tion,  I  not  only  subscribed  to  it  myself,  but  engaged 
heartily  in  the  design  of  procuring  subscriptions  from 
others.  Previously,  however,  to  the  solicitation,  I 
endeavored  to  prepare  the  minds  of  the  people  by 
writing  on  the  subject  in  the  newspapers,  which  was 
my  usual  custom  in  such  cases,  but  which  Dr.  Bond 
had  omitted. 

The  subscriptions  afterward  were  more  free  and 
generous  ;  but,  beginning  to  flag,  I  saw  they  would 
be  insufficient  without  some  assistance  from  the  As 
sembly,  and  therefore  proposed  to  petition  for  it, 
which  was  done.  The  country  members  did  not  at 
first  relish  the  project ;  they  objected  that  it  could 
only  be  serviceable  to  the  city,  and  therefore  the 
citizens  alone  should  be  at  the  expense  of  it ;  and 
they  doubted  whether  the  citizens  themselves  gen 
erally  approved  of  it.  My  allegation  on  the  con 
trary,  that  it  met  with  such  approbation  as  to  leave 
no  doubt  of  our  being  able  to  raise  two  thousand 
pounds  by  voluntary  donations,  they  considered  as 
a  most  extravagant  supposition,  and  utterly  impos 
sible. 

On  this  I  formed  my  plan;  and,  asking  leave  to 
bring  in  a  bill  for  incorporating  the  contributors  ac 
cording  to  the  prayer  of  their  petition,  and  granting 
them  a  blank  sum  of  money,  which  leave  was  ob 
tained  chiefly  on  the  consideration  that  the  House 
could  throw  the  bill  out  if  they  did  not  like  it,  I 
drew  it  so  as  to  make  the  important  clause  a  condi 
tional  one,  viz.,  "  And  be  it  enacted,  by  the  authority 
aforesaid,  that  when  the  said  contributors  shall  have 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  195 

met  and  chosen  their  managers  and  treasurer,  and 
shall  have  raised  by  their  contributions  a  capital 
stock  of  two  thousand  pounds'  value  (the  yearly  in 
terest  of  which  is  to  be  applied  to  the  accommoda 
tion  of  the  sick  poor  in  the  said  hospital,  and  of 
charge  for  diet,  attendance,  advice,  and  medicines), 
and  shall  make  the  same  appear  to  the  satisfaction  of 
the  speaker  of  the  Assembly  for  the  time  being,  that 
then  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  for  the  said  speaker, 
and  he  is  hereby  required,  to  sign  an  order  on  the 
provincial  treasurer  for  the  payment  of  two  thousand 
pounds,  in  two  yearly  payments,  to  the  treasurer  of 
the  said  hospital,  to  be  applied  to  the  founding,  build 
ing,  and  finishing  of  the  same." 

This  condition  carried  the  bill  through  ;  for  the 
members,  who  had  opposed  the  grant,  and  now  con 
ceived  they  might  have  the  credit  of  being  charita 
ble  without  the  expense,  agreed  to  its  passage ;  and 
then,  in  soliciting  subscriptions  among  the  people,  we 
urged  the  conditional  promise  of  the  law  as  an  ad 
ditional  motive  to  give,  since  every  man's  donation 
would  be  doubled ;  thus  the  clause  worked  both 
ways.  The  subscriptions  accordingly  soon  exceed 
ed  the  requisite  sum,  and  we  claimed  and  received 
the  public  gift,  which  enabled  us  to  carry  the  design 
into  execution.  A  convenient  and  handsome  build 
ing  was  soon  erected ;  the  institution  has  by  constant 
experience  been  found  useful,  and  flourishes  to  this 
day ;  and  I  do  not  remember  any  of  my  political 
manoeuvres,  the  success  of  which  at  the  time  gave 
me  more  pleasure,  or  wherein,  after  thinking  of  it,  I 


196  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

more  easily  excused  myself  for  having  made  some 
use  of  cunning.* 

It  was  about  this  time  that  another  projector,  the 
Reverend  Gilbert  Tennent,  came  to  me  with  a  re 
quest  that  I  would  assist  him  in  procuring  a  sub 
scription  for  erecting  a  new  meeting-house.  It  was 
to  be  for  the  use  of  a  congregation  he  had  gathered 
among  the  Presbyterians,  who  were  originally  disci 
ples  of  Mr.  Whitefield.  Unwilling  to  make  myself 
disagreeable  to  my  fellow-citizens  by  too  frequently 
soliciting  their  contributions,  I  absolutely  refused. 
He  then  desired  I  would  furnish  him  with  a  list  of 
the  names  of  persons  I  knew  by  experience  to  be 
generous  and  public-spirited.  I  thought  it  would  be 
unbecoming  in  me,  after  their  kind  compliance  with 
my  solicitations,  to  mark  them  out  to  be  worried  by 
other  beggars,  and  therefore  refused  to  give  such  a 
list.  He  then  desired  I  would  at  least  give  him  my 
advice.  "  That  I  will  readily  do/'  said  I ;  "  and,  in 
the  first  place,  I  advise  you  to  apply  to  all  those  who 
you  know  will  give  something ;  next,  to  those  who 
you  are  uncertain  whether  they  will  give  any  thing 
or  not,  and  show  them  the  list  of  those  who  have 
given  ;  and,  lastly,  do  not  neglect  those  who  you  are 

*  The  building  occupied  by  the  Pennsylvania  Hospital,  situated  in  Pine- 
street,  between  Eighth  and  Ninth,  was  completed  in  1804,  and  occu 
pies  a  whole  square.  It  is  one  of  the  best-endowed  institutions  in  the 
country,  and  one  of  the  most  useful,  having  now  an  excellent  insane  de 
partment  connected  with  it,  a  valuable  library,  lecture-room,  anatomical 
museum,  &c.  The  institution  is  supported  by  the  interest  of  its  fund, 
the  receipts  from  the  exhibition  of  West's  painting,  and  the  board  of  pay- 
patients.  It  is  a  great  testimony  to  the  sagacity  and  philanthropy  of 
Franklin  that  such  successful  institutions  rest  on  his  foundations 


L  1  F  E    O  F    F  R  A N  K  L  I  N.  197 

sure  will  give  nothing,  for  in  some  of  them  you  may 
he  mistaken."  He  laughed  and  thanked  me,  and 
said  he  would  take  my  advice.  He  did  so,  for  he 
asked  of  everybody,  and  he  obtained  a  much  larger 
sum  than  he  expected,  with  which  he  erected  the 
capacious  and  elegant  meeting-house  that  stands  in 
Arch-street. 

Our  city,  though  laid  out  with  a  beautiful  regu 
larity,  the  streets  large,  straight,  and  crossing  each 
other  at  right  angles,  had  the  disgrace  of  suffering 
those  streets  to  remain  long  unpaved,  and  in  wet 
weather  the  wheels  of  heavy  carnages  ploughed  them 
into  a  quagmire,  so  that  it  was  difficult  to  cross  them; 
and  in  dry  weather  the  dust  was  offensive.  I  had 
lived  near  what  was  called  the  Jersey  Market,  and 
saw  with  pain  the  inhabitants  wading  in  mud  while 
purchasing  their  provisions.  A  strip  of  ground  down 
the  middle  of  that  market  was  at  length  paved  with 
brick,  so  that,  being  once  in  the  market,  they  had 
firm  footing,  but  were  often  over  shoes  in  dirt  to 
get  there.  By  talking  and  writing  on  the  subject,  I 
was  at  length  instrumental  in  getting  the  street  paved 
with  stone  between  the  market  and  the  brick  foot- 
pavement,  that  was  on  the  side  next  the  houses. 
This,  for  some  time,  gave  an  easy  access  to  the 
market  dry-shod ;  but,  the  rest  of  the  street  not  be 
ing  paved,  whenever  a  carriage  came  out  of  the  mud 
upon  this  pavement,  it  shook  off  and  left  its  dirt  upon 
it,  and  it  \vas  soon  covered  with  mire,  which  was 
not  removed,  the  city  as  yet  having  no  scavengers. 

After  some  inquiry,  I  found  a  poor,  industrious 


198  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

man,  who  was  willing  to  undertake  keeping  the 
pavement  clean,  by  sweeping  it  twice  a  week,  carry 
ing  off  the  dirt  from  before  all  the  neighbors'  doors, 
for  the  sum  of  sixpence  per  month,  to  be  paid  by  each 
house.  I  then  wrote  and  printed  a  paper  setting 
forth  the  advantages  to  the  neighborhood  that  might 
be  obtained  from  this  small  expense;  the  greater 
ease  in  keeping  our  houses  clean,  so  much  dirt  not 
being  brought  in  by  people's  feet;  the  benefit  to  the 
shops  by  more  custom,  as  buyers  could  more  easily 
get  at  them ;  and  by  not  having,  in  windy  weather, 
the  dust  blown  in  upon  their  goods,  &c.,  &c.  I  sent 
one  of  these  papers  to  each  house,  and  in  a  day  or 
two  went  round  to  see  who  would  subscribe  an 
agreement  to  pay  these  sixpences ;  it  was  unani 
mously  signed,  and  for  a  time  well  executed.  All 
the  inhabitants  of  the  city  were  delighted  with  the 
cleanliness  of  the  pavement  that  surrounded  the 
market,  it  being  a  convenience  to  all,  and  this  raised 
a  general  desire  to  have  all  the  streets  paved,  and 
made  the  people  more  willing  to  submit  to  a  tax  for 
that  purpose. 

After  some  time  I  drew  a  bill  for  paving  the  city, 
and  brought  it  into  the  Assembly.  It  was  just  be 
fore  I  went  to  England,  in  1757,  and  did  not  pass 
till  I  was  gone,  and  then  with  an  alteration  in  the 
mode  of  assessment,  which  I  thought  not  for  the 
better,  but  with  an  additional  provision  for  lighting 
as  well  as  paving  the  streets,  which  was  a  great  im 
provement.  It  was  by  a  private  person,  the  late  Mr. 
John  Clifton,  giving  a  sample  of  the  utility  of  lamps, 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  199 

by  placing  one  at  his  door,  that  the  people  were  first 
impressed  with  the  idea  of  lighting  all  the  city. 
The  honor  of  this  public  benefit  has  also  been  as 
cribed  to  me,  but  it  belongs  truly  to  that  gentleman. 
I  did  but  follow  his  example,  and  have  only  some 
merit  to  claim  respecting  the  form  of  our  lamps,  as 
differing  from  the  globe  lamps  we  were  at  first  sup 
plied  with  from  London.  They  were  found  incon 
venient  in  these  respects :  they  admitted  no  air  be 
low  ;  the  smoke,  therefore,  did  not  readily  go  out 
above,  but  circulated  in  the  globe,  lodged  on  its  in 
side,  and  soon  obstructed  the  light  they  were  intend 
ed  to  afford;  giving,  besides,  the » daily  trouble  of 
wiping  them  clean ;  and  an  accidental  stroke  on  one 
of  them  would  demolish  it,  and  render  it  totally  use 
less.  I  therefore  suggested  the  composing  them  of 
four  flat  panes,  with  a  long  funnel  above  to  draw  up 
the  smoke,  and  crevices  admitting  the  air  below,  to 
facilitate  the  ascent  of  the  smoke ;  by  this  means 
they  were  kept  clean,  and  did  not  grow  dark  in  a 
few  hours,  as  the  London  lamps  do,  but  continued 
bright  till  morning,  and  an  accidental  stroke  would 
generally  break  but  a  single  pane,  easily  repaired. 

I  have  sometimes  wondered  that  the  Londoneis 
did  not,  from  the  effect  holes  in  the  bottom  of  the 
globe  lamps  used  at  Vauxhall  have  in  keeping  them 
clean,  learn  to  have  such  holes  in  their  street  lamps. 
But,  these  holes  being  made  for  another  purpose, 
viz.,  to  communicate  flame  more  suddenly  to  the 
wick  by  a  little  flax  hanging  down  through  them,  the 
other  use,  of  letting  in  air,  seems  not  to  have  been 


200  LIFT:   OK   FRANKLIN. 

thought  of;  and  therefore,  after  the  lamps  have  been 
lit  a  few  hours,  the  streets  of  London  are  very  poor 
ly  illuminated. 

The  mention  of  these  improvements  puts  me  in 
mind  of  one  I  proposed,  when  in  London,  to  Dr. 
Fothergill,  who  was  among  the  best  men  I  have 
known,  and  a  great  promoter  of  useful  projects.  I 
had  observed  that  the  streets,  when  dry,  were  never 
swept,  and  the  light  dust  carried  away ;  but  it  was 
suffered  to  accumulate  till  wet  weather  reduced  it  to 
mud,  and  then,  after  lying  some  days  so  deep  on  the 
pavement  that  there  was  no  crossing  but  in  paths 
kept  clean  by  poor  people  with  brooms,  it  was  with 
great  labor  raked  together  and  thrown  up  into  carts, 
open  above,  the  sides  of  which  suffered  some  of  the 
slush  at  every  jolt  on  the  pavement  to  shake  out  and 
fall,  sometimes  to  the  annoyance  of  foot-passengers. 
The  reason  given  for  not  sweeping  the  dusty  streets 
was,  that  the  dust  would  fly  into  the  windows  of 
shops  and  houses. 

An  accidental  occurrence  had  instructed  me  how 
much  sweeping  might  be  done  in  a  little  time.  I 
found  at  my  door  in  Craven-street,  one  morning,  a 
poor  woman  sweeping  my  pavement  with  a  birch 
broom ;  she  appeared  very  pale  and  feeble,  as  just 
come  out  of  a  fit  of  sickness.  I  asked  who  employ 
ed  her  to  sweep  there ;  she  said,  "  Nobody ;  but  I 
am  poor  and  in  distress,  and  I  sweeps  before  gentle- 
folkses  doors,  and  hopes  they  will  give  me  some 
thing."  I  bid  her  sweep  the  whole  street  clean,  and 
I  would  give  her  a  shilling;  this  was  at  nine  o'clock; 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


20 


at  noon  she  came  for  the  shilling.  From  tne  s.ow 
ness  I  saw  at  first  in  her  working,  I  could  scarce 
believe  that  the  work  was  done  so  soon,  and  sent 
my  servant  to  examine  it,  who  reported  that  the 
whole  street  was  swept  perfectly  clean,  and  all  the 
dust  placed  in  the  gutter,  which  was  in  the  middle; 
and  the  next  rain  washed  it  quite  away,  so  that  the 
pavement  and  even  the  kennel  were  perfectly  clean. 
I  then  judged  that,  if  that  feeble  woman  could 
sweep  such  a  street  in  three  hours,  a  strong,  active 
man  might  have  done  it  in  half  the  time.  And  here 
let  me  remark  the  convenience  of  having  but  one 
gutter  in  such  a  narrow  street,  running  down  its 
middle,  instead  of  two,  one  on  each  side,  near  the 
footway;  for  where  all  the  rain  that  falls  on  a  street 


202  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

runs  from  the  sides  and  meets  in  the  middle,  it  forms 
there  a  current  strong  enough  to  wash  away  all  the 
mud  it  meets  with ;  but  when  divided  into  two  chan 
nels,  it  is  often  too  weak  to  cleanse  either,  and  only 
makes  the  mud  it  finds  more  fluid,  so  that  the 
wheels  of  carriages  and  feet  of  horses  throw  and 
dash  it  upon  the  foot-pavement,  which  is  thereby 
rendered  foul  and  slippery,  and  sometimes  splash  it 
upon  those  who  are  walking.  My  proposal,  com 
municated  to  the  doctor,  was  as  follows : 

"  For  the  more  effectually  cleaning  and  keeping 
clean  the  streets  of  London  and  Westminster,  it  is 
proposed  that  the  several  watchmen  be  contracted 
with  to  have  the  dust  swept  up  in  dry  seasons,  and 
the  mud  raked  up  at  other  times,  each  in  the  several 
streets  and  lanes  of  his  round  ;  that  they  be  furnished 
with  brooms  and  other  proper  instruments  for  these 
purposes,  to  be  kept  at  their  respective  stands,  ready 
to  furnish  the  poor  people  they  may  employ  in  the 
service. 

"  That  in  the  dry  summer  months  the  dust  be  all 
swept  up  into  heaps  at  proper  distances,  before  the 
shops  and  windows  of  houses  are  usually  opened, 
when  scavengers,  with  close  covered  carts,  shall  also 
carry  it  all  away. 

"  That  the  mud,  when  raked  up,  be  not  left  in 
heaps  to  be  spread  abroad  again  by  the  wheels  of 
carriages  and  trampling  of  horses,  but  that  the  scav 
engers  be  provided  with  bodies  of  carts,  not  placed 
high  upon  wheels,  but  low  upon  sliders,  with  lattice 
bottoms,  which,  being  covered  with  straw,  will  re- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  203 

tain  the  rnud  thrown  into  them,  and  permit  the  water 
to  drain  from  it,  whereby  it  will  become  much 
lighter,  water  making  the  greatest  part  of  the  weight; 
these  hodies  of  carts  to  he  placed  at  convenient 
distances,  and  the  rnud  brought  to  them  in  wheel 
barrows  ;  they  remaining  where  placed  till  the  mud 
is  drained,  and  then  horses  brought  to  draw  them 
away." 

I  have  since  had  doubts  of  the  practicability  of 
the  latter  part  of  this  proposal,  in  all  places,  on  ac 
count  of  the  narrowness  of  some  streets,  and  the 
difficulty  of  placing  the  draining-sleds  so  as  not  to 
encumber  too  much  the  passage ;  but  I  am  still  of 
opinion  that  the  former,  requiring  the  dust  to  be 
swept  up  and  carried  away  before  the  shops  are 
open,  is  very  practicable  in  the  summer,  when  the 
days  are  long;  for,  in  walking  through  the  Strand 
and  Fleet-street  one  morning  at  seven  o'clock,  I  ob 
served  there  was  not  one  shop  open,  though  it  had 
been  daylight  and  the  sun  up  above  three  hours ;  the 
inhabitants  of  London  choosing  voluntarily  to  live 
much  by  candle-light,  and  sleep  by  sunshine,  and 
yet  often  complain,  a  little  absurdly,  of  the  duty  on 
candles,  and  the  high  price  of  tallow. 

Some  may  think  these  trifling  matters  not  worth 
minding  or  relating;  but  when  they  consider  that 
though  dust  blown  into  the  eyes  of  a  single  person, 
or  into  a  single  shop  in  a  windy  day,  is  but  of  small 
importance,  yet  the  great  number  of  the  instances  in 
a  populous  city,  and  its  frequent  repetition,  gives  it 
weight  and  consequence,  perhaps  they  will  not  cen- 


204  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

sure  very  severely  those  who  bestow  some  attention 
to  affairs  of  this  seemingly  low  nature.  Human  fe 
licity  is  produced  not _ so  much  by. great  pieces  of 
good  fortune  that  seldom  happen,  as  by  little  advan 
tages  that  occur  every  day.  Thus,  if  you  teach  a 
poor  young  man  to  shave  himself,  and  keep  his  razor 
in  order,  you  may  contribute  more  to  the  happiness 
of  his  life  than  in  giving  him  a  thousand  guineas. 
This  sum  may  be  soon  spent,  the  regret  only  re 
maining  of  having  foolishly  consumed  it;  but  in  the 
other  case,  he  escapes  the  frequent  vexation  of  wait 
ing  for  barbers,  and  of  their  sometimes  dirty  fingers, 
offensive  breaths,  and  dull  razors ;  he  shaves  when 
most  convenient  to  him,  and  enjoys  daily  the  pleas 
ure  of  its  being  done  with  a  good  instrument.  With 
these  sentiments  I  have  hazarded  the  few  preceding 
pages,  hoping  they  may  afford  hints  which  some 
time  or  other  may  be  useful  to  a  city  I  love,  having 
lived  many  years  in  it  very  happily,  and  perhaps  to 
some  of  our  towns  in  America. 

Having  been  some  time  employed  by  the  postmas 
ter-general  of  America  as  his  comptroller  in  regu 
lating  several  offices,  and  bringing  the  officers  to  ac 
count,  I  was,  upon  his  death  in  1753,  appointed, 
jointly  with  Mr.  William  Hunter,  to  succeed  him, 
by  a  commission  from  the  postmaster-general  in  En 
gland.  The  American  office  had  hitherto  never  paid 
any  thing  to  that  of  Britain.  We  were  to  have  six 
hundred  pounds  a  year  between  us,  if  we  could  make 
that  sum  out  of  the  profits  of  the  office.  To  do  this, 
a  variety  of  improvements  was  necessary ;  some  of 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  205 

these  were  inevitably  at  first  expensive,  so  that  in 
the  first  four  years  the  office  became  above  nine  hun 
dred  pounds  in  debt  to  us.  But  it  soon  after  began 
to  repay  us ;  and  before  I  was  displaced  by  a  freak 
of  the  ministers,  of  which  I  shall  speak  hereafter,  we 
had  brought  it  to  yield  three  times  as  much  clear 
revenue  to  the  crown  as  the  postoffice  of  Ireland. 
Since  that  imprudent  transaction,  they  have  received 
from  it — not  one  farthing ! 

The  business  of  the  postoffice  occasioned  my 
taking  a  journey  this  year  to  New  England,*  where 
the  College  of  Cambridge,  of  their  own  motion,  pre 
sented  me  with  the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts.  Yale 
College,  in  Connecticut,  had  before  made  me  a  simi 
lar  compliment.  Thus,  without  studying  in  any  col 
lege,  I  came  to  partake  of  their  honors.  They  were 
conferred  in  consideration  of  my  improvements  and 
discoveries  in  the  electric  branch  of  natural  philos 
ophy. 

*  In  a  letter  written  from  Passy,  France,  May,  1784,  to  Dr.  Mather, 
Boston,  Franklin  thus  speaks  of  his  visits  to  Boston :  "  I  long  much  to 
see  again  my  native  place,  and  to  lay  my  bones  there.  I  left  it  in  1723  ; 
I  visited  it  in  1733, 1743,  1753,  and  1763.  In  1773  I  was  in  England ;  in 
1775  I  had  a  sight  of  it,  but  could  not  enter,  it  being  then  in  possession 
of  the  enemy.  I  did  hope  to  have  been  there  in  1783,  but  could  not  ob 
tain  my  dismission  from  this  employment  here ;  and  now  I  fear  I  shall 
never  have  that  happiness."  The  doctor's  visit  in  1775  was  as  a  mem 
ber  of  a  Congressional  committee  to  the  camp  at  Cambridge.  His  fears 
(in  1784)  that  he  should  never  again  see  Boston  were  prophetic. 


206  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 


CHAPTER  X. 

IN  1754,  war  with  France  being  again  apprehend 
ed,  a  congress  of  commissioners  from  the  different 
colonies  was,  by  the  order  of  the  Lords  of  Trade,  to 
be  assembled  at  Albany,  there  to  confer  with  the 
chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  concerning  the  means  of 
defending  both  their  country  and  ours.  Governor 
Hamilton,  having  received  this  order,  acquainted  the 
House  with  it,  requesting  they  would  furnish  proper 
presents  for  the  Indians,  to  be  given  on  this  occa 
sion  ;  and  naming  the  speaker  (Mr.  Norris)  and  my 
self  to  join  Mr.  John  Penn  and  Mr.  Secretary  Peters 
as  commissioners  to  act  for  Pennsylvania.  The 
House  approved  the  nomination,  and  provided  the 
goods  for  the  presents,  though  they  did  not  much 
like  treating  out  of  the  province  ;  and  we  met  the 
other  commissioners  at  Albany  about  the  middle  of 
June. 

In  our  way  thither,  I  projected  and  drew  a  plan 
for  the  union  of  all  the  colonies  under  one  govern 
ment,  so  far  as  might  be  necessary  for  defense,  and 
other  important  general  purposes.     As  we  passed 
through  New  York,  I  had  there  shown  my  projec 
to  Mr.  James  Alexander  and  Mr.  Kennedy,  two  gen 
tlemen  of  great  knowledge   in  public  affairs,  and, 
being  fortified  by  their  approbation,  I  ventured  to 


LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN.  207 

lay  it  before  the  Congress.  It  then  appeared  that 
several  of  the  commissioners  had  formed  plans  of 
the  same  kind.  A  previous  question  was  first  taken, 
whether  a  union  should  be  established,  which  pass 
ed  in  the  affirmative  unanimously.  A  committee 
was  then  appointed,  one  member  from  each  colony, 
to  consider  the  several  plans  and  report.  Mine  hap 
pened  to  be  preferred,  and,  with  a  few  amendments, 
was  accordingly  reported. 

By  this  plan  the  general  government  was  to  be 
administered  by  a  president-general,  appointed  and 
supported  by  the  crown,  and  a  grand  council  was 
to  be  chosen  by  the  representatives  of  the  people 
of  the  several  colonies,  met  in  their  respective  as 
semblies.  The  debates  upon  it  in  Congress  wrent 
on  daily,  hand  in  hand  with  the  Indian  business. 
Many  objections  and  difficulties  were  started,  but  at 
length  they  were  all  overcome,  and  the  plan  was 
unanimously  agreed  to,  and  copies  ordered  to  be 
transmitted  to  the  Board  of  Trade  and  to  the  assem 
blies  of  the  several  provinces.  Its  fate  was  singu 
lar:  the  assemblies  did  not  adopt  it,  as  they  all 
thought  there  was  too  much  prerogative  in  it,  and  in 
England  it  was  judged  to  have  too  much  of  the 
democratic.  The  Board  of  Trade  did  not  approve 
it,  nor  recommend  it  for  the  approbation  of  his  maj 
esty  ;  but  another  scheme  was  formed,  supposed  to 
answer  the  same  purpose  better,  whereby  the  gov 
ernors  of  the  provinces,  with  some  members  of  their 
respective  councils,  were  to  meet,  and  order  the 
raising  of  troops,  building  of  forts,  &c.,  and  to  draw 


208  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

on  the  treasury  of  Great  Britain  for  the  expense, 
which  was  afterward  to  be  refunded  by  an  act  of 
Parliament  laying  a  tax  on  America.  My  plan,  with 
my  reasons  in  support  of  it,  is  to  be  found  among 
my  political  papers  that  were  printed. 

Being  the  winter  following  in  Boston,  I  had  much 
conversation  with  Governor  Shirley  upon  both  the 
plans.  Part  of  what  passed  between  us  on  this  oc 
casion  may  also  be  seen  among  those  papers.  The 
different  and  contrary  reasons  of  dislike  to  my  plan 
makes  me  suspect  that  it  was  really  the  true  me 
dium  ;  and  I  am  still  of  opinion  it  would  have  been 
happy  for  both  sides  if  it  had  been  adopted.  The 
colonies,  so  united,  would  have  been  sufficiently 
strong  to  have  defended  themselves ;  there  would 
then  have  been  no  need  of  troops  from  England  ; 
of  course,  the  subsequent  pretext  for  taxing  Ameri 
ca,  and  the  bloody  contest  it  occasioned,  would 
have  been  avoided.  But  such  mistakes  are  not  new : 
history  is  full  of  the  errors  of  states  and  princes. 

"  Look  round  the  habitable  world,  how  few 
Know  their  own  good,  or,  knowing  it,  pursue  !" 

Those  who  govern,  having  much  business  on 
their  hands,  do  not  generally  like  to  take  the  trouble 
of  considering  and  carrying  into  execution  new 
projects.  The  best  public  measures  are  therefore 
seldom  adopted  from  previous  wisdom,  but  forced 
by  the  occasion. 

The  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  in  sending  it 
down  to  the  Assembly,  expressed  his  approbation  of 
the  plan,  "  as  appearing  to  him  to  be  drawn  up  with 


LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN.  209 

clearness  and  strength  of  judgment,  and  there 
fore  recommended  it  as  well  worthy  of  their  closest 
ind  most  serious  attention."  The  House,  however, 
by  the  management  of  a  certain  member,  took  it  up 
when  I  happened  to  be  absent,  which  I  thought  not 
very  fair,  and  reprobated  it  without  paying  any  at 
tention  to  it  at  all,  to  my  no  small  mortification. 

In  my  journey  to  Boston  this  year,*  I  met  at  New 
York  with  our  new  governor,  Mr.  Morris,  just  ar 
rived  there  from  England,  with  whom  I  had  been 
before  intimately  acquainted.  He  brought  a  com 
mission  to  supersede  Mr.  Hamilton,  who,  tired  with 
the  disputes  his  proprietary  instructions  subjected 
him  to,  had  resigned.  Mr.  Morris  asked  me  if  I 
thought  he  must  expect  as  uncomfortable  an  admin 
istration.  I  said,  "  No ;  you  may,  on  the  contrary, 
bave  a  very  comfortable  one,  if  you  will  only  take 
care  not  to  enter  into  any  dispute  with  the  Assem 
bly."  "My  dear  friend,"  said  he,  pleasantly,  "how 
can  you  advise  my  avoiding  disputes  ?  You  know 
I  love  disputing ;  it  is  one  of  my  greatest  pleasures ; 
however,  to  show  the  regard  I  have  for  your  coun 
sel,  I  promise  you  I  will,  if  possible,  avoid  them." 
He  had  some  reason  for  loving  to  dispute,  being 
eloquent,  an  acute  sophister,  and,  therefore,  generally 
successful  in  argumentative  conversation.  He  had 
been  brought  up  to  it  from  a  boy,  his  father,  as  I 

*  In  the  letter  quoted  in  a  note  to  the  last  chapter,  this  visit  to  Boston 
is  dated  1783.  Such  little  inaccuracies,  however,  were  to  be  expected 
in  a  man  who  had  long  passed  threescore  and  ten.  There  are  also 
some  errors  in  the  account  of  Braddock's  defeat,  in  this  chapter,  which 
may  be  placed  to  the  same  cause. 

O 


LIFE     OF     FRANKLIN. 

have  heard,  accustoming  his  children  to  dispute  with 
one  another  for  his  diversion,  while  sitting  at  table 
after  dinner ;  but  I  think  the  practice  was  not  wise  ; 
for,  in  the  course  of  my  observation,  those  disputing, 
contradicting,  and  confuting  people  are  generally 
unfortunate  in  their  affairs.  They  get  victory  some 
times,  but  they  never  get  good  will,  which  would  be 
of  more  use  to  them.  We  parted,  he  going  to  Phil 
adelphia,  and  I  to  Boston. 

In  returning,  I  met  at  New  York  with  the  votes 
of  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  by  which  it  ap 
peared  that,  notwithstanding  his  promise  to  me,  he 
and  the  House  were  already  in  high  contention : 
and  it  was  a  continual  battle  between  them  as  long 
as  he  retained  the  government.  I  had  my  share  of 
it;  for,  as  soon  as  I  got  back  to  my  seat  in  the  As 
sembly,  I  was  put  on  every  committee  for  answer 
ing  his  speeches  and  messages,  and  by  the  commit 
tees  always  desired  to  make  the  drafts.  Our  an 
swers,  as  \vell  as  his  messages,  were  often  tart,  and 
sometimes  indecently  abusive ;  and,  as  he  knew  1 
wrote  for  the  Assembly,  one  might  have  imagined 
that,  when  we  met,  we  could  hardly  avoid  cutting 
throats  ;  but  he  was  so  good-natured  a  man  that 
no  personal  difference  between  him  and  me  was 
occasioned  by  the  contest,  and  we  often  dined  to 
gether. 

One  afternoon,  in  the  height  of  this  public  quar 
rel,  we  met  in  the  street.  "  Franklin,"  said  he, 
"  you  must  go  home  with  me  and  spend  the  even 
ing;  I  am  to  have  some  company  that  you  will 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  21 J 

like;"  and,  taking  me  by  the  arm,  led  me  to  his 
house.  In  gay  conversation  over  our  wine,  after 
supper,  he  told  us,  jokingly,  that  he  much  admired 
the  idea  of  Sancho  Panza,  who,  when  it  was  pro 
posed  to  give  him  a  government,  requested  it  might 
be  a  government  of  blacks,  as  then,  if  he  could 
not  agree  with  his  people,  he  might  sell  them.  One 
of  his  friends,  who  sat  next  to  me,  said,  "Frank 
lin,  why  do  you  continue  to  side  with  those 

Quakers  ?  Had  you  not  better  sell  them  ?  The 
proprietor  would  give  you  a  good  price."  "  The 
governor,"  said  I,  "  has  not  yet  blacked  them  enough." 
He,  indeed,  had  labored  hard  to  blacken  the  Assem 
bly  in  all  his  messages,  but  they  wiped  off  his  color 
ing  as  fast  as  he  laid  it  on,  and  placed  it,  in  return, 
thick  upon  his  own  face ;  so  that,  finding  he  was 
likely  to  be  negrqfied  himself,  he,  as  well  as  Mr. 
Hamilton,  grew  tired  of  the  contest,  and  quitted  the 


government. 


These  public  quarrels  were  all  at  bottom  owing 
to  the  proprietaries,  our  hereditary  governors,  who, 
when  any  expense  was  to  be  incurred  for  the  de 
fense  of  their  province,  with  incredible  meanness 
instructed  their  deputies  to  pass  no  act  for  levying 
the  necessary  taxes,  unless  their  vast  estates  were  in 
the  same  act  expressly  exonerated ;  and  they  had 
even  taken  the  bonds  of  these  deputies  to  observe 
such  instructions.  The  assemblies  for  three  years 
held  out  against  this  injustice,  though  constrained  to 
bend  at  last.  At  length  Captain  Denny,  who  was 
Governor  Morris's  successor,  ventured  to  disobey 


212  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

those  instructions:  how  that  was  brought  about.  7 
shall  show  hereafter. 

But  I  am  got  forward  too  fast  with  my  story  : 
there  are  still  some  transactions  to  be  mentioned 
that  happened  during  the  administration  of  Governor 
Morris. 

War  being  in  a  manner  commenced  with  France, 
the  government  of  Massachusetts  Bay  projected  an 
attack  upon  Crown  Point,  and  sent  Mr.  Quincy  to 
Pennsylvania,  and  Mr.  Pownall,  afterward  Governor 
Pownall,  to  New  York,  to  solicit  assistance.  As  I 
was  in  the  Assembly,  knew  its  temper,  and  was  Mr. 
Quincy's  countryman,  he  applied  to  me  for  my  in 
fluence  and  assistance.  I  dictated  his  address  to 
them,  which  was  well  received.  They  voted  an  aid 
of  ten  thousand  pounds,  to  be  laid  out  in  provisions. 
But  the  governor  refusing  his  assent  to  their  bill 
(which  included  this  with  other  sums  granted  for 
the  use  of  the  crown),  unless  a  clause  were  inserted 
exempting  the  proprietary  estate  from  bearing  any 
part  of  the  tax  that  would  be  necessary,  the  Assem 
bly,  though  very  desirous  of  making  their  grant  to 
New  England  effectual,  were  at  a  loss  how  to  ac 
complish  it.  Mr.  Quincy  labored  hard  with  the 
governor  to  obtain  his  assent,  but  he  was  obstinate. 

I  then  suggested  a  method  of  doing  the  business 
without  the  governor,  by  orders  on  the  trustees  of 
the  Loan  Office,  which,  by  law,  the  Assembly  had 
the  right  of  drawing.  There  was,  indeed,  little  or 
no  money  at  the  time  in  the  office,  and  therefore  I 
proposed  that  the  orders  should  be  payable  in  a 


LIFE     OF     FRANKLIN.  21  o 

year,  and  to  bear  an  interest  of  five  per  cent.  With 
these  orders  T  supposed  the  provisions  might  easily 
be  purchased.  The  Assembly,  with  very  little  hes 
itation,  adopted  the  proposal.  The  orders  were 
immediately  printed,  and  I  was  one  of  the  commit 
tee  directed  to  sign  and  dispose  of  them.  The  fund 
for  paying  them  was  the  interest  of  all  the  paper 
currency  then  extant  in  the  province  upon  loan,  to 
gether  with  the  revenue  arising  from  the  excise, 
which  being  known  to  be  more  than  sufficient,  they 
obtained  credit,  and  were  not  only  taken  in  payment 
for  the  provisions,  but  many  moneyed  people,  who 
had  cash  lying  by  them,  vested  it  in  those  orders, 
which  they  found  advantageous,  as  they  bore  inter 
est  while  upon  hand,  and  might  on  any  occasion  be 
used  as  money  ;  so  that  they  were  all  eagerly 
bought  up,  and  in  a  few  weeks  none  of  them  was 
to  be  seen.  Thus  this  important  affair  was  by  my 
means  completed.  Mr.  Quincy  returned  thanks  to 
the  Assembly  in  a  handsome  memorial,  went  home 
highly  pleased  with  the  success  of  his  embassy,  and 
ever  after  bore  for  me  the  most  cordial  and  affec 
tionate  friendship. 

The  British  government,  not  choosing  to  permit 
the  union  of  the  colonies  as  proposed  at  Albany, 
and  to  trust  that  union  with  their  defense,  lest  they 
should  thereby  grow  too  military,  and  feel  their  own 
strength,  suspicion  and  jealousies  at  this  time  being 
•entertained  of  them,  sent  over  General  Braddock 
with  two  regiments  of  regular  English  troops  for  that 
purpose.  He  landed  at  Alexandria,  in  Virginia,  and 


214  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

thence  marched  to  Frederictown,  in  Maryland, 
where  he  halted  for  carriages.  Our  Assembly  ap 
prehending,  from  some  information,  that  he  had  re 
ceived  violent  prejudices  against  them,  as  averse  to 
the  service,  wished  me  to  wait  upon  him,  not  as 
from  them,  but  as  postmaster-general,  under  the 
guise  of  proposing  to  settle  with  him  the  mode  of 
conducting  with  most  celerity  and  certainty  the  de 
spatches  between  him  and  the  governors  of  the  sev 
eral  provinces,  with  whom  he  must  necessarily  have 
continual  correspondence,  and  of  which  they  pro 
posed  to  pay  the  expense.  My  son  accompanied 
me  on  this  journey. 

We  found  the  general  at  Frederictown,  waiting 
impatiently  for  the  return  of  those  he  had  sent 
through  the  back  parts  of  Maryland  and  Virginia  to 
collect  wagons.  I  stayed  with  him  several  days, 
dined  with  him  daily,  and  had  full  opportunities  of 
removing  his  prejudices,  by  the  information  of  what 
the  Assembly  had  before  his  arrival  actually  done, 
and  were  still  willing  to  do,  to  facilitate  his  opera 
tions.  When  I  was  about  to  depart,  the  returns  of 
wagons  to  be  obtained  were  brought  in,  by  which  it 
appeared  that  they  amounted  only  to  twenty-five, 
and  not  all  of  those  in  serviceable  condition.  The 
general  and  all  the  officers  were  surprised,  declared 
the  expedition  was  then  at  an  end,  being  impossible  ; 
and  exclaimed  against  the  ministers  for  ignorantly 
sending  them  into  a  country  destitute  of  the  means 
of  conveying  their  stores,  baggage,  &c.,  not  less  than 
one  hundred  and  fifty  wagons  being  necessary. 


LIFE     OF     FRANKLIN.  215 

I  happened  to  say  I  thought  it  was  a  pity  they 
had  not  been  landed  in  Pennsylvania,  as  in  that 
country  almost  every  fanner  had  his  wagon.  The 
general  eagerly  laid  hold  of  my  words,  and  said, 
'  Then  you,  sir,  who  are  a  man  of  interest  there, 
can  probably  procure  them  for  us ;  and  I  beg  you 
will  undertake  it."  I  asked  what  terms  were  to  be 
offered  the  owners  of  the  wagons ;  and  I  was  de 
sired  to  put  on  paper  the  terms  that  appeared  to  me 
necessary.  This  I  did,  and  they  were  agreed  to, 
and  a  commission  and  instructions  accordingly  pre 
pared  immediately.  What  those  terms  were  will 
appear  in  the  advertisement  I  published  as  soon  as 
I  arrived  at  Lancaster,  which  being,  from  the  great 
and  sudden  effect  it  produced,  a  piece  of  some  curi 
osity,  I  shall  insert  it  at  length,  as  follows : 

"  ADVERTISEMENT. 

"  Lancaster,  April  26,  1755. 

"  Whereas,  one  hundred  and  fifty  wagons,  with 
four  horses  to  each  wagon,  and  fifteen  hundred  sad 
dle  or  pack  horses,  are  wanted  for  the  service  of  his 
majesty's  forces  now  about  to  rendezvous  at  Will's 
Creek,  and  his  excellency  General  Braddock  having 
been  pleased  to  empower  me  to  contract  for  the  hire 
of  the  same,  I  hereby  give  notice  that  I  shall  attend 
for  that  purpose  at  Lancaster  from  this  day  to  next 
Wednesday  evening,  and  at  York  from  next  Thurs 
day  morning  till  Friday  evening,  where  I  shall  be 
ready  to  agree  for  wagons  and  teams,  or  single  hor 
ses,  on  the  following  terms,  viz. :  1.  That  there  shall 


216  LIFE     OF    FKAMvLIN. 

be  paid  for  each  wagon,  with  tour  good  horses  and  a 
driver,  fifteen  shillings  per  diem ;  and  for  each  able 
horse  with  a  pack-saddle,  or  other  saddle  and  furni 
ture,  two  shillings  per  diem ;  and  for  each  able  horse 
without  a  saddle,  eighteen  pence  per  diem.  2.  That 
the  pay  commence  from  the  time  of  their  joining 
the  forces  at  Will's  Creek,  which  must  be  on  or  be 
fore  the  20th  of  May  ensuing,  and  that  a  reasonable 
allowance  be  paid  over  and  above  for  the  time  nec 
essary  for  their  traveling  to  Will's  Creek  and  home 
again  after  their  discharge,  3.  Each  wagon  and 
team,  and  every  saddle  or  pack  horse,  is  to  be  valued 
by  indifferent  persons  chosen  between  me  and  the 
owner ;  and  in  case  of  the  loss  of  any  wagon,  team, 
or  other  horse  in  the  service,  the  price  according  to 
such  valuation  is  to  be  allowed  and  paid.  4.  Seven 
days'  pay  is  to  be  advanced  and  paid  in  hand  by 
me  to  the  owner  of  each  wagon  and  team,  or  horse, 
at  the  time  of  contracting,  if  required,  and  the  re 
mainder  to  be  paid  by  General  Braddock,  or  by  the 
paymaster  of  the  army,  at  the  time  of  their  discharge, 
or  from  time  to  time,  as  it  shall  be  demanded.  5. 
No  drivers  of  wagons,  or  persons  taking  care  of  the 
hired  horses,  are  on  any  account  to  be  called  upon 
to  do  the  duty  of  soldiers,  or  be  otherwise  employed 
than  in  conducting  or  taking  care  of  their  carriages 
or  horses.  6.  All  oats,  Indian  corn,  or  other  forage 
that  wagons  or  horses  bring  to  the  camp,  more  than 
is  necessary  for  the  subsistence  of  the  horses,  is  to 
be  taken  for  the  use  of  the  army,  and  a  reasonable 
price  paid  for  the  same. 


L  I  F  E     O  F    l>  K  A  N  K  L  J  N.  217 

"  Note. — My  son,  William  Franklin,  is  empower 
ed  to  enter  into  like  contracts  with  any  person  in 
Cumberland  county.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  To  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Counties  of  Lancaster, 
York,  and  Cumberland. 

"Friends  and  Countrymen, 

u  Being  occasionally  at  the  camp  at  Frederic  a 
few  days  since,  I  found  the  general  and  officers  ex 
tremely  exasperated  on  account  of  their  not  being 
supplied  with  horses  and  carriages,  which  had  been 
expected  from  this  province,  as  most  able  to  furnish 
them ;  but,  through  the  dissensions  between  our  gov 
ernor  and  Assembly,  money  had  not  been  provided, 
nor  any  steps  taken  for  that  purpose. 

"  It  was  proposed  to  send  an  armed  force  imme 
diately  into  these  counties,  to  seize  as  many  of  the 
best  carriages  and  horses  as  should  be  wanted,  and 
compel  as  many  persons  into  the  service  as  would 
be  necessary  to  drive  and  take  care  of  them. 

"  I  apprehended  that  the  progress  of  British  sol 
diers  through  these  counties  on  such  an  occasion, 
especially  considering  the  temper  they  are  in,  and 
their  resentment  against  us,  would  be  attended  with 
many  and  great  inconveniences  to  the  inhabitants, 
and  therefore  more  willingly  took  the  trouble  of  try 
ing  first  what  might  be  done  by  fair  and  equitable 
means.  The  people  of  these  back  counties  have 
lately  complained  to  the  Assembly  that  a  sufficient 
currency  was  wanting ;  you  have  an  opportunity  of 
receiving  and  dividing  among  you  a  very  considera- 


218  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

ble  sum ;  for,  if  the  service  of  this  expedition  should 
continue,  as  it  is  more  than  probable  it  will,  for  one 
hundred  and  twenty  days,  the  hire  of  these  wagons 
and  horses  will  amount  to  upward  of  thirty  thou 
sand  pounds,  which  will  be  paid  you  in  silver  and 
gold  of  the  king's  money. 

"  The  service  will  be  light  and  easy,  for  the  army 
will  scarce  inarch  above  twelve  miles  per  day,  and 
the  wagons  and  baggage-horses,  as  they  carry  those 
things  that  are  absolutely  necessary  to  the  welfare 
of  the  army,  must  march  with  the  army,  and  no 
faster;  and  are,  for  the  army's  sake,  always  placed 
where  they  can  be  most  secure,  whether  in  a  march 
or  in  a  camp. 

"  If  you  are  really,  as  I  believe  you  are,  good  and 
loyal  subjects  to  his  majesty,  you  may  now  do  a 
most  acceptable  service,  and  make  it  easy  to  your 
selves  ;  for  three  or  four  of  such  as  can  not  separ 
ately  spare  from  the  business  of  their  plantations  a 
wagon  and  four  horses  and  a  driver,  may  do  it  to 
gether,  one  furnishing  the  wagon,  another  one  or 
two  horses,  and  another  the  driver,  and  divide  the 
pay  proportionably  between  you ;  but  if  you  do  not 
this  service  to  your  king  and  country  voluntarily, 
when  such  good  pay  and  reasonable  terms  are  of 
fered  to  you,  your  loyalty  will  be  strongly  suspected. 
The  king's  business  must  be  done ;  so  many  brave 
troops,  come  so  far  for  your  defense,  must  not  stand 
idle  through  your  backwardness  to  do  what  may 
be  reasonably  expected  from  you ;  wagons  and  hor 
ses  must  be  had ;  violent  measures  will  probably  be 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  219 

used,  and  you  will  be  left  to  seek  for  a  recompense 
where  you  can  find  it,  and  your  case,  perhaps,  be 
h'ttle  pitied  or  regarded. 

"I  have  no  particular  interest  in  this  affair,  as, 
except  the  satisfaction  of  endeavoring  to  do  good,  I 
shall  have  only  my  labor  for  my  pains.  If  this 
method  of  obtaining  the  wagons  and  horses  is  not 
likely  to  succeed,  I  am  obliged  to  send  word  to  the 
general  in  fourteen  days ;  and  I  suppose  Sir  John 
St.  Clair,  the  hussar,  with  a  body  of  soldiers,  will 
immediately  enter  the  province  for  the  purpose, 
which  I  shall  be  sorry  to  hear,  because  I  am  very 
sincerely  and  truly  your  friend  and  well-wisher, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 

I  received  of  the  general  about  eight  hundred 
pounds,  to  be  disbursed  in  advance-money  to  the 
wagon  owners  ;  but  that  sum  being  insufficient,  1 
advanced  upward  of  two  hundred  pounds  more,  and 
in  two  weeks  the  one  hundred  and  fifty  wagons, 
with  two  hundred  and  fifty-nine  carrying  horses, 
were  on  their  march  for  the  camp.  The  advertise 
ment  promised  payment  according  to  the  valuation, 
in  case  any  wagons  or  horses  should  be  lost.  The 
owners,  however,  alleging  they  did  not  know  Gen 
eral  Braddock,  or  what  dependence  might  be  had 
on  his  promise,  insisted  on  my  bond  for  the  per 
formance,  which  I  accordingly  gave  them. 

While  I  was  at  the  camp,  supping  one  evening 
with  the  officers  of  Colonel  Dunbar's  regiment,  he 
represented  to  me  his  concern  for  the  subalterns, 


220  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

who,  he  said,  were  generally  not  in  affluence,  and 
could  ill  afford,  in  this  dear  country,  to  lay  in  the 
stores  that  might  be  necessary  in  so  long  a  march 
through  a  wilderness,  where  nothing  was  to  be  pur 
chased.  I  commiserated  their  case,  and  resolved 
to  endeavor  procuring  them  some  relief.  I  said 
nothing,  however,  to  him  of  my  intention,  but  wrote 
the  next  morning  to  the  committee  of  the  Assembly, 
who  had  the  disposition  of  some  public  money, 
warmly  recommending  the  case  of  these  officers  to 
their  consideration,  and  proposing  that  a  present 
should  be  sent  them  of  necessaries  and  refreshments. 
My  son,  who  had  some  experience  of  a  camp  life, 
and  of  its  wants,  drew  up  a  list  for  me,  which  I  en 
closed  in  my  letter.  The  committee  approved,  and 
used  such  diligence  that,  conducted  by  my  son,  the 
stores  arrived  at  the  camp  as  soon  as  the  wagons. 
They  consisted  of  twenty  parcels,  each  containing 

6  Ibs  loaf  sugar.  1  Gloucester  cheese. 

6  do.  Muscovado  do.  1  keg  containing  20  Ibs.  good  butter 

1  do.  green  tea.  2  dozen  old  Madeira  wine. 

1  do  bohea  do.  2  gallons  Jamaica  spirits. 

6  do.  ground  coffee.  1  bottle  flour  of  mustard. 

6  do.  chocolate.  2  well-cured  hams. 

£  chest  best  white  biscuit.  £  dozen  dried  tongues. 

i  Ib.  pepper.  6  Ibs.  rice. 

1  quart  white  vinegar.  6  Ibs.  raisins. 

These  parcels,  well  packed,  were  placed  on  as 
many  horses,  each  parcel,  with  the  horse,  being  in 
tended  as  a  present  for  one  officer.  They  were 
very  thankfully  received,  and  the  kindness  acknowl 
edged  by  letters  to  me  from  the  colonels  of  both 
regiments,  in  the  most  grateful  terms.  The  general, 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  221 


too,  was  higmy  satisfied  with  my  conduct  in  pro 
curing  him  the  wagons,  and  readily  paid  my  account 
of  disbursements,  thanking  rne  repeatedly,  and  re 
questing  my  further  assistance  in  sending  provisions 
after  him.  I  undertook  this  also,  and  was  busily 
employed  in  it  till  we  heard  of  his  defeat,  advancing 
for  the  service,  of  my  own  money,  upward  of  one 
thousand  pounds  sterling,  of  which  I  sent  him  an 
account.  It  came  to  his  hands,  luckily  for  me,  a 
few  days  before  the  battle,  and  he  returned  me  im 
mediately  an  order  on  the  paymaster  for  the  round 
sum  of  one  thousand  pounds,  leaving  the  remainder 
to  the  next  account.  I  consider  this  payment  as 
good  luck,  having  never  been  able  to  obtain  that  re 
mainder,  of  which  more  hereafter. 

This  general  was,  I  think,  a  brave  man,  and  might 
probably  have  made  a  figure  as  a  good  officer  in 
some  European  war.  But  he  had  too  much  self- 
confidence,  too  high  an  opinion  of  the  validity  of 
regular  troops,  and  too  mean  a  one  of  both  Amen 
cans  and  Indians.  George  Croghan,  our  Indian  in 


222  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

terpreter,  joined  him  on  his  march  with  one  hundred 
of  those  people,  who  might  have  been  of  great  use 
to  his  army  as  guides  and  scouts,  if  he  had  treated 
them  kindly;  but  he  slighted  and  neglected  them, 
and  they  gradually  left  him. 

In  conversation  with  him  one  day,  he  was  giving 
me  some  account  of  his  intended  progress.  "  After 
taking  Fort  Duquesne,"  said  he,  "I  am  to  proceed 
to  Niagara ;  and,,  having  taken  that,  to  Frontenac, 
if  the  season  will  allow  time ;  and  I  suppose  it  will, 
for  Duquesne  can  hardly  detain  me  above  three  or 
four  days  ;  and  then  I  see  nothing  that  can  obstruct 
my  march  to  Niagara."  Having  before  revolved  in 
my  mind  the  long  line  his  army  must  make  in  their 
march  by  a  very  narrow  road,  to  be  cut  for  them 
through  the  woods  and  bushes,  and  also  what  I  had 
read  of  a  former  defeat  of  fifteen  hundred  French, 
who  invaded  the  Illinois  country,  I  had  conceived 
some  doubts  and  some  fears  for  the  event  of  the 
campaign.  But  I  ventured  only  to  say,  "  To  be  sure, 
sir,  if  you  arrive  well  before  Duquesne,  with  these 
fine  troops,  so  well  provided  with  artillery,  the  fort, 
though  completely  fortified,  and  assisted  with  a  very 
strong  garrison,  can  probably  make  but  a  short  re 
sistance.  The  only  danger  I  apprehend  of  obstruc 
tion  to  your  march  is  from  the  ambuscades  of  the 
Indians,  who,  by  constant  practice,  are  dexterous  in 
laying  and  executing  them ;  and  the  slender  line, 
near  four  miles  long,  which  your  army  must  make, 
may  expose  it  to  be  attacke'd  by  surprise  in  its  flanks, 
and  to  be  cut  like  a  thread  into  several  pieces,  which, 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  223 

from  their  distance,  can  not  come  up  in  time  to  sup 
port  each  other." 

He  smiled  at  my  ignorance,  and  replied,  "  These 
savages  may,  indeed,  be  a  formidable  enemy  to  your 
raw  American  militia,  but  upon  the  king's  regular 
and  disciplined  troops,  sir,  it  is  impossible  they  should 
make  any  impression."  I  was  conscious  of  an  im 
propriety  in  my  disputing  with  a  military  man  in 
matters  of  his  profession,  and  said  no  more.  The 
enemy,  however,  did  not  take  the  advantage  of  his 
army  which  I  apprehended  its  long  line  of  march 
exposed  it  to,  but  let  it  advance  without  interruption 
till  within  nine  miles  of  the  place ;  and  then,  when 
more  in  a  body  (for  it  had  just  passed  a  river,  where 
the  front  had  halted  till  all  were  come  over),  and  in 
a  more  open  part  of  the  woods  than  any  it  had  pass 
ed,  attacked  its  advanced  guard  by  a  heavy  fire  from 
behind  trees  and  bushes,  which  \vas  the  first  intel 
ligence  the  general  had  of  an  enemy's  being  near 
him.  This  guard  being  disordered,  the  general  hur 
ried  the  troops  up  to  their  assistance,  which  was 
done  in  great  confusion,  through  wagons,  baggage, 
and  cattle ;  and  presently  the  fire  came  upon  their 
flank :  the  officers,  being  on  horseback,  wrere  more 
easily  distinguished,  picked  out  as  marks,  and  fell 
very  fast;  and  the  soldiers  were  crowded  together 
in  a  huddle,  having  or  hearing  no  orders,  and  stand 
ing  to  be  shot  at  till  two  thirds  of  them  were  killed ; 
and  then,  being  seized  with  a  panic,  the  remainder 
fled  with  precipitation. 

The  wagoners  took  each  a  horse  out  of  his  team 


224  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN. 


and  scampered  ;  their  example  was  immediately  fol 
lowed  by  others ;  so  that  all  the  wagons,  provisions, 
artillery,  and  stores  were  left  to  the  enemy.  The 
general,  being  wounded,  was  brought  off  with  diffi 
culty  ;  his  secretary,  Mr.  Shirley,  was  killed  by  his 
side ;  and  out  of  eighty-six  officers,  sixty-three  were 
killed  or  wounded,  and  seven  hundred  and  fourteen 
men  killed  of  eleven  hundred.  These  eleven  hun 
dred  had  been  picked  men  from  the  whole  army  ;  the 
rest  had  been  left  behind  with  Colonel  Dunbar,  who 
was  to  follow  with  the  heavier  part  of  the  stores, 
provisions,  and  baggage.  The  flyers,  not  being  pur 
sued,  arrived  at  Dunbar's  camp,  and  the  panic  they 
brought  with  them  instantly  seized  him  and  all  his 
people ;  and,  though  he  had  now  above  one  thou 
sand  men,  and  the  enemy  who  had  beaten  Braddock 
did  not  at  most  exceed  four  hundred  Indians  and 
French  together,  instead  of  proceeding,  and  endeav- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  225 

oring  to  recover  some  of  the  lost  honor,  he  ordered 
all  the  stores,  ammunition,  &c.,  to  be  destroyed,  that 
he  might  have  more  horses  to  assist  his  flight  toward 
the  settlements,  and  less  lumber  to  remove.  He  was 
there  met  with  requests  from  the  governors  of  Vir 
ginia,  Maryland,  and  Pennsylvania,  that  he  would 
post  his  troops  on  the  frontiers,  so  as  to  afford  some 
protection  to  the  inhabitants  ;  but  he  continued  his 
hasty  march  through  all  the  country,  not  thinking 
himself  safe  till  he  arrived  at  Philadelphia,  where  the 
inhabitants  could  protect  him.  This  whole  transac- 
tion  gave  us  Americans  the  first  suspicion  that 


exalted  ideas  of  the  prowess  of  British  regular  troops  j 
had  not  been  well  founded. 

In  their  first  march,  too,  from  their  landing  till 
they  got  beyond  the  settlements,  they  had  plunder 
ed  and  stripped  the  inhabitants,  totally  ruining  some 
poor  families,  besides  insulting,  abusing,  and  confining 
the  people  if  they  remonstrated.  This  was  enough 
to  put  us  out  of  conceit  of  such  defenders,  if  we  had 
really  wanted  any.  How  different  was  the  conduct 
of  our  French  friends  in  1781,  who,  during  a  march 
through  the  most  inhabited  part  of  our  country,  from 
Rhode  Island  to  Virginia,  near  seven  hundred  miles, 
occasioned  not  the  smallest  complaint  for  the  loss  of 
a  pig,  a  chicken,  or  even  an  apple. 

Captain  Orme,  who  was  one  of  the  general's  aids- 
de-camp,  and,  being  grievously  wounded,  was  brought 
off  with  him,  and  continued  with  him  to  his  death, 
which  happened  in  a  few  days,  told  me  that  he  was 

totally  silent  all  the  first  day  and  at  night  only  said, 

p 


226  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

"  Who  would  have  thought  it?"  That  he  was  silent 
again  the  following  day,  saying  only  at  last,  "  We 
shall  better  know  how  to  deal  with  them  another 
time ;"  and  died  in  a  few  minutes  after. 

The  secretary's  papers,  with  all  the  general's  or 
ders,  instructions,  and  correspondence,  falling  into 
the  enemy's  hands,  they  selected  and  translated  into 
French  a  number  of  the  articles,  which  they  print 
ed,  to  prove  the  hostile  intentions  of  the  British 
court  before  the  declaration  of  war.  Among  these  I 
saw  some  letters  of  the  general  to  the  ministry,  speak 
ing  highly  of  the  great  service  I  had  rendered  the 
army,  and  recommending  me  to  their  notice.  David 
Hume,  who  was  some  years  after  secretary  to  Lord 
Hertford,  when  minister  in  France,  and  afterward 
to  General  Conway,  when  secretary  of  state,  told 
me  he  had  seen  among  the  papers  in  that  office  let 
ters  from  Braddock  highly  recommending  me.  But, 
the  expedition  having  been  unfortunate,  my  service, 
it  seems,  was  not  thought  of  much  value,  for  those 
recommendations  were  never  of  any  use  to  me. 

As  to  rewards  from  himself,  I  asked  only  one, 
which  was,  that  he  would  give  orders  to  his  officers 
not  to  enlist  any  more  of  our  bought  servants,  and 
that  he  would  discharge  such  as  had  been  already 
enlisted.  This  he  readily  granted,  and  several  were 
accordingly  returned  to  their  masters,  on  my  appli 
cation.  Dunbar,  when  the  command  devolved  on 
him,  was  not  so  generous.  He  being  at  Philadel 
phia,  on  his  retreat,  or  rather  flight,  I  applied  to  him 
for  the  discharge  of  the  servants  of  three  poor  farmers 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  227 

of  Lancaster  county  that  he  had  enlisted,  remind 
ing  him  of  the  late  general's  orders  on  that  head.  He 
promised  me  that,  if  the  masters  would  come  to  him 
at  Trenton,  where  he  should  be  in  a  few  days  on 
his  march  to  New  York,  he  would  there  deliver  their 
men  to  them.  They  accordingly  were  at  the  ex 
pense  and  trouble  of  going  to  Trenton,  and  there  he 
refused  to  perform  his  promise,  to  their  great  loss 
and  disappointment. 

As  soon  as  the  loss  of  the  wagons  and  horses  was 
generally  known,  all  the  owners  came  upon  me  for 
the  valuation  which  I  had  given  bond  to  pay.  Their 
demands  gave  me  a  great  deal  of  trouble.  I  ac 
quainted  them  that  the  money  was  ready  in  the  pay 
master's  hands,  but  the  order  for  paying  it  must  first 
be  obtained  from  General  Shirley,  and  that  I  had 
applied  for  it ;  but,  he  being  at  a  distance,  an  an 
swer  could  not  soon  be  received,  and  they  must  have 
patience.  All  this,  however,  was  not  sufficient  to 
satisfy  them,  and  some  began  to  sue  me.  General 
Shirley  at  length  relieved  me  from  this  terrible  situa 
tion  by  appointing  commissioners  to  examine  the 
claims,  and  ordering  payment.  They  amounted  to 
near  twenty  thousand  pounds,  which  to  pay  would 
have  mined  me. 

Before  we  had  the  news  of  this  defeat,  the  two 
Doctors  Bond  came  to  me  with  a  subscription  paper 
for  raising  money  to  defray  the  expense  of  a  grand 
firework,  which  it  was  intended  to  exhibit  at  a  re 
joicing  on  receiving  the  news  of  our  taking  Fort 
Duquesne.  I  looked  grave,  and  said  it  would,  I 


228  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

thought,  be  time  enough  to  prepare  the  rejoicing 
when  we  knew  we  should  have  occasion  to  rejoice. 
They  seemed  surprised  that  I  did  not  immediately 
comply  with  their  proposal.  "  Why  the  d — 1!"  said 
one  of  them,  "  you  surely  don't  suppose  that  the  fort 
will  not  be  taken  V  "  I  don't  know  that  it  will  not 
be  taken,  but  I  know  that  the  events  of  war  are  sub 
ject  to  great  uncertainty/'  I  gave  them  the  reasons 
of  my  doubting ;  the  subscription  was  dropped,  and 
the  projectors  thereby  missed  the  mortification  they 
would  have  undergone  if  the  firework  had  been  pre 
pared.  Dr.  Bond,  on  some  other  occasion  after 
ward,  said  that  he  did  not  like  Franklin's  forebod 
ings. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  229 


CHAPTER  XL 

GOVERNOR  MORRIS,  who  had  continually  worried 
the  Assembly  with  message  after  message  before  the 
defeat  of  Braddock,  to  beat  them  into  the  making 
of  acts  to  raise  money  for  the  defense  of  the  province, 
without  taxing,  among  others,  the  proprietary  estates, 
and  had  rejected  all  their  bills  for  not  having  such 
an  exempting  clause,  now  redoubled  his  attacks  with 
more  hope  of  success,  the  danger  and  necessity  be 
ing  greater.  The  Assembly,  however,  continued 
firm,  believing  they  had  justice  on  their  side,  and 
that  it  would  be  giving  up  an  essential  right  if  they 
suffered  the  governor  to  amend  their  money-bills.  In 
one  of  the  last,  indeed,  which  was  for  granting  fifty 
thousand  pounds,  his  proposed  amendment  was  only 
of  a  single  word.  The  bill  expressed  "that  all 
estates,  real  and  personal,  were  to  be  taxed,  those 
of  the  proprietaries  not  excepted."  His  amendment 
was,  for  not  read  only :  a  small,  but  very  material 
alteration.  However,  when  the  news  of  the  disaster 
reached  England,  our  friends  there,  whom  we  had 
taken  care  to  furnish  with  all  the  Assembly's  an 
swers  to  the  governor's  messages,  raised  a  clamor 
against  the  proprietaries  for  their  meanness  and  in 
justice  in  giving  their  governor  such  instructions; 
some  going  so  far  as  to  say  that,  by  obstructing  the 


230  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

defense  of  their  province,  they  forfeited  their  right 
to  it.  They  were  intimidated  by  this,  and  sent  or 
ders  to  their  receiver-general  to  add  five  thousand 
pounds  of  their  money  to  whatever  sum  might  be 
given  by  the  Assembly  for  such  purpose. 

This,  being  testified  to  the  House,  was  accepted 
in  lieu  of  their  share  of  a  general  tax,  and  a  new  bill 
was  formed,  with  an  exempting  clause,  which  passed 
accordingly.  By  this  act  I  was  appointed  one  of 
the  commissioners  for  disposing  of  the  money,  sixty 
thousand  pounds.  I  had  been  active  in  modeling 
the  bill  and  procuring  its  passage,  and  had,  at  the 
same  time,  drawn  one  for  establishing  and  disciplin 
ing  a  voluntary  militia,  which  I  carried  through  the 
House  without  much  difficulty,  as  care  \vas  taken  in 
it  to  leave  the  Quakers  at  liberty.  To  promote  the 
association  necessary  to  form  the  militia,  I  wrote  a 
dialogue,  stating  and  answering  all  the  objections  I 
could  think  of  to  such  a  militia,  which  was  printed, 
and  had,  as  I  thought,  great  effect. 

While  the  several  companies  in  the  city  and 
country  were  forming,  and  learning  their  exercise, 
the  governor  prevailed  with  me  to  take  charge  of 
our  North-western  frontier,  which  was  infested  by 
the  enemy,  and  provide  for  the  defense  of  the  in 
habitants  by  raising  troops  and  building  a  line  of 
forts.  I  undertook  this  military  business,  though  I 
did  not  conceive  myself  well  qualified  for  it.  He 
gave  me  a  commission  with  full  powrers,  and  a  parcel 
of  blank  commissions  for  officers,  to  be  given  to  whom 
I  thought  fit.  I  had  but  little  difficulty  in  raising 


LIFE    OF    FRA^7KLIN.  231 

men,  having  soon  five  hundred  and  sixty  under  my 
command.  My  son,  who  had  in  the  preceding  war 
been  an  officer  in  the  army  raised  against  Canada, 
was  my  aid-de-camp,  and  of  great  use  to  me.  The 
Indians  had  burned  Gnadenhutten,  a  village  settled 
by  the  Moravians,  and  massacred  the  inhabitants; 
but  the  place  was  thought  a  good  situation  for  one 
of  the  forts. 

In  order  to  march  thither,  I  assembled  the  com 
panies  at  Bethlehem,  the  chief  establishment  of  these 
people.  I  was  surprised  to  find  it  in  so  good  a  pos 
ture  of  defense ;  the  destruction  of  Gnadenhutten 
had  made  them  apprehend  danger.  The  principal 
buildings  were  defended  by  a  stockade;  they  had 
purchased  a  quantity  of  arms  and  ammunition  from 
New  York,  and  had  even  placed  quantities  of  small 
paving  stones  between  the  windows  of  their  high 
stone  houses,  for  their  women  to  throw  down  upon 
the  heads  of  any  Indians  that  should  attempt  to 
force  into  them.  The  armed  brethren,  too,  kept 
watch,  and  relieved  each  other  on  guard,  as  method 
ically  as  in  any  garrison  town.  In  conversation 
with  the  bishop,  Spangenberg,  I  mentioned  my  sur 
prise  ;  for,  knowing  they  had  obtained  an  act  of 
Parliament  exempting  them  from  military  duties  in 
the  colonies,  I  had  supposed  they  were  conscien 
tiously  scrupulous  of  bearing  arms.  He  answered 
me  that  it  was  not  one  of  their  established  princi 
ples,  but  that,  at  the  time  of  their  obtaining  that 
act,  it  was  thought  to  be  a  principle  with  many  of 
their  people.  On  this  occasion,  however,  they,  to 


232  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

their  surprise,  found  it  adopted  by  but  a  few.  It 
seems  they  were  either  deceived  in  themselves,  or 
deceived  the  Parliament ;  but  common  sense,  aided 
by  present  danger,  will  sometimes  be  too  strong  for 
whimsical  opinions. 

It  was  the  beginning  of  January  when  we  set  out 
upon  this  business  of  building  forts.  I  sent  one  de 
tachment  toward  the  Minisink,  with  instructions  to 
erect  one  for  the  security  of  that  upper  part  of  the 
country,  and  another  to  the  lower  part,  with  similar 
instructions  ;  and  I  concluded  to  go  myself  with  the 
rest  of  my  force  to  Gnadenhutten,  where  a  fort  was 
thought  more  immediately  necessary.  The  Mora 
vians  procured  me  five  wagons  for  our  tools,  stores, 
and  baggage. 

Just  before  we  left  Bethlehem,  eleven  farmers, 
who  had  been  driven  from  their  plantations  by  the 
Indians,  came  to  me  requesting  a  supply  of  firearms, 
that  they  might  go  back  and  bring  off  their  cattle. 
I  gave  them  each  a  gun  with  suitable  ammunition. 
We  had  not  marched  many  miles  before  it  began 
to  rain,  and  it  continued  raining  all  day ;  there  were 
no  habitations  on  the  road  to  shelter  us,  till  we  ar 
rived  near  night  at  the  house  of  a  German,  where, 
and  in  his  barn,  we  were  all  huddled  together,  as 
wet  as  water  could  make  us.  It  was  well  we  were 
not  attacked  in  our  march,  for  our  arms  were  of  the 
most  ordinary  sort,  and  our  men  could  not  keep  the 
locks  of  their  guns  dry.  The  Indians  are  dexterous 
in  contrivances  for  that  purpose,  which  we  had  not. 
They  met  that  day  the  eleven  poor  farmers  above 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


233 


mentioned,  and  killed  ten  of  them.  The  one  that 
escaped  informed  us  that  his  and  his  companions' 
guns  would  not  go  off,  the  priming  being  wet  with 
the  rain. 

The  next  day  being  fair,  we  continued  our  march, 
and  arrived  at  the  desolated  Gnadenhutten.  There 
was  a  mill  near,  round  which  were  left  several  pine 
boards,  with  which  we  soon  hutted  ourselves;  an 
operation  the  more  necessary  at  that  inclement 
season,  as  we  had  no  tents.  Our  first  work  was  to 
bury  more  effectually  the  dead  we  found  there,  who 
had  been  half  interred  by  the  country  people. 

The  next  morning  our  fort  was  planned  and 
marked  out,  the  circumference  measuring  four  hun 
dred  and  fifty-five  feet,  which  would  require  as  many 
palisades  to  be  made,  one  with  another,  of  a  foot 
diameter  each.  Our  axes,  of  which  we  had  seventy, 
were  immediately  set  to  work  to  cut  down  trees, 
and,  our  men  being  dexterous  in  the  use  of  them, 


234  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

great  despatch  was  made.  Seeing  the  trees  fall  so 
fast,  I  had  the  curiosity  to  look  at  my  watch  when 
two  men  began  to  cut  at  a  pine  ;  in  six  minutes  they 
had  it  upon  the  ground,  and  I  found  it  of  fourteen 
inches  diameter.  Each  pine  made  three  palisades 
of  eighteen  feet  long,  pointed  at  one  end.  While 
these  were  preparing,  our  other  men  dug  a  trench 
all  round,  of  three  feet  deep,  in  which  the  palisades 
were  to  be  planted ;  and,  the  bodies  being  taken  off 
our  wagons,  and  the  fore  and  hind  wheels  separated 
by  taking  out  the  pin  which  united  the  two  parts  of 
the  perch,  we  had  ten  carriages,  with  two  horses 
each,  to  bring  the  palisades  from  the  woods  to  the 
spot.  When  they  were  set  up,  our  carpenters  built 
a  platform  of  boards  all  round  within,  about  six  feet 
high,  for  the  men  to  stand  on  when  to  fire  through 
the  loopholes.  We  had  one  swivel  gun,  which  we 
mounted  on  one  of  the  angles,  and  fired  it  as  soon 
as  fixed,  to  let  the  Indians  know,  if  any  were  with 
in  hearing,  that  we  had  such  pieces;  and  thus  our 
fort,  if  that  name  may  be  given  to  so  miserable  a 
stockade,  was  finished  in  a  week,  though  it  rained 
so  hard  every  other  day  that  the  men  could  not 
work. 

This  gave  me  occasion  to  observe,  that,  when 
men  are  employed,  they  are  best  contented ;  for  on 
the  days  they  worked  they  were  good-natured  and 
cheerful,  and,  with  the  consciousness  of  having  done 
a  good  day's  work,  they  spent  the  evening  jollily ; 
but  on  our  idle  days  they  were  mutinous  and  quar 
relsome,  finding  fault  with  the  pork,  the  bread,  &c.. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  235 

and  were  continually  in  bad  humor,  which  put  me 
in  mind  of  a  sea-captain,  whose  rule  it  was  to  keep 
his  men  constantly  at  work ;  and,  when  his  mate 
once  told  him  that  they  had  done  every  thing,  and 
there  was  nothing  further  to  employ  them  about, 
"  Oh,"  said  he,  "  make  them  scour  the  anchor." 

This  kind  of  fort,  however  contemptible,  is  a  suf 
ficient  defense  against  Indians,  who  have  no  can 
non.  Finding  ourselves  now  posted  securely,  and 
having  a  place  to  retreat  to  on  occasion,  we  ven 
tured  out  in  parties  to  scour  the  adjacent  country. 
We  met  with  no  Indians,  but  we  found  the  places 
on  the  neighboring  hills  where  they  had  lain  to 
watch  our  proceedings.  There  was  an  art  in  their 
contrivance  of  those  places  that  seems  worth  men 
tioning.  It  being  winter,  a  fire  was  necessary  for 
them;  but  a  common  fire  on  the  surface  of  the 
ground  would  by  its  light  have  discovered  their  po 
sition  at  a  distance.  They  had  therefore  dug  holes 
in  the  ground  about  three  feet  in  diameter,  and  some 
what  deeper ;  we  found  where  they  had  with  their 
hatchets  cut  off  the  charcoal  from  the  sides  of  burnt 
logs  lying  in  the  woods.  With  these  coals  they  had 
made  small  fires  in  the  bottoms  of  the  holes,  and  we 
observed  among  the  weeds  and  grass  the  prints  of 
their  bodies,  made  by  their  lying  all  round,  with 
their  legs  hanging  down  in  the  holes  to  keep  their 
feet  warm,  which,  with  them,  is  an  essential  point. 
This  kind  of  fire,  so  managed,  could  not  discover 
them,  either  by  its  light,  flame,  sparks,  or  even 
smoke :  it  appeared  that  the  number  was  not  great, 


236  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

and  it  seems  they  saw  we  were  too  many  to  be  at 
tacked  by  them  with  prospect  of  advantage. 

We  had  for  our  chaplain  a  zealous  Presbyterian 
minister,  Mr.  Beatty,  who  complained  to  me  that 
the  men  did  not  generally  attend  his  prayers  and 
exhortations.  When  they  enlisted,  they  were  prom 
ised,  besides  pay  and  provisions,  a  gill  of  rum  a  day, 
which  was  punctually  served  out  to  them,  half  in 
the  morning,  and  the  other  half  in  the  evening;  and 
I  observed  they  were  punctual  in  attending  to  re 
ceive  it ;  upon  which  I  said  to  Mr.  Beatty,  "  It  is, 
perhaps,  below  the  dignity  of  your  profession  to  act 
as  steward  of  the  rum,  but  if  you  were  only  to  dis 
tribute  it  out  after  prayers,  you  would  have  them  all 
about  you."  He  liked  the  thought,  undertook  the 
task,  and,  with  the  help  of  a  few  hands  to  measure 
out  the  liquor,  executed  it  to  satisfaction,  and  never 
were  prayers  more  generally  and  more  punctually 
attended ;  so  that  I  think  this  method  preferable  to 
the  punishment  inflicted  by  some  military  laws  for 
non-attendance  on  divine  service. 

I  had  hardly  finished  this  business,  and  got  my 
fort  well  stored  with  provisions,  when  I  received  a 
letter  from  the  governor,  acquainting  me  that  he  had 
called  the  Assembly,  and  wished  my  attendance 
there,  if  the  posture  of  affairs  on  the  frontiers  was 
such  that  my  remaining  there  was  no  longer  neces 
sary.  My  friends,  too,  of  the  Assembly,  pressing  me 
by  their  letters  to  be,  if  possible,  at  the  meeting, 
and  my  three  intended  forts  being  now  completed, 
and  the  inhabitants  contented  to  remain  on  their 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  237 

farms  under  that  protection,  I  resolved  to  return  ;  the 
more  willingly,  as  a  New  England  officer,  Colonel 
Clapham,  experienced  in  Indian  war,  being  on  a  visit 
to  our  establishment,  consented  to  accept  the  com 
mand.  I  gave  him  a  commission,  and,  parading  the 
garrison,  had  it  read  before  them,  and  introduced 
him  to  them  as  an  officer  who,  from  his  skill  in  mil 
itary  affairs,  was  much  more  fit  to  command  them 
than  myself;  and,  giving  them  a  little  exhortation, 
took  my  leave.  I  was  escorted  as  far  as  Bethlehem, 
where  I  rested  a  few  days  to  recover  from  the  fa 
tigue  I  had  undergone.  The  first  night,  lying  in  a 
good  bed,  I  could  hardly  sleep,  it  was  so  different 
from  my  hard  lodging  on  the  floor  of  a  hut  at  Gna- 
denhutten,  with  only  a  blanket  or  two. 

While  at  Bethlehem,  I  inquired  a  little  into  the 
practice  of  the  Moravians :  some  of  them  had  ac 
companied  me,  and  all  were  very  kind  to  me.  I 
found  they  worked  for  a  common  stock,  ate  at 
common  tables,  and  slept  in  common  dormitories, 
great  numbers  together.  In  the  dormitories  I  ob 
served  loopholes,  at  certain  distances  all  along  just 
under  the  ceiling,  which  I  thought  judiciously  placed 
for  change  of  air.  I  went  to  their  church,  where  I 
was  entertained  with  good  music,  the  organ  being 
accompanied  with  violins,  hautboys,  flutes,  clarinets, 
&c.  I  understood  their  sermons  were  not  usually 
preached  to  mixed  congregations  of  men,  wromen, 
and  children,  as  is  our  common  practice,  but  that 
they  assembled  sometimes  the  married  men,  at  other 
times  their  wives,  then  the  young  men,  the  young 


238  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN* 

women,  and  the  little  children,  each  division  by  it 
self.  The  sermon  I  heard  was  to  the  latter,  who 
came  in  and  were  placed  in  rows  on  benches ;  the 
boys  under  the  conduct  of  a  young  man,  their  tutor, 
and  the  girls  conducted  by  a  young  woman.  The 
discourse  seemed  well  adapted  to  their  capacities, 
and  was  delivered  in  a  pleasing,  familiar  manner, 
coaxing  them,  as  it  were,  to  be  good.  They  be 
haved  very  orderly,  but  looked  pale  and  unhealthy, 
which  made  me  suspect  they  were  kept  too  much 
within  doors,  or  not  allowed  sufficient  exercise. 

I  inquired  concerning  the  Moravian  marriages, 
whether  the  report  was  true  that  they  were  by  lot. 
I  was  told  that  lots  were  used  only  in  particular 
cases;  that  generally,  when  a  young  man  found 
himself  disposed  to  marry,  he  informed  the  elders  of 
his  class,  who  consulted  the  elder  ladies  that  gov 
erned  the  young  women.  As  these  elders  of  the 
different  sexes  were  well  acquainted  with  the  tem 
pers  and  dispositions  of  their  respective  pupils,  they 
could  best  judge  what  matches  were  suitable,  and 
their  judgments  were  generally  acquiesced  in ;  but 
if,  for  example,  it  should  happen  that  two  or  three 
young  women  were  found  to  be  equally  proper  for 
the  young  man,  the  lot  was  then  recurred  to.  I  ob 
jected,  if  the  matches  are  not  made  by  the  mutual 
choice  of  the  parties,  some  of  them  may  chance  to 
be  very  unhappy.  "And  so  they  may,"  answered 
my  informer,  "  if  you  let  the  parties  choose  for  them 
selves  ;"  which,  indeed,  I  could  not  deny. 

Being  returned  to  Philadelphia,  I  found  the  asso- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  239 

elation  went  on  with  great  success,  the  inhabitants 
that  were  not  Quakers  having  pretty  generally  come 
into  it,  formed  themselves  into  companies,  and  chose 
their  captains,  lieutenants,  and  ensigns,  according  to 
the  new  law.  Dr.  Bond  visited  me,  and  gave  me 
an  account  of  the  pains  he  had  taken  to  spread  a 
general  good  liking  to  the  law,  and  ascribed  much 
to  those  endeavors.  I  had  the  vanity  to  ascribe  all 
to  my  Dialogue ;  however,  not  knowing  but  that  he 
might  be  in  the  right,  I  let  him  enjoy  his  opinion, 
which  I  take  to  be  generally  the  best  way  in  such 
cases.  The  officers,  meeting,  chose  me  to  be  colo 
nel  of  the  regiment,  which  I  this  time  accepted.  I 
forget  how  many  companies  we  had,  but  we  paraded 
about  twelve  hundred  well-looking  men,  with  a  com 
pany  of  artillery,  who  had  been  furnished  with  six 
brass  field-pieces,  which  they  had  become  so  expert 
in  the  use  of  as  to  fire  twelve  times  in  a  minute. 
The  first  time  I  reviewed  my  regiment  they  accom 
panied  me  to  my  house,  and  would  salute  me  with 
some  rounds  fired  before  my  door,  which  shook 
down  and  broke  several  glasses  of  my  electrical  ap 
paratus.  And  my  new  honor  proved  not  much  less 
brittle;  for  all  our  commissions  were  soon  after 
broken  by  a  repeal  of  the  law  in  England. 

During  this  short  time  of  my  colonelship,  being 
about  to  set  out  on  a  journey  to  Virginia,  the  officers 
of  my  regiment  took  it  into  their  heads  that  it  would 
be  proper  for  them  to  escort  me  out  of  town,  as  far 
as  the  Lower  Ferry.  Just  as  I  was  getting  on  horse 
back  they  came  to  my  door,  between  thirty  and  forty, 


240  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

mounted,  and  all  in  their  uniforms.  I  had  not  been 
previously  acquainted  with  their  project,  or  I  should 
have  prevented  it,  being  naturally  averse  to  the  as 
sumption  of  state  on  any  occasion ;  and  I  was  a 
good  deal  chagrined  at  their  appearance,  as  I  could 
not  avoid  their  accompanying  me.  What  made  it 
worse  was,  that,  as  soon  as  we  began  to  move,  they 
drew  their  swords  and  rode  with  them  naked  all  the 
way.  Somebody  wrote  an  account  of  this  to  the 
proprietor,  and  it  gave  him  great  offense.  No  such 
honor  had  been  paid  to  him  when  in  the  province, 
nor  to  any  of  his  governors ;  and  he  said  it  was 
only  proper  to  princes  of  the  blood  royal,  which 
may  be  true  for  aught  I  know,  who  was,  and  still 
am,  ignorant  of  the  etiquette  in  such  cases. 

This  silly  affair,  however,  greatly  increased  his 
rancor  against  me,  which  was  before  considerable. 
on  account  of  my  conduct  in  the  Assembly  respect 
ing  the  exemption  of  his  estate  from  taxation,  which 
I  had  always  opposed  very  warmly,  and  not  with 
out  severe  reflections  on  the  meanness  and  injustice 
of  contending  for  it.  He  accused  me  to  the  minis 
try  as  being  the  great  obstacle  to  the  king's  service, 
preventing,  by  my  influence  in  the  House,  the  proper 
form  of  the  bills  for  raising  money ;  and  he  instanced 
the  parade  with  my  officers  as  a  proof  of  my  having 
an  intention  to  take  the  government  of  the  province 
out  of  his  hands  by  force.  He  also  applied  to  Sir 
Everard  Fawkener,  the  postmaster-general,  to  de 
prive  me  of  my  office ;  but  it  had  no  other  effect 
than  to  procure  from  Sir  Everard  a  gentle  admonition. 


LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN.  243 

Notwithstanding  the  continual  wrangle  between 
the  governor  and  the  House,  in  which  I,  as  a  mem 
ber,  had  so  large  a  share,  there  still  subsisted  a  civil 
intercourse  between  that  gentleman  and  myself,  and 
we  never  had  any  personal  difference.  I  have  some 
times  since  thought  that  his  little  or  no  resentment 
against  me,  for  the  answers  it  was  known  I  drew  up 
to  his  messages,  might  be  the  effect  of  professional 
habit,  and  that,  being  bred  a  lawyer,  he  might  con 
sider  us  both  as  merely  advocates  for  contending 
clients  in  a  suit,  he  for  the  proprietaries,  and  I  for  the 
Assembly.  He  would,  therefore,  sometimes  call  in  a 
friendly  way  to  advise  with  me  on  difficult  points, 
and  sometimes,  though  not  often,  take  my  advice. 

We  acted  in  concert  to  supply  Braddock's  army 
with  provisions ;  and,  when  the  shocking  news  ar 
rived  of  his  defeat,  the  governor  sent  in  haste  for 
me,  to  consult  with  him  on  measures  for  preventing 
the  desertion  of  the  back  counties.  I  forget  now 
the  advice'  I  gave ;  but  I  think  it  was,  that  Dunbar 
should  be  written  to,  and  prevailed  with,  if  possible, 
to  post  his  troops  on  the  frontiers  for  their  protec 
tion,  until,  by  re-enforcements  from  the  colonies,  he 
might  be  able  to  proceed  in  the  expedition.  And, 
after  my  return  from  the  frontier,  he  would  have  had 
me  undertake  the  conduct  of  such  an  expedition 
with  provincial  troops,  for  the  reduction  of  Fort  Du- 
quesne,  Dunbar  and  his  men  being  otherwise  em 
ployed;  and  he  proposed  to  commission  me  as  gen 
eral.  I  had  not  so  good  an  opinion  of  my  military 
abilities  as  he  professed  to  have,  and  I  believe  his 


244  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

professions  must  have  exceeded  his  real  sentiments ; 
but  probably  he  might  think  that  my  popularity 
would  facilitate  the  business  with  the  men,  and  in 
fluence  in  the  Assembly  the  grant  of  money  to  pay 
for  it,  and  that,  perhaps,  without  taxing  the  proprie 
tary.  Finding  me  not  so  forward  to  engage  as  he 
expected,  the  project  was  dropped,  and  he  soon 
after  left  the  government,  being  superseded  by  Cap 
tain  Denny. 

Before  I  proceed  in  relating  the  part  I  had  in 
public  affairs  under  this  new  governor's  administra 
tion,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  give  here  some  account 
of  the  rise  and  progress  of  my  philosophical  reputa 
tion. 

—In  1746,  being  in  Boston,  I  met  there  with  a  Dr. 
Spence,  who  was  lately  arrived  from  Scotland,  and 
showed  me  some  electric  experiments.  They  were 
imperfectly  performed,  as  he  was  not  very  expert ; 
but,  being  on  a  subject  quite  new  to  me,  they  equal 
ly  surprised  and  pleased  me.  Soon  after  my  return 
to  Philadelphia,  our  library  company  received  from 
Mr.  Peter  Collinson,  Fellow  of  the  Royal  Society 
of  London,  a  present  of  a  glass  tube,  with  some  ac 
count  of  the  use  of  it  in  making  such  experiments. 
[  eagerly  seized  the  opportunity  of  repeating  what 
I  had  seen  at  Boston ;  and,  by  much  practice,  ac 
quired  great  readiness  in  performing  those,  also,  which 
we  had  an  account  of  from  England,  adding  a  num 
ber  of  new  ones.  I  say  much  practice,  for  my  house 
was  continually  full,  for  some  time,  with  persons 
who  came  to  see  these  new  wonders. 


LIFE     OF     FRANKLIN.  245 

To  divide  a  little  this  incumbrance  among  my 
friends,  I  caused  a  number  of  similar  tubes  to  br 
blown  in  our  glass-house,  with  which  they  furnished 
themselves,  so  that  we  had  at  length  several  perform 
ers.  Among  these,  the  principal  w7as  Mr.  Kinnersley, 
an  ingenious  neighbor,  who,  being  out  of  business,  ] 
encouraged  him  to  undertake  showing  the  experi 
ments  for  money,  and  drew  up  for  him  two  lectures, 
in  which  the  experiments  were  ranged  in  such  or 
der,  and  accompanied  with  explanations  in  such 
method,  as  that  the  foregoing  should  assist  in  com 
prehending  the  following.  He  procured  an  elegant 
apparatus  for  the  purpose,  in  which  all  the  little 
machines  that  I  had  roughly  made  for  myself  were 
neatly  formed  by  instrument  makers.  His  lectures 
were  well  attended,  and  gave  great  satisfaction ;  and 
after  some  time  he  went  through  the  colonies,  ex 
hibiting  them  in  every  capital  town,  and  picked  up 
some  money.  In  the  West  India  islands,  indeed,  it 
was  with  difficulty  the  experiments  could  be  made, 
from  the  general  moisture  of  the  air. 

Obliged  as  we  were  to  Mr.  Collinson  for  the  pres 
ent  of  the  tube,  &c.,  I  thought  it  right  he  should  be 
informed  of  our  success  in  using  it,  and  wrote  him 
several  letters  containing  accounts  of  our  experi 
ments.  He  got  them  read  in  the  Royal  Society, 
where  they  were  not  at  first  thought  worth  so  much 
notice  as  to  be  printed  in  their  Transactions.  One 
paper,  which  I  wrote  for  Mr.  Kinnersley,  on  the 
sameness  of  lightning  with  electricity,  I  sent  to  Mr. 
Mitchel,  an  acquaintance  of  mine,  and  one  of  the 


246  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

members  also  of  that  society,  who  wrote  me  word 
that  it  had  been  read,  but  was  laughed  at  by  the  con 
noisseurs.  The  papers,  however,  being  shown  to 
Dr.  Fothergill,  he  thought  them  of  too  much  value 
to  be  stifled,  and  advised  the  printing  of  them.  Mr. 
Collinson  then  gave  them  to  Cave  for  publication  in 
his  Gentleman? s  Magazine ;  but  he  chose  to  print 
them  separately  in  a  pamphlet,  and  Dr.  Fothergill 
wrote  the  preface.  Cave,  it  seems,  judged  rightly 
for  his  profession,  for  by  the  additions  that  arrived 
afterward,  they  swelled  to  a  quarto  volume,  which 
has  had  five  editions,  and  cost  him  nothing  for  copy- 
money. 

It  was,  however,  some  time  before  those  papers 
were  much  taken  notice  of  in  England.  A  copy  of 
them  happening  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Count 


de  Buffon,  a  philosopher  deservedly  of  great  reputa 
tion  in  France,  and,  indeed,  all  over  Europe,  he  pre- 


LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN.  247 

vailed  with  M.  Dubourg  to  translate  them  into 
French,  and  they  were  printed  at  Paris.  The  pub 
lication  offended  the  Abbe  Nollet,  preceptor  in  Nat 
ural  Philosophy  to  the  royal  family,  and  an  able 
experimenter,  who  had  formed  and  published  a 
theory  of  electricity,  which  then  had  the  general 
vogue.  He  could  not  at  first  believe  that  such  a 
work  came  from  America,  and  said  it  must  have 
been  fabricated  by  his  enemies  at  Paris,  to  oppose 
his  system.  Afterward,  having  been  assured  that 
there  really  existed  such  a  person  as  Franklin  at 
Philadelphia,  which  he  had  doubted,  he  wrote  and 
published  a  volume  of  Letters,  chiefly  addressed  to 
me,  defending  his  theory,  and  denying  the  verity  of 
my  experiments,  and  of  the  positions  deduced  from 
them. 

I  once  purposed  answering  the  abbe,  and  actual 
ly  began  the  answer ;  but,  on  consideration  that  my 
writings  contained  a  description  of  experiments 
which  any  one  might  repeat  and  verify,  and,  if  not 
to  be  verified,  could  not  be  defended  ;  or  of  observa 
tions  offered  as  conjectures,  and  not  delivered  dog 
matically,  therefore  not  laying  me  under  any  obliga 
tion  to  defend  them;  and  reflecting  that  a  dispute 
between  two  persons,  written  in  different  languages, 
might  be  lengthened  greatly  by  mistranslations,  and 
thence  misconceptions  of  one  another's  meaning, 
much  of  one  of  the  abbe's  letters  being  founded  on 
an  error  in  the  translation,  I  concluded  to  let  my 
papers  shift  for  themselves,  believing  it  was  bettei 
to  spend  what  time  I  could  spare  from  public  busi- 


248  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

ness  in  making  new  experiments,  than  in  disputing 
about  those  already  made.  I  therefore  never  an 
swered  M.  Nollet,  and  the  event  gave  me  no  cause 
to  repent  my  silence ;  for  my  friend  M.  Le  Roy,  of 
the  Royal  Academy  of  Sciences,  took  up  my  cause 
and  refuted  him;  my  book  was  translated  into  the 
Italian,  German,  and  Latin  languages;  and  the  doc 
trine  it  contained  was  by  degrees  generally  adopted 
by  the  philosophers  of  Europe,  in  preference  to  that 
of  the  abbe ;  so  that  he  lived  to  see  himself  the  last 

of  his  sect,  except  Monsieur  B ,  of  Paris,  his 

eleve  and  immediate  disciple. 

What  gave  my  book  the  more  sudden  and  gen 
eral  celebrity,  was  the  success  of  one  of  its  proposed 
experiments,  made  by  Messieurs  Dalibard  and  DC 
Lor  at  Marly,  for  drawing  lightning  from  the  clouds. 
This  engaged  the  public  attention  every  where.  M. 
De  Lor,  who  had  an  apparatus  for  experimental 
philosophy,  and  lectured  in  that  branch  of  science, 
undertook  to  repeat  what  he  called  the  Philadelphia 
Experiments;  and,  after. they  were  performed  be 
fore  the  king  and  court,  all  the  curious  of  Paris  flock 
ed  to  see  them.  I  will  not  swell  this  narrative  with 
an  account  of  that  capital  experiment,  nor  of  the  in 
finite  pleasure  I  received  in  the  success  of  a  similar 
one  I  made  soon  after  with  a  kite  at  Philadelphia, 
as  both  are  to  be  found  in  the  histories  of  electricity. 

Dr.  Wright,  an  English  physician,  when  at  Paris, 
wrote  to  a  friend,  who  was  of  the  Royal  Society,  an 
account  of  the  high  esteem  my  experiments  were  in 
among  the  learned  abroad,  and  of  their  wonder  that 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  249 

my  writings  had  been  so  little  noticed  in  England. 
The  society,  on  this,  resumed  the  consideration  of 
the  letters  that  had  been  read  to  them;  and  the  cele 
brated  Dr.  Watson  drew  up  a  summary  account  of 
them,  and  of  all  I  had  afterward  sent  to  England  on 
the  subject,  which  he  accompanied  with  some  praise 
of  the  writer.  This  summary  was  then  printed  in 
their  Transactions;  and  some  members  of  the  so 
ciety  in  London,  particularly  the  very  ingenious  Mr. 
Canton,  having  verified  the  experiment  of  procuring 
lightning  from  the  clouds  by  a  pointed  rod,  and  ac 
quainted  them  with  the  success,  they  soon  made  me 
more  than  amends  for  the  slight  with  which  they 
had  before  treated  me.  Without  my  having  made 
any  application  for  that  honor,  they  chose  me  a 
member,  and  voted  that  I  should  be  excused  the 
customary  payments,  which  would  have  amounted 
to  twenty-five  guineas ;  and  ever  since  have  given 
me  their  Transactions  gratis.*  They  also  present 
ed  me  with  the  gold  medal  of  Sir  Godfrey  Copley 
for  the  year  1753,  the  delivery  of  which  was  accom 
panied  by  a  very  handsome  speech  of  the  president. 
Lord  Macclesfield,  wherein  I  was  highly  honored. 

*  In  a  letter  to  his  son,  Governor  Franklin,  the  doctor  gives  an  account 
of  the  manner  in  which  he  was  thus  admitted.  Having,  as  a  member  «f 
a  committee  of  investigation,  access  to  the  records  of  the  society)  he 
found  that  his  name  was  admitted  on  the  list  of  members,  with  a  vote  of 
council  that  he  was  not  to  pay  any  thing.  The  vote  of  admission  was 
unanimous,  and  the  certificate,  or  application,  was  signed  by  the  president, 
Lord  Macclesfield,  and  Lords  Parker  and  Willoughby.  The  usual  fees 
were  five  guineas  admission,  and  two  and  a  half  yearly  contribution,  or 
twenty-five  for  life  membership. 


250  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN 


•  CHAPTER  XII. 

OUR  new  governor,  Captain  Denny,  brought  over 
for  me  the  before-mentioned  medal  from  the  Royal 
Society,  which  he  presented  to  me  at  an  entertain 
ment  given  him  by  the  city.  He  accompanied  it 
with  very  polite  expressions  of  his  esteem  for  me, 
having,  as  he  said,  been  long  acquainted  with  my 
character.  After  dinner,  when  the  company,  as  was 
customary  at  that  time,  were  engaged  in  drinking, 
he  took  me  aside  into  another  room,  and  acquaint 
ed  me  that  he  had  been  advised  by  his  friends  in 
England  to  cultivate  a  friendship  with  me,  as  one 
who  was  capable  of  giving  him  the  best  advice,  and 
of  contributing  most  effectually  to  the  making  his 
administration  easy ;  that  he  therefore  desired  of  all 
things  to  have  a  good  understanding  with  me,  and 
he  begged  me  to  be  assured  of  his  readiness  on  all 
occasions  to  render  me  every  service  that  might  be 
in  his  power.  He  said  much  to  me,  also,  of  the  pro 
prietor's  good  disposition  toward  the  province,  and 
of  the  advantage  it  would  be  to  us  all,  and  to  me  in 
particular,  if  the  opposition  that  had  been  so  long 
continued  to  his  measures  was  dropped,  and  har 
mony  restored  between  him  and  the  people ;  in  ef 
fecting  which,  it  was  thought  no  one  could  be  more 
serviceable  than  myself;  and  I  might  depend  on 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


251 


adequate  acknowledgments  and  recompenses.  The 
drinkers,  finding  we  did  not  return  immediately  to 
the  table,  sent  us  a  decanter  of  Madeira,  which  the 


din, 


governor  made  a  liberal  use  of,  and  in  proportion 
became  more  profuse  of  his  solicitations  and  prom 
ises. 

My  answers  were  to  this  purpose:  that  my  circum 
stances,  thanks  to  God,  were  such  as  to  make  pro 
prietary  favors  unnecessary  to  me  ;  and  that,  being  a 
member  of  the  Assembly,  I  could  not  possibly  accept 
of  any ;  that,  however,  I  had  no  personal  enmity 
to  the  proprietary,  and  that,  whenever  the  public 
measures  he  proposed  should  appear  to  be  for  the 
good  of  the  people,  no  one  would  espouse  and  for 
ward  them  more  zealously  than  myself;  my  past  op 
position  having  been  founded  on  this,  that  the  meas 
ures  which  had  been  urged  were  evidently  intended 


252  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

to  serve  the  proprietary  interest,  with  great  prejudice 
to  that  of  the  people ;  that  I  was  much  obliged  to 
him  (the  governor)  for  his  profession  of  regard  to  me, 
and  that  he  might  rely  on  every  thing  in  my  power 
to  render  his  administration  as  easy  as  possible,  hoping 
at  the  same  time  that  he  had  not  brought  with  him 
the  same  unfortunate  instruction  his  predecessors 
had  been  hampered  with. 

On  this  he  did  not  then  explain  himself;  but 
when  he  afterward  came  to  do  business  with  the 
Assembly,  they  appeared  again,  the  disputes  were 
renewed,  and  I  was  as  active  as  ever  in  the  opposi 
tion,  being  the  penman,  first,  of  the  request  to  have 
a  communication  of  the  instructions,  and  then  of  the 
remarks  upon  them,  which  may  be  found  in  the 
votes  of  the  times,  and  in  the  Historical  Review  I 
afterward  published.  But  between  us  personally  no 
enmity  arose ;  we  were  often  together ;  he  was  a 
man  of  letters,  had  seen  much  of  the  world,  and  was 
entertaining  and  pleasing  in  conversation.  He  gave 
me  information  that  my  old  friend  Ralph  was  still 
alive  ;  that  he  was  esteemed  one  of  the  best  political 
writers  in  England ;  had  been  employed  in  the  dis 
pute  between  Prince  Frederic  and  the  king,  and  had 
obtained  a  pension  of  three  hundred  pounds  a  year; 
that  his  reputation  was  indeed  small  as  a  poet,  Pope 
having  damned  his  poetry  in  the  Dunciad ;  but  his 
prose  was  thought  as  good  as  any  man's. 

The  Assembly  finally  finding  the  proprietary  ob 
stinately  persisted  in  shackling  the  deputies  with  in 
structions  inconsistent  not  only  with  the  privileges 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  253 

of  the  people,  but  with  the  service  of  the  crown,  re 
solved  to  petition  the  king  against  them,  and  ap 
pointed  me  their  agent  to  go  over  to  England,  to 
present  and  support  the  petition.  The  House  had 
sent  up  a  bill  to  the  governor,  granting  a  sum  of  sixty 
thousand  pounds  for  the  king's  use  (ten  thousand 
pounds  of  which  was  subjected  to  the  orders  of  the 
then  general,  Lord  Loudoun),  which  the  governor, 
in  compliance  with  his  instructions,  absolutely  re 
fused  to  pass. 

I  had  agreed  with  Captain  Morris,  of  the  packet 
at  New  York,  for  my  passage,  and  my  stores  were 
put  on  board,  when  Lord  Loudoun  arrived  at  Phila 
delphia,  expressly,  as  he  told  me,  to  endeavor  an  ac 
commodation  between  the  governor  and  Assembly, 
that  his  majesty's  service  might  not  be  obstructed 
by  their  dissensions.  Accordingly,  he  desired  the 
governor  and  myself  to  meet  him,  that  he  might  hear 
what  was  to  be  said  on  both  sides.  We  met  and 
discussed  the  business.  In  behalf  of  the  Assembly, 
I  urged  the  various  arguments  that  may  be  found 
in  the  public  papers  of  that  time,  which  were  of  my 
writing,  and  are  printed  with  the  minutes  of  the  As 
sembly  ;  and  the  governor  pleaded  his  instructions, 
the  bond  he  had  given  to  observe  them,  and  his  ruin 
if  he  disobeyed,  yet  seemed  not  unwilling  to  hazard 
himself  if  Lord  Loudoun  would  advise  it.  This 
his  lordship  did  not  choose  to  do,  though  I  once 
thought  I  had  nearly  prevailed  with  him  to  do  it; 
but  finally  he  rather  chose  to  urge  tire  compliance 
of  the  Assembly ;  and  he  entreated  me  to  use  my 


'754  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

endeavors  with  them  for  that  purpose,  declaring  that 
he  would  spare  none  of  the  king's  troops  for  the  de 
fense  of  our  frontiers,  and  that,  if  we  did  not  con 
tinue  to  provide  for  that  defense  ourselves,  they  must 
remain  exposed  to  the  enemy. 

I  acquainted  the  House  with  what  had  passed, 
and,  presenting  them  with  a  set' of  resolutions  I  had 
drawn  up,  declaring  our  rights,  that  we  did  not  re 
linquish  our  claim  to  those  rights,  but  only  suspend 
ed  the  exercise  of  them  on  this  occasion  through 

o 

force,  against  which  we  protested,  they  at  length 
agreed  to  drop  that  bill,  and  frame  another  conform 
able  to  the  proprietary  instructions.  This ^of  course 
the  governor  passed,  and  I  was  then  at  liberty  to 
proceed  on  my  voyage.  But,  in  the  mean  time,  the 
packet  had  sailed  with  my  sea-stores,  which  was 
some  loss  to  me,  and  my  only  recompense  was  his 
lordship's  thanks  for  my  service,  all  the  credit  of 
obtaining  the  accommodation  falling  to  his  share. 

He  set  out  for  New  York  before  me ;  and,  as  the 
time  for  dispatching  the  packet-boats  was  at  his  dis 
position,  and  there  were  two  then  remaining  there, 
one  of  which,  he  said,  was  to  sail  very  soon,  I  re 
quested  to  know  the  precise  time,  that  I  might  not 
miss  her  by  any  delay  of  mine.  The  answer  was, 
"I  have  given  out  that  she  is  to  sail  on  Saturday 
next ;  but  I  may  let  you  know,  entre  nous,  that  if  you 
are  there  by  Monday  morning,  you  will  be  in  time, 
but  do  not  delay  longer."  By  some  accidental  hin- 
derance  at  a  ferry,  it  was  Monday  noon  before  I  ar 
rived,  and  I  was  much  afraid  she  might  have  sailed, 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  255 

as  the  wind  was  fair ;  but  I  was  soon  made  easy  by 
the  information  that  she  was  still  in  the  harbor,  and 
would  not  move  till  the  next  day.  One  would  imag 
ine  that  I  was  now  on  the  very  point  of  departing  for 
Europe.  I  thought  so ;  but  I  was  not  then  so  well 
acquainted  with  his  lordship's  character,  of  which 
indecision  was  one  of  the  strongest  features.  I  shall 
give  some  instances.  It  was  about  the  beginning  of 
April  that  I  came  to  New  York,  and  I  think  it  was 
near  the  end  of  June  before  we  sailed.  There  were 
then  two  of  the  packet-boats,  which  had  been  long 
in  readiness,  but  were  detained  for  the  general's  let 
ters,  which  were  always  to  be  ready  to-morrow. 
Another  packet  arrived  ;  she  too  was  detained ;  and, 
before  we  sailed,  a  fourth  was  expected.  Ours  was 
the  first  to  be  dispatched,  as  having  been  there  lon 
gest.  Passengers  were  engaged  for  all,  and  some 
extremely  impatient  to  be  gone,  and  the  merchants 
uneasy  about  their  letters,  and  for  the  orders  they 
had  given  for  insurance  (it  being  war  time),  and  for 
autumnal  goods ;  but  their  anxiety  availed  nothing ; 
his  lordship's  letters  were  not  ready ;  and  yet  who 
ever  waited  on  him  found  him  always  at  his  desk, 
pen  in  hand,  and  concluded  he  must  needs  write 
abundantly. 

Going  myself  one  morning  to  pay  my  respects,  I 
found  in  his  antechamber  one  Innis,  a  messenger  of 
Philadelphia,  who  had  come  thence  express  with  a 
packet  from  Governor  Denny  for  the  general.  He 
delivered  to  me  some  letters  from  my  friends  there, 
which  occasioned  my  inquiring  when  he  was  to  re- 


256 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


turn,  and  where  he  lodged,  that  I  might  send  some 
letters  by  him.  He  told  me  he  was  ordered  to  call 
to-morrow  at  nine  for  the  general's  answer  to  the 
governor,  and  should  set  off  immediately.  I  put  my 
letters  into  his  hands  the  same  day.  A  fortnight 
after  I  met  him  again  in  the  same  place.  "  So,  you 
are  soon  returned,  Innis  ?"  "  Returned  !  no,  I  am 
not  gone  yet."  "  How  so  1"  "  I  have  called  here 
this  and  every  morning  these  two  weeks  past  for  his 
lordship's  letters,  and  they  are  not  yet  ready."  "  Is 
it  possible,  when  he  is  so  great  a  writer  ?  for  I  see 
him  constantly  at  his  escritoire."  "  Yes,"  said  In 
nis,  "  but  he  is  like  St.  George  on  the  signs,  always 


on  horseback,  and  never  rides  on."  This  observation 
of  the  messenger  was,  it  seems,  well  founded ;  for, 
when  in  England,  I  understood  that  Mr.  Pitt,  after 
ward  Lord  Chatham,  gave  it  as  one  reason  for  re 
moving  this  general,  and  sending  Generals  Amherst 
and  Wolfe,  that  the  minister  never  heard  from  him, 
mid  could  not  know  wliat  he  was  doing. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  267 

In  this  daily  expectation  of  sailing,  and  all  the 
three  packets  going  down  to  Sandy  Hook,  to  join 
the  fleet  there,  the  passengers  thought  it  best  to  be 
on  board,  lest  by  a  sudden  order  the  ships  should 
sail,  and  they  be  left  behind.  There,  if  I  remember, 
we  were  about  six  weeks,  consuming  our  sea-stores, 
and  obliged  to  procure  more.  At  length  the  fleet 
sailed,  the  general  and  all  his  army  on  board,  bound 
to  Louisburg,  with  intent  to  besiege  and  take  that 
fortress ;  and  all  the  packet-boats  in  company  were 
ordered  to  attend  the  general's  ship,  ready  to  receive 
his  dispatches  when  they  should  be  ready.  We  were 
out  five  days  before  we  got  a  letter  with  leave  to 
part,  and  then  our  ship  quitted  the  fleet  and  steered 
for  England.  The  other  two  packets  he  still  de- 
taiii^d,  carried  them  with  him  to  Halifax,  where  liu 
stayed  some  time  to  exercise  the  men  in  sham  at 
tacks  upon  sham  forts,  then  altered  his  mind  as  to 
besieging  Louisburg,  and  returned  to  New  York, 
with  all  his  troops,  together  with  the  two  packets 
above  mentioned,  and  all  their  passengers  !  During 
his  absence  the  French  and  savages  had  taken  For 
George,  on  the  frontier  of  that  province,  and  the  In 
dians  had  massacred  many  of  the  garrison  after  ca 
pitulation. 

I  saw  afterward  in  London  Captain  Bound,  who 
commanded  one  of  those  packets.  He  told  me  that, 
when  he  had  been  detained  a  month,  he  acquainted 
his  lordship  that  his  ship  was  grown  foul,  to  a  de 
gree  that  must  necessarily  hinder  her  fast  sailing,  a 
point  of  consequence  for  a  packet-boat,  and  request- 


2,58  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

ed  an  allowance  of  time  to  heave  her  down  and 
clean  her  bottom.  His  lordship  asked  how  long  a 
time  that  would  require.  He  answered,  three  days. 
The  general  replied,  "  If  you  can  do  it  in  one  day, 
[  give  leave  ;  otherwise  not;  for  you  must  certainly 
sail  the  day  after  to-morrow."  So  he  never  obtain 
ed  leave,  though  detained  afterward  from  day  to  day 
during  full  three  months. 

^\  saw  also  in  London  one  of  Bonell's  passengers, 
who  was  so  enraged  against  his  lordship  for  deceiv 
ing  and  detaining  him  so  long  at  New  York,  and 
then  carrying  him  to  Halifax  and  back  again,  that 
he  swore  he  would  sue  him  for  damages.  Whether 
he  did  or  not,  I  never  heard ;  but,  as  he  represented 
it,  the  injury  to  his  affairs  was  very  considerable. 

On  the  whole,  I  wondered  much  how  such  a  man 
came  to  be  intrusted  with  so  important  a  business 
as  the  conduct  of  a  great  army ;  but,  having  since 
seen  more  of  the  great  world,  and  the  means  of  ob 
taining,  and  motives  for  giving,  places  and  employ 
ments,  my  wonder  is  diminished.  General  Shirley, 
on  whom  the  command  of  the  army  devolved  upon 
the  death  of  Braddock,  would,  in  my  opinion,  if 
continued  in  place,  have  made  a  much  better  cam 
paign  than  that  of  Loudoun  in  1756,  which  was 
frivolous,  expensive,  and  disgraceful  to  our  nation 
beyond  conception;  for,  though  Shirley  was  not 
bred  a  soldier,  he  was  sensible  and  sagacious  in  him 
self,  and  attentive  to  good  advice  from  others,  capa 
ble  of  forming  judicious  plans,  and  quick  and  active 
in  carrying  them  into  execution.  Loudoun,  instead 


LIFE^OF     FRANKLIN.  259 

of  defending  the  colonies  with  his  great  army,  left 
them  totally  exposed,  while  he  paraded  idly  at  Hali 
fax,  by  which  means  Fort  George  was  lost ;  besides, 
he  deranged  all  our  mercantile  operations,  and  dis 
tressed  our  trade,  by  a  long  embargo  on  the  expor 
tation  of  provisions,  on  pretense  of  keeping  supplies 
from  being  obtained  by  the  enemy,  but  in  reality  for 
beating  down  their  price  in  favor  of  the  contractors, 
in  whose  profits,  it  was  said,  perhaps  from  suspicion 
only,  he  had  a  share ;  and,  when  at  length  the  em 
bargo  was  taken  off,  neglecting  to  send  notice  of  it 
to  Charleston,  where  the  Carolina  fleet  was  detain 
ed  near  three  months,  and  whereby  their  bottoms 
were  so  much  damaged  by  the  worm  that  a  great 
part  of  them  foundered  in  their  passage  home. 

Shirley  was,  I  believe,  sincerely  glad  of  being  re 
lieved  from  so  burdensome  a  charge  as  the  conduct 
of  an  army  must  be  to  a  man  unacquainted  with 
military  business.  I  was  at  an  entertainment  given 
by  the  city  of  New  York  to  Lord  Loudoun,  on  his 
taking  upon  him  the  command.  Shirley,  though 
thereby  superseded,  was  present  also.  There  was 
a  great  company  of  officers,  citizens,  and  strangers, 
and,  some  chairs  having  been  borrowed  in  the  neigh 
borhood,  there  was  one  among  them  very  low,  which 
fell  to  the  lot  of  Mr.  Shirley.  I  sat  by  him,  and,  per 
ceiving  it,  said,  "  They  have  given  you  a  very  low 
seat."  "  No  matter,  Mr.  Franklin,"  said  he,  "  I  find 
a  low  seat  the  easiest." 

While  I  was,  as  before  mentioned,  detained  at 
New  York,  I  received  all  the  accounts  of  the  pro- 


260  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

visions,  &c.,  that  I  had  furnished  to  Braddock,  som<> 
of  which  accounts  could  not  sooner  be  obtained  from 
the  different  persons  I  had  employed  to  assist  in 
the  business.  I  presented  them  to  Lord  Loudoun, 
desiring  to  be  paid  the  balance.  He  caused  them 
to  be  examined  by  the  proper  officer,  who,  after  com 
paring  every  article  with  its  voucher,  certified  them 
to  be  right ;  and  his  lordship  promised  to  give  me 
an  order  on  the  paymaster  for  the  balance  due  to 
me.  This  was,  however,  put  off  from  time  to  time  ; 
and,  though  1  called  often  for  it  by  appointment,  1 
did  not  get  it.  At  length,  just  before  my  departure, 
he  told  me  he  had,  on  better  consideration,  concluded 
not  to  mix  his  accounts  with  those  of  his  predeces 
sors.  "  And  you,"  said  he,  "  when  in  England,  have 
only  to  exhibit  your  accounts  to  the  treasury,  and 
you  will  be  paid  immediately." 

I  mentioned,  but  without  effect,  a  great  and  unex 
pected  expense  I  had  been  put  to  by  being  detained 
so  long  at  New  York,  as  a  reason  for  my  desiring  to 
be  presently  paid ;  and  on  my  observing  that  it  was 
not  right  I  should  be  put  to  any  further  trouble  or 
delay  in  obtaining  the  money  I  had  advanced,  as  I 
charged  no  commission  for  my  service,  "  O,"  said  he, 
"  you  must  not  think  of  persuading  us  that  you  are 
no  gainer ;  we  understand  better  those  matters,  and 
know  that  every  one  concerned  in  supplying  the 
army  finds  means,  in  the  doing  it,  to  fill  his  own 
pockets."  I  assured  him  that  was  not  my  case,  and 
that  I  had  not  pocketed  a  farthing ;  but  he  appeared 
clearly  not  to  believe  me ;  and,  indeed,  I  afterward 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  261 

learned  that  immense  fortunes  are  often  made  in 
such  employments.  As  to  my  balance,  I  am  not 
paid  it  to  this  day,  of  which  more  hereafter. 

Our  captain  of  the  packet  boasted  much,  before 
we  sailed,  of  the  swiftness  of  his  ship  ;  unfortunately, 
when  we  came  to  sea,  she  proved  the  dullest  of 
ninety-six  sail,  to  his  no  small  mortification.  After 
many  conjectures  respecting  the  cause,  when  we 
were  near  another  ship  almost  as  dull  as  ours,  which, 
however,  gained  upon  us,  the  captain  ordered  all 
hands  to  come  aft,  and  stand  as  near  the  ensign  staff 
as  possible.  We  were,  passengers  included,  about 
forty  persons.  While  we  stood  there,  the  ship  mend 
ed  her  pace,  and  soon  left  her  neighbor  far  behind, 
which  proved  clearly  what  our  captain  suspected, 
that  she  was  loaded  too  much  by  the  head.  The 
casks  of  water,  it  seems,  had  been  all  placed  forward; 
these  he  therefore  ordered  to  be  moved  further  aft, 
on  which  the  ship  recovered  her  character,  and 
proved  the  best  sailer  in  the  fleet. 

The  captain  said  she  had  once  gone  at  the  rate 
of  thirteen  knots,  which  is  accounted  thirteen  miles 
per  hour.  We  had  on  board,  as  a  passenger,  Cap 
tain  Archibald  Kennedy,  of  the  Royal  Navy,  who 
contended  that  it  was  impossible,  and  that  no  ship 
ever  sailed  so  fast,  and  that  there  must  have  been 
some  error  in  the  division  of  the  log-line,  or  some 
mistake  in  heaving  the  log.  A  wager  ensued  be 
tween  the  two  captains,  to  be  decided  when  there 
should  be  sufficient  wind.  Kennedy  therefore  ex 
amined  the  log-line,  and,  being  satisfied  with  it,  he 


262  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

determined  to  throw  the  log  himself.  Some  days 
after,  when  the  wind  was  very  fair  and  fresh,  and 
the  captain  of  the  packet,  Lutwidge,  said  he  believed 
she  then  went  at  the  rate  of  thirteen  knots,  Kennedy 
made  the  experiment,  and  owned  his  wager  lost. 

The  foregoing  fact  I  give  for  the  sake  of  the  fol 
lowing  observation.  It  has  been  remarked,  as  an 
imperfection  in  the  art  of  ship-building,  that  it  can 
never  be  known,  till  she  is  tried,  whether  a  new  ship 
will  or  will  not  be  a  good  sailer ;  for  that  the  model 
of  a  good-sailing  ship  has  been  exactly  followed  in 
a  new  one,  which  has  been  proved,  on  the  contrary, 
remarkably  dull.  I  apprehend  that  this  may  partly 
be  occasioned  by  the  different  opinions  of  seamen 
respecting  the  modes  of  loading,  rigging,  and  sailing 
of  a  ship ;  each  has  his  method ;  and  the  same  ves 
sel,  laden  by  the  method  and  orders  of  one  captain, 
shall  sail  worse  than  when  by  the  orders  of  another. 
Besides,  it  scarce  ever  happens  that  a  ship  is  formed, 
fitted  for  the  sea,  and  sailed  by  the  same  person. 
One  man  builds  the  hull,  another  rigs  her,  a  third 
loads  and  sails  her.  No  one  of  these  has  the  ad 
vantage  of  knowing  all  the  ideas  and  experience  of 
the  others,  and,  therefore,  can  not  draw  just  conclu 
sions  from  a  combination  of  the  whole. 

Even  in  the  simple  operation  of  sailing  when  at 
sea,  I  have  often  observed  different  judgments  in  the 
officers  who  commanded  the  successive  watches,  the 
wind  being  the  same.  One  would  have  the  sails 
trimmed  sharper  or  flatter  than  another,  so  that  they 
seemed  to  have  no  certain  rule  to  govern  by.  Yet 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  263 

I  think  a  set  of  experiments  might  be  instituted,  first, 
to  determine  the  most  proper  form  of  the  hall  for 
swift  sailing ;  next,  the  best  dimensions  and  most 
proper  place  for  the  masts ;  then  the  form  and  quan 
tity  of  sails,  and  their  position,  as  the  winds  may  be ; 
and,  lastly,  the  disposition  of  the  lading.  This  is  an 
age  of  experiments,  and  I  think  a  set  accurately 
made  and  combined  would  be  of  great  use. 

We  were  several  times  chased  in  our  passage,  but 
outsailed  every  thing,  and  in  thirty  days  had  sound 
ings.  We  had  a  good  observation,  and  the  captain 
judged  himself  so  near  our  port,  Falmouth,  that,  if 
we  made  a  good  run  in  the  night,  we  might  be  off 
the  mouth  of  that  harbor  in  the  morning,  and  by 
running  in  the  night  might  escape  the  notice  of  the 
enemy's  privateers,  who  often  cruised  near  the  en 
trance  of  the  Channel.  Accordingly,  all  the  sail  was 
set  that  we  could  possibly  carry,  and  the  wind  being 
very  fresh  and  fair,  we  stood  right  before  it,  and 
made  great  way.  The  captain,  after  his  observa 
tion,  shaped  his  course,  as  he  thought,  so  as  to  pass 
wide  of  the  Scilly  Rocks ;  but  it  seems  there  is 
sometimes  a  strong  current  setting  up  St.  George's 
Channel,  which  formerly  caused  the  loss  of  Sir 
Cloudesley  Shovel's  squadron  in  1707.  This  was 
probably,  also,  the  cause  of  what  happened  to  us. 

We  had  a  watchman  placed  in  the  bow,  to  whom 
they  often  called,  " Look  well  out  before  there"  and 
he  as  often  answered,  "Ay,  ay ;"  but  perhaps  had 
his  eyes  shut,  and  was  half  asleep  at  the  time,  they 
sometimes  answering,  as  is  said,  mechanically;  for 


264:  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

he  did  not  see  a  light  just  before  us,  which  had 
hid  by  the  studding-sails  from  the  man  at  the  helm, 
and  from  the  rest  of  the  watch,  but  by  an  accidental 
yaw  of  the  ship  was  discovered,  and  occasioned  a 
great  alarm,  we  being  very  near  it,  the  light  appear 
ing  to  me  as  large  as  a  cart-wheel.  It  was  mid 
night,  and  our  captain  fast  asleep;  but  Captain 
Kennedy,  jumping  upon  deck,  and  seeing  the  dan 
ger,  ordered  the  ship  to  wear  round,  all  sails  stand 
ing;  an  operation  dangerous  to  the  masts,  but  it 
carried  us  clear,  and  we  avoided  shipwreck,  for  we 
were  running  fast  on  the-  rocks  on  which  the  light 
was  erected.  This  deliverance  impressed  me  strong 
ly  with  the  utility  of  light-houses,  and  made  me  re 
solve  to  encourage  the  building  some  of  them  in 
America,  if  I  should  live  to  return  thither. 

In  the  morning  it.  was  found  by  the  soundings 
that  we  were  near  our  port,  but  a  thick  fog  hid  the 


LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN.  265 

land  from  our  sight.  About  nine  o'clock  the  fog 
began  to  rise,  and  seemed  to  be  lifted  up  from  the 
water  like  the  curtain  of  a  theater,  discovering  un 
derneath  the  town  of  Falmouth,  the  vessels  in  the 
harbor,  and  the  fields  that  surround  it.  This  was  a 
pleasing  spectacle  to  those  who  had  been  long  with 
out  any  other  prospect  than  the  uniform  view  of  a  va 
cant  ocean,  and  it  gave  us  the  more  pleasure,  as  wo 
were  now  free  from  the  anxieties  which  had  arisen.*' 
I  set  out  immediately,  with  my  son,  for  London, 
and  we  only  stopped  a  little  by  the  way  to  view 
Stonehenge  on  Salisbury  Plain,  and  Lord  Pem 
broke's  house  and  gardens,  with  the  very  curious 
antiquities  at  Wilton.  We  arrived  in  London  the 
27th  of  July,  1757. 

*  In  a  letter  from  Dr.  Franklin  to  his  wife,  dated  at  Falmouth,  the  17th 
of  July,  1757,  after  giving  her  a  similar  account  of  his:  voyage,  escape, 
and  landing,  he  adds :  "  The  bell  ringing  for  church,  we  went  thither  im 
mediately,  and,  with  hearts  full  of  gratitude,  returned  sincere  thanks  to 
God  for  the  mercies  we  had  received.  Were  I  a  Roman  Catholic,  per 
haps  I  should,  on  this  occasion,  vow  to  build  a  chapel  to  some  saint ;  but 
as  I  am  not,  if  I  were  to  vow  at  all,  it  should  be  to  build  a  light-house." 


266  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


CHAPTER  XIIL 

So  far  we  have  followed  Franklin's  own  account 
of  himself.  His  autobiography  has  not  improperly 
been  styled  one  of  the  most  charming  performances 
of  the  kind  ever  written.  That  it  merits  this  en 
comium  is  evident  from  its  popularity.  Ease  and 
simplicity  of  narrative  will  always  find  approval  with 
the  reader  ;  and  many  such  performances  as  this  of 
Dr.  Franklin's,  making  much  more  pretension,  have 
been  received  with  a  great  deal  less  favor.  Many 
have  been  consigned  to  the  upper  shelves  of  public 
libraries  and  the  collections  of  the  curious,  to  be 
drawn  forth  only  when  some  industrious  compiler 
disturbs  the  dust.  Many  more,  though  their  subjects 
made  noise  enough  in  their  day,  having  had  their 
facts  sifted  out,  have  passed  into  the  oblivion  to 
which  impartial  Time  dooms  such  performances  as 
have  their  chief  importance  in  the  egotism  of  the 
author. 

Perhaps  a  key  to  the  charm  of  Dr.  Franklin's 
autobiography  may  be  found  in  the  fact  that  it  is 
uniformly  and  consistently  written  to  one  person. 
It  has,  therefore,  the  character  of  a  familiar  conversa 
tion  with  a  single  reader,  who  can  not  fail,  for  the 
nonce,  to  put  himself  in  the  place  of  the  person  ad 
dressed.  It  appears  like  a  personal  intercourse  with 


LIFE     OF     FRANKLIN.  2G7 

the  venerable  sage  to  read  thus  what  has  all  the  ap 
pearance  of  an  unreserved  confession  of  his  secret 
thoughts,  and  a  free  declaration  of  his  motives  and 
impulses.  But  we  must,  in  following  the  doctor 
through  his.  narrative,  be  careful  that  we  do  not  give 
too  implicit  credit  to  his  seeming  ingenuousness. 
No  man  ever  commenced  so  elaborate  an  account 
of  himself  without  a  suspicion  that  it  would  eventual 
ly  reach  the  public  eye ;  and  whatever  may  be  said 
of  the  first  portion  of  the  work,  we  know  that  the 
part  written  at  Passy  was  prepared  at  the  solicita 
tion  of  friends  who  had  seen  a  manuscript  copy  of 
the  beginning.  The  concluding  portion,  written  at 
Philadelphia,  Franklin  thus  speaks  of  in  a  letter  to 
Benjamin  Vaughan,  under  date  of  Philadelphia,  Oc 
tober  24,  1788. 

"  I  am  now  recovering  from  a  long-continued  gout, 
and  am  diligently  employed  in  writing  the  History 
of  my  Life,  to  the  doing  of  which,  the  persuasions 
contained  in  your  letter  of  January  31,  1783,  have 
not  a  little  contributed.  I  am  now  in  the  year  1756, 
just  before  I  was  sent  to  England.  To  shorten  the 
work,  as  well  as  for  other  reasons,  I  omit  all  facts 
and  transactions  that  may  not  have  a  tendency  to 
benefit  the  young  reader,  by  showing  him,  from  my 
example,  and  my  success  in  emerging  from  poverty, 
and  acquiring  some  degree  of  wealth,  power,  and 
reputation,  the  advantages  of  certain  modes  of  con 
duct  which  I  observed,  and  of  avoiding  the  errors 
which  were  prejudicial  to  me.  If  a  writer  can  judge 
properly  of  his  own  work,  I  fancy,  on  reading  over 


268  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

what  is  already  done,  that  the  book  may  be  found 
entertaining  and  useful,  more  so  than  I  expected 
when  I  began  it.  If  my  present  state  of  health  con 
tinues,  I  hope  to  finish  it  this  winter :  when  done, 
you  shall  have  a  manuscript  copy  of  it,  that  I  may 
obtain  from  your  judgment  and  friendship  such  re 
marks  as  may  contribute  to  its  improvement." 

Dr.  Franklin  appears  to  have  been  in  the  habit  of 
permitting  his  friends  to  read  his  narrative.  To 
this  circumstance,  it  is  stated,  thut  the  world  owed 
the  first  edition  of  the  autobiography.  A  friend  in 
France  held  the  manuscript  long  enough  to  make  a 
translation,  which  was  issued  from  the  press  in  Paris 
soon  after  the  death  of  the  author.  A  translation  of 
the  French  work  appeared  in  London ;  and  edition 
after  edition  of  the  translation,  and  also  of  the  orig 
inal,  have  appeared  in  this  country. 

Autobiographies  are  usually  apologies.  As  Dr. 
Franklin  performed  no  act  of  his  life,  however  ap 
parently  trifling,  without  a  thought  as  to  its  ultimate 
influence  and  tendencies,  it  is  evident  that  his  "Life 
by  Himself"  can  not  be  excepted  from  the  definition 
of  "An  Apology  for  Himself.'7  There  are  in  it  many 
direct  pleas  in  defense  of  his  acts.  We  can  not,  in 
deed,  forbear  the  regret  that  a  man  who  has  so  hon 
estly  confessed  his  errors  has  so  skillfully  defended 
them ;  or,  perhaps  we  should  say,  that  in  the  de 
fense  he  has  so  dexterously  made  it  appear  that  the 
errors  were  no  such  important  transgressions,  after 
all.  The  young,  especially,  in  reading  the  Life  of 
Franklin,  need  to  be  carefully  upon  their  guard  lest 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  269 

they  derive  a  wrong  impression  from  the  author's 
self-complacent  declaration  that  on  such  and  such 
occasions  he  "  repaired"  the  errors  of  his  life.  Good 
and  evil  are  not  to  be  kept  in  account  with  each 
other,  like  debtor  and  creditor ;  and  especially  should 
we  beware  of  the  latent  hint,  that  at  the  outset  in 
life  faults  may  be  indulged  in,  and  a  debit  account 
set  down  to  virtue,  with  the  reserved  purpose  of  bal 
ancing  it  on  the  credit  side  by-and-by.  In  this  re 
gard,  we  can  not  help  thinking  that  the  doctor,  while 
striving  to  do  himself  justice,  has  done  himself  a 
discredit.  Though  we  are  far  from  thinking  that 
Franklin  designedly  borrowed  the  privilege  of  trans 
gressing  with  the  purpose  of  paying  by  reparation, 
yet  he  undoubtedly  shared  the  common  feeling  of 
humanity  in  consoling  himself  with  prospective  re 
pentance  for  present  error;  and  what  we  would 
guard  against  is  the  apparent  impression  that  he 
succeeded  in  "striking  the  balance."  Nor  would 
we  even  charge  that  he  intended  all  that,  in  this  re 
spect,  his  narrative  seems  to  convey.  The  weak 
ness  of  his  character  was  too  blind,  or  perhaps  wo 
should  say  too  keen,  a  pursuit  of  expediency  ;  and 
yet,  without  this  characteristic,  he  would  not  have 
been  Franklin. 

His  remarkable  prudence,  both  in  his  private  af 
fairs  and  in  the  public  trusts  which  he  had  held  in 
the  colony,  caused  his  appointment,  as  stated  in  the 
last  chapter,  as  agent  of  the  Assembly,  to  proceed  to 
England  with  a  remonstrance  addressed  to  the  pro 
prietaries.  As  the  colony  had  increased  in  popula- 


270  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

tion,  in  trade,  and  in  wealth,  a  diversity  of  interests 
and  of  opinions  had  grown  up,  which  were  incom 
patible  with  harmony  under  the  apparently  simple, 
but  really  complex  system  established  by  William 
Penn.  The  charter  from  the  crown  asserted  politi 
cal  rights  most  ample ;  the  Bill  of  Privileges  granted 
by  Penn  established  universal  toleration  in  religion ; 
the  Legislature  was  elective,  and  the  laws  of  the  col 
ony  were  left,  in  their  conception  and  enactment, 
with  the  people.  But  the  anomaly  of  a  governor 
appointed  by  the  proprietors,  and,  in  fact,  acting  as 
their  agent,  his  real  council  being  the  proprietaries 
in  England,  jarred  with  and  defeated  the  apparent 
liberality  of  the  system.  Thus,  while  obvious  polit 
ical  justice  directed  that  all  property  holders  should 
be  taxed  alike,  the  governors  refused  their  assent  to 
bills  for  revenue  which  did  not  exempt  the  proprie 
tary  domain  from  taxation  ;  and  while  all  religious 
creeds  and  professions  were  declared  to  be  on  an 
equality,  the  executive  could  refuse  assent  to  laws 
which  conflicted  with  the  peculiar  tenets  of  the  So 
ciety  of  Friends.  In  relation  to  the  defense  of  the 
colony,  as  the  reader  has  already  noted,  evasion  and 
management  were  resorted  to  to  save  the  frontiers 
in  the  peril  of  invasion.  An  empire  within  an  em 
pire,  such  as  Penn's  original  draft  seemed  to  indi 
cate,  could  only  exist  by  the  perfect  obedience  of 
the  people,  and  their  harmony  with  the  proprie 
taries.  The  difficulties  and  embarrassments  neces 
sary  to  conflicting  interests,  and  conflicting  powers 
and  rights,  became  so  evident  and  harassing  during 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  271 

tlie  lifetime  of  the  founder  of  the  colony,  that  Penn 
himself  was  on  the  point  of  surrendering  a  jurisdic 
tion,  fruitful  principally  in  vexation,  to  the  crown, 
reserving  to  his  family  only  the  right  in  property 
which  the  royal  charter  conferred.  But  this  was 
not  done ;  and  the  difficulties,  irksome  in  the  days 
of  the  father,  were  doubly  so  in  the  hands  of  the 
sons.  Their  deputy  governors  were  placed  in  a 
most  awkward  relation.  In  conciliating  the  people, 
they  offended  the  proprietaries,  and  were  recalled; 
or  their  instructions  were  so  pointed  as  to  leave 
them  no  discretion,  and  their  weary  terms  of  ser 
vice  were  spent  in  fruitless  altercations  with  the  As 
sembly. 

No  law  was  considered  as  finally  enacted  in  Penn 
sylvania  until  it  had  received  the  royal  sanction. 
By  the  terms  of  the  original  charter,  all  enactments 
were  to  be  sent  to  Great  Britain,  and  if,  within  five 
years,  they  were  not  disapproved  of  by  the  king, 
their  approval  was  presumed.  Subsequently,  how 
ever,  the  terms  of  the  charter  were  interfered  with 
by  instructions  from  the  crown,  that  such  acts  as 
were  supposed  to  affect  the  royal  prerogative,  or  to 
involve  points  in  dispute  between  Parliament  and  the 
colonies,  should  not  be  passed  without  a  clause  de 
ferring  their  operation  until  they  had  received  the 
royal  sanction.  The  method  in  which  a  law  was 
discussed  in  London  was  sufficiently  humiliating  to 
the  pride  of  the  Assembly ;  and  as  we  review  the 
process  now,  the  wonder  is  that  the  tedious  and  dil 
atory  proceedings  did  not  sooner  urge  the  provincial 


272  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

Assembly  into  rebellion.  An  act  of  the  provincial 
Assembly  was  first  laid  before  the  Board  of  Trade, 
as  if  the  primary  consideration  in  relation  to  the  col 
ony  was  a  matter  of  pounds  and  pence;  and  the  main 
object  to  be  secured  was  that  the  Americans  should 
not  make  any  movement,  unwatched,  in  which  the 
interests  of  the  British  merchants  and  factors,  and 
the  revenue  of  the  crown,  should  not  be  consulted. 
To  make  the  colonies  dependencies  of  the  Board 
of  Trade  was  a  fatal  error  of  the  British  crown ; 
and  in  many  of  the  revolutionary  papers,  and  the 
writings  which  preceded  the  war  of  separation,  we 
find  evidences  of  the  keenness  with  which  the  col 
onists  felt  and  resented  the  insult ;  for  such  they 
considered  it.  The  pecuniary  bearing  of  the  bill, 
if  any  it  had,  being  ascertained  and  corrected,  if  it 
was  deemed  to  need  amendment,  it  went  next  to  the 
king's  solicitor,  that  the  prerogative  might  be  de 
fended  from  encroachment.  Thence  it  came  back 
to  the  Board  of  Trade,  and  that  body  having  acted 
upon  it,  it  \vent  before  the  king's  council  for  finai 
action.  While  these  steps  were  in  progress,  tilt- 
proprietaries  kept  an  agent  employed  to  watch  the 
bill,  and,  if  they  took  exceptions  to  it,  to  argue  them 
before  the  Board  of  Trade.  The  Assembly  was 
compelled,  also,  to  appear  before  the  Board  by  an 
agent;  and  thus,  for  every  important  act  done  bv 
their  representatives,  the  colony  was,  in  effect,  put 
upon  trial.  Franklin's  mission  wras  more  compre 
hensive  than  had  been  intrusted  to  any  previous 
agency.  It  was  not  only  the  reconciliation  of  a 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  273 

present  difficulty,  but  embraced  the  endeavor  to  re 
move  the  causes  which  impeded  the  general  har 
mony  and  clogged  the  prosperity  of  the  colony.  To 
his  discretion,  and  to  his  intimate  knowledge  of  all 
points  of  the  colonial  business,  the  duty  could  be 
safely  confided.  The  replies  to  the  governor's  ad 
dresses,  in  which  the  cause  of  the  people  was  ably 
vindicated  by  the  Legislature,  were  chiefly  from  his 
pen.  He  was  the  popular  champion  during  the 
many  years  that  he  served  in  the  provincial  As 
sembly. 

These  replies,  messages,  and  reports  of  the  As 
sembly  were  published  in  London  in  a  work  entitled 
"  An  Historical  Review  of  the  Constitution  and 
Government  of  Pennsylvania."  It  appeared  anony 
mously  in  London  early  in  the  year  1759,  and  caused 
Dr.  Franklin  to  receive  a  great  deal  of  censure  and 
abuse  as  the  supposed  author.  This  was,  however, 
to  have  been  anticipated  from  the  very  nature  of  the 
work,  a  controversial  rather  than  a  strictly  impartial 
one  ;  the  charge  against  the  proprietaries  could  but 
provoke  reply  from  them  and  their  friends ;  and  the 
forcible  language  in  which  the  oppressions  of  the 
people  are  depicted,  left  those  assailed  no  choice  but 
defense.  Franklin  never  publicly  admitted  or  de 
nied  the  charge  of  authorship  ;  but  in  an  official 
letter,  referring  to  the  work,  he  speaks  of  it  as  one 
which  Itwe9t  have  in  press,  and  thus  admits  that  it 
was  done  with  his  privity.  The  reports  and  mes 
sages  before  alluded  to,  form  a  very  large  portion  of 
the  volume  ;  other  parts  Dr.  Franklin  himself  a€- 


274  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

knowledges  in  a  letter  to  David  Hume,  and  the 
Dedication  and  Introduction  are  known  to  be  from 
his  pen.  The  Introduction  we  subjoin,  as  one  -of 
the  happiest  specimens  of  his  style  : 

"  To  obtain  an  infinite  variety  of  purposes  by  a 
few  plain  principles,  is  the  characteristic  of  nature. 
As  the  eye  is  affected,  so  is  the  understanding;  ob 
jects  at  a  distance  strike  us  according  to  their  di 
mensions,  or  the  quantity  of  light  thrown  upon 
them ;  near,  according  to  their  novelty  or  familiar 
ity,  as  they  are  in  motion  or  at  rest.  It  is  the  same 
with  actions.  A  battle  is  all  motion,  a  hero  all  glare  ; 
while  such  images  are  before  us,  we  can  attend  to 
nothing  else.  Solon  and  Lycurgus  would  make  no 
figure  in  the  same  scene  with  the  King  of  Prussia ; 
and  we  are  at  present  so  lost  in  the  military  scram 
ble  on  the  Continent  next  us,  in  which,  it  must  be 
confessed,  we  are  deeply  interested,  that  we  have 
scarce  time  to  throw  a  glance  toward  America, 
where  we  have  also  much  at  stake,  and  where,  if 
any  where,  our  account  must  be  made  up  at  last. 

"We  love  to  stare  more  than  to  reflect,  and  to 
be  indolently  amused  at  our  leisure  rather  than  com 
mit  the  smallest  trespass  on  our  patience  by  winding 
a  painful,  tedious  maze,  which  would  pay  us  in  noth 
ing  but  knowledge. 

"  But  then,  as  there  are  some  eyes  which  can  find 
nothing  marvelous  but  what  is  marvelously  great, 
so  there  are  others  which  are  equally  disposed  to 
marvel  at  what  is  marvelously  little,  and  who  can 
derive  as  much  entertainment  from  their  microscope 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  275 

in  examining  a  mite,  as  Dr. in  ascertaining  the 

geography  of  the  moon  or  measuring  the  tail  of  a 
comet. 

"  Let  this  serve  as  an  excuse  for  the  author  of 
these  sheets,  if  he  needs  any,  for  bestowing  them  on 
the  transactions  of  a  colony  till  of  late  hardly  men 
tioned  in  our  annals ;  in  point  of  establishment  one 
of  the  last  upon  the  British  list,  and  in  point  of  rank 
one  of  the  most  subordinate ;  as  being  not  only  sub 
ject,  in  common  with  the  rest,  to  the  crown,  biat 
also  to  the  claims  of  a  proprietary,  who  thinks  he 
does  them  honor  enough  in  governing  them  by  dep 
uty  ;  consequently,  so  much  further  removed  from 
the  royal  eye,  and  so  much  the  more  exposed  to  the 
pressure  of  self-interested  instructions. 

"  Considerable,  however,  as  most  of  them  for  hap 
piness  of  situation,  fertility  of  soil,  product  of  valua 
ble  commodities,  number  of  inhabitants,  shipping, 
amount  of  exportations,  latitude  of  rights  and  privi 
leges,  and  every  other  requisite  for  the  being  and 
well-being  of  society,  and  more  considerable  than 
any  of  them  all  for  the  celerity  of  its  growth,  unas 
sisted  by  any  human  help  but  the  vigor  and  virtue 
of  its  own  excellent  constitution. 

"  A  father  and  his  family,  the  latter  united  by  in 
terest  and  affection,  the  former  to  be  revered  for  the 
wisdom  of  his  institutions  and  the  indulgent  use  of 
his  authority,  was  the  form  it  was  at  first  presented 
in.  Those  who  were  only  ambitious  of  repose, 
found  it  here ;  and  as  none  returned  with  an  evil 
report  of  the  land,  numbers  followed,  all  partook  of 


276  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

the  leaven  they  found  ;  the  community  still  wore 
the  same  equal  face ;  nobody  aspired,  nobody  was 
oppressed;  industry  was  sure  of  profit,  knowledge 
of  esteem,  and  virtue  of  veneration. 

"  An  assuming  landlord,  strongly  disposed  to  con 
vert  free  tenants  into  abject  vassals,  and  to  reap 
what  he  did  not  sow,  countenanced  and  abetted  by 
a  few  desperate  and  designing  dependants  on  the  one 
side,  and  on  the  other,  all  who  have  sense  enough 
to  know  their  rights  and  spirit  enough  to  defend 
them,  combined  as  one  man  against  the  said  land 
lord  and  his  encroachments,  is  the  form  it  has  since 
assumed. 

"  And  surely,  to  a  nation  born  to  liberty  like  this, 
bound  to  leave  it  unimpaired,  as  they  received  it 
from  their  fathers,  in  perpetuity  to  their  heirs,  and 
interested  in  the  conservation  of  it  in  every  append 
age  of  the  British  empire,  the  particulars  of  such  a 
contest  can  not  be  wholly  indifferent. 

"  On  the  contrary,  it  is  reasonable  to  think  the 
first  workings  of  power  against  liberty,  and  the  nat 
ural  efforts  of  unbiased  men  to  secure  themselves 
against  the  first  approaches  of  oppression,  must  have 
a  captivating  power  over  every  man  of  sensibility 
and  discernment  among  us. 

"  Liberty,  it  seems,  thrives  best  in  the  woods. 
America  best  cultivates  what  Germany  brought 
forth.  And  were  it  not  for  certain  ugly  compari 
sons,  hard  to  be  suppressed,  the  pleasure  arising  from 
such  a  research  would  be  without  alloy. 

"  In  the  feuds  of  Florence,  recorded  by  Machiavel, 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  277 

we  find  more  to  lament  and  less  to  praise.  Scarce 
can  we  believe  the  first  citizens  of  the  ancient  re 
publics  had  such  pretensions  to  consideration,  though 
so  highly  celebrated  in  ancient  story.  And  as  to 
ourselves,  we  need  no  longer  have  recourse  to  the 
late  glorious  stand  of  the  French  parliaments  to  ex 
cite  our  emulation. 

"  It  is  a  known  custom  among  farmers  to  change 
their  corn  from  season  to  season  for  the  sake  of  fill 
ing  the  bushel ;  and  in  case  the  wisdom  of  the  age 
should  condescend  to  make  the  like  experiment  in 
another  shape,  from  hence  we  may  learn  whither  to 
repair  for  the  proper  species. 

"  It  is  not,  however,  to  be  presumed,  that  such  as 
have  long  been  accustomed  to  consider  the  colonies 
in  general  as  only  so  many  dependencies  on  the 
council  board,  the  Board  of  Trade,  and  the  Board 
of  Customs,  or  as  a  hotbed  for  causes,  jobs,  and 
other  pecuniary  emoluments,  and  as  bound  as  effect 
ually  by  instructions  as  by  laws,  can  be  prevailed 
upon  to  consider  these  patriot  rustics  with  any  de 
gree  of  respect. 

"  Derision,  on  the  contrary,  must  be  the  lot  of  him 
who  imagines  it  in  the  power  of  the  pen  to  set  any 
luster  upon  them ;  and  indignation  theirs  for  daring 
to  assert  and  maintain  the  independence  interwoven 
in  their  Constitution,  which  now,  it  seems,  is  be 
come  an  improper  ingredient,  and,  therefore,  to  be 
excised  away. 

"  But  how  contemptibly  soever  these  gentlemen 
may  talk  of  the  colonies,  how  cheap  soever  thev 


278  LIFE     OF     FRANKLIN. 

may  hold  their  Assemblies,  or  how  insignificant  the 
planters  and  traders  who  compose  them,  truth  will 
be  truth,  and  principle  principle,  notwithstanding. 

"  Courage,  wisdom,  integrity,  and  honor  are  not 
to  be  measured  by  the  sphere  assigned  them  to  act 
in,  but  by  the  trials  they  undergo  and  the  vouchers 
they  furnish  ;  and,  if  so  manifested,  need  neither 
robes  nor  titles  to  set  them  off." 


LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN.  279 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

IT  was  one  of  the  maxims  of  Dr.  Franklin  that 
"  Time  is  money,"  and  he  was  therefore  anxious  to 
apply  himself  at  once  to  the  business  of  his  mission  ; 
but  soon  after  his  arrival  in  London  he  was  attack 
ed  with  an  intermittent  fever,  which  continued  for 
nearly  eight  weeks ;  protracted,  no  doubt,  by  his  ef 
forts,  in  the  intervals  of  apparent  convalescence,  to 
attend  to  the  business  with  which  he  was  intrusted. 
We  find,  in  a  letter  to  his  wife,  written  toward  the 
latter  part  of  November,  1757,  the  common  com 
plaint  against  the  English  autumn.  "  On  fair  days, 
which  are  but  few,  I  venture  out  about  noon'.'  We 
may  remark,  by  the  way,  that  in  nothing  is  the  care 
ful  and  attentive  character  of  Dr.  Franklin,  and  his 
remembrance  of  his  friends,  better  evinced  than  in 
his  correspondence.  The  messages  w7hich  he  in 
cludes  in  his  letters  to  all  the  friends  of  the  persons 
addressed,  the  hundreds  of  commissions  which  he 
undertook,  and  the  very  many  little  unexpected  acts 
of  kindness  to  his  absent  friends  with  which  he  vol 
untarily  charged  himself,  while  they  show  the  obli 
ging  disposition  of  the  man,  exhibit  no  less  the  bene 
fit  of  method  in  the  arrangement  of  time,  and  evince 
the  capacity  of  the  mind  for  grasping  every  thing, 
provided  that  order  is  preserved  in  the  mental  store- 


280  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

house.  That  the  man  who  had  so  many  trouble 
some  public  matters  upon  his  hands  should  find  leis 
ure  for  the  pursuit  of  his  philosophical  studies  and 
experiments,  has  been  considered  a  remarkable  cir 
cumstance.  The  wonder  is  increased  when  we  re 
view  his  correspondence,  and  find  him,  at  the  same 
time,  making  purchases  for  his  wife  and  friends,  and 
transmitting,  with  the  ribbons,  silks,  laces,  snuffers, 
music,  salt-ladles,  apple-corers,  dessert  services,  break 
fast-cloths,  napkins,  and  garters,  minute  accounts  of 
each,  and  directions  in  what  manner  they  are  to  be 
applied.  The  style  of  his  letters  is  also  worthy  of 
especial  comment.  Though  showing  evident  marks 
of  haste,  and  written  with  the  negligent  freedom  of 
easy  conversation,  there  are  no  useless  repetitions, 
and  not  even  the  too  frequent  recurrence  of  the 
same  words.  The  perspicuity  which  makes  the 
writings  of  Franklin  remarkable,  arose  from  the  clear 
arrangement  of  his  subject  in  his  mind,  rather  than 
from  elaboration  when  he  was  about  to  commit  his 
thoughts  to  paper. 

Franklin  was  at  first  the  guest  of  Mr.  Peter  Col- 
linson,  with  whom,  as  a  member  of  the  Royal  Soci 
ety,  he  had  corresponded.  He  then  removed  to  the 
house  of  Mrs.  Margaret  Stevenson,  No.  7  Craven- 
street,  near  the  Strand.  This  house  is  still  desig 
nated  in  the  London  Guide-books,  and  shown  among 
the  notables  as  the  dwelling  in  which  Franklin  re 
sided  during  his  fifteen  years'  stay  in  London.  Oth 
er  memorials  of  him  are  preserved  with  the  like  care; 
for  his  course  and  rise,  remarkable  even  among  his 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  28] 

countrymen,  were  more  observed  in  England,  as  pre 
senting  there  a  social  anomaly,  while  here  they  are 
in  perfect  accordance  with  the  republican  theory. 
Thirty  years  before,  Franklin  the  youth  had  visited 
London,  friendless  and  almost  helpless,  finding  him 
self  in  a  strange  land,  the  victim  of  the  hollow  and  al 
most  incomprehensible  duplicity  of  Governor  Keith. 
He  had  struggled  with  difficulties  of  no  ordinary 
kind,  and  successfully ;  drawing  improvement  from 
experience,  and  treasuring  up  practical  knowledge, 
until  he  had  not  only  secured  public  confidence  and 
trust  amid  his  immediate  friends  and  constituents  at 
home,  but  had  obtained  a  name  with  the  learned 
and  ingenious  abroad,  which  was  the  warrant  for 
his  welcome.  His  philosophical  correspondents,  and 
the  readers  of  his  published  essays  and  discoveries, 
vied  with  each  other  in  their  congratulatory  offices 
and  addresses;  and  the  friends  of  those  who  had 
enjoyed  direct  communication  with  the  illustrious 
American  were  eager  to  avail  themselves  of  the  op 
portunity  of  an  introduction,  and  to  embrace  the  priv 
ilege  of  tendering  him  civility.  Eminently  social 
and  benevolent  in  his  manners,  much  of  his  atten 
tion  was  given  to  the  gratification  of  those  who  ap 
preciated  his  pursuits.  In  a  letter  written  by  the 
proprietor,  Thomas  Penn,  near  the  close  of  the  mis 
sion  of  Franklin,  in  1761,  occurs  this  passage:  "I 
do  not  find  that  he  has  done  me  any  injury  with  any 
party,  having  had  conversations  with  all,  in  which  I 
have  studied  to  talk  of  these  affairs;  and  I  believe 
he  has  spent  most  of  his  time  in  philosophical,  and 


282  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

especially  in  electrical  matters,  having  generally  com 
pany  in  a  morning  to  see  those  experiments,  and 
musical  performances  on  glasses,  where  any  one  that 
knows  him  carries  his  friends." 

In  such  society  Franklin,  who,  it  will  be  remem 
bered,  in  his  autobiography,  acknowledges  the  pos 
session  of  a  reasonable  share  of  vanity,  found  much 
gratification.  But  that  his  vanity  was  not  of  a  dis 
agreeable  character  is  evident  from  the  permanence 
of  his  friendships.  He  was  now  in  his  fifty-second 
year,  and  age  had  commenced  to  render  what  in 
others  might  seem  assumption,  in  him  a  natural  and 
pleasing  authority.  He  never  indulged  in  positive 
assertions,  or  permitted  himself  to  give  direct  con 
tradictions,  but  advanced  his  opinions  rather  as  sug 
gestions,  and  differed  from  his  companions  as  one 
intimating  doubts  which  they  were  supposed  to  be 
ready  to  jremove.  A  mind  less  evenly  balanced  than 
his  could  not  have  withstood  the  extravagant  lauda 
tion  to  which,  at  this,  and  even  more  at  a  later  pe 
riod  in  his  life,  he  was  exposed ;  but  he  humorously 
offset  it  against  the  violent  abuse  which  he  received 
from  other  quarters,  and  rejoiced  that  he  had  some 
enemies  to  remind  him  of  his  faults. 

Among  the  friendships  which  he  cherished — and 
we  note  it  the  more  particularly  that  it  was  not  one 
which  could  minister  to  his  ambition — was  that  of 
Mrs.  Stevenson.  To  the  daughter  of  that  lady, 
Miss  Mary  Stevenson,  he  was  a  most  considerate 
friend,  directing  her  studies,  and  improving  her  mind 
by  valuable  advice,  which  appears  among  the  most 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  283 

interesting  passages  of  his"  correspondence.  Some 
of  his  best  papers  on  philosophical  and  learned  sub 
jects  were  in  the  form  of  letters,  prepared  for  this 
young  lady's  perusal.  The  circumstance  that  she 
was  for  most  of  the  time  absent  from  her  mother's 
house  during  his  residence  in  England,  caused  the 
correspondence.  It  was  not  all,  however,  of  a  phil 
osophical  character,  and  the  reader  will  be  gratified 
with  the  introduction  here  of  a  specimen  of  the 
manner  in  which  the  philosopher  and  statesman 
could  gracefully  trifle : 

"  My  dear  Polly's  good  mamma  bids  me  write  two 
or  three  lines,  by  way  of  apology  for  her  having 
omitted  so  long  to  write.  She  acknowledges  the 
receiving  of  two  agreeable  letters  from  her  beloved 
daughter,  inclosing  one  for  Sally  Franklin,  which 
was  much  approved  (excepting  one  word  only),  and 
sent  as  directed. 

"  The  reasons  of  her  not  writing  are,  that  her 
time  all  day  is  fully  taken  up,  during  the  daylight, 
with  the  care  of  her  family,  and — lying  abed  in  the 
morning ;  and  her  eyes  are  so  bad  that  she  can  not 
see  to  write  in  the  evening — for  playing  at  cards ; 
so  she  hopes  that  one  who  is  all  goodness  will  cer 
tainly  forgive  her,  when  her  excuses  are  so  substan 
tial.  As  for  the  secretary,  he  has  not  a  word  to  say 
in  his  own  behalf,  though  full  as  great  an  offender, 
but  throws  himself  upon  mercy ;  pleading  only  that 
he  is,  with  the  greatest  esteem  and  sincerest  regard, 
his  dear  Polly's  ever  affectionate  friend, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


284  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

In  another  letter  to  the  same  young  lady,  we  find 
the  following  advice  upon  the  subject  of  reading: 

"  I  would  advise  you  to  read  with  a  pen  in  your 
hand,  and  enter  in  a  little  book  short  hints  of  what 
you  find  that  is  curious,  or  may  be  useful ;  for  this 
will  be  the  best  method  of  imprinting  such  facts  on 
your  memory,  where  they  will  be  ready,  either  for 
practice  on  some  future  occasion,  if  they  are  matters 
of  utility,  or,  at  least,  to  adorn  and  improve  your 
conversation,  if  they  are  rather  points  of  curiosity. 
And  as  many  of  the  terms  of  science  are  such  as 
you  can  not  have  met  with  in  your  common  read 
ing,  and  may  therefore  be  unacquainted  with,  I  think 
it  would  be  well  for  you  to  have  a  good  dictionary 
at  hand,  to  consult  immediately  when  you  meet 
with  a  word  you  do  not  comprehend  the  precise 
meaning  of.  This  may  at  first  seem  troublesome 
and  interrupting ;  but  it  is  a  trouble  that  will  daily 
diminish,  as  you  will  daily  find  less  and  less  occa 
sion  for  your  dictionary,  as  you  become  more  and 
more  acquainted  with  the  terms ;  and,  in  the  mean 
time,  you  will  read  with  more  satisfaction,  because 
more  understanding." 

The  reader  will  feel  a  natural  desire  to  know 
something  of  the  after  life  of  a  person  in  whom  Dr. 
Franklin  was  so  much  interested.  She  was  married 
in  1770  to  William  Hewson,  a  distinguished  anat 
omist,  whose  works  those  familiar  with  medical  lit 
erature  will  readily  recall.  He  died  in  1774,  leav 
ing  his  widow  with  three  infant  children ;  and  the 
advantage  of  her  solid  education  was  evinced  in  the 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  285 

manner  in  which  they  were  trained  for  usefulness 
and  distinction.  Mrs.  Stevenson,  the  mother,  died 
in  1783  ;  Mrs.  Hewson  removed  with  her  children  to 
America  in  1786,  and  died  at  Bristol,  Pa.,  in  1795. 
The  list  of  eminent  physicians  for  which  the  city  of 
Philadelphia  is  remarkable,  includes  the  son  of  Mrs. 
Mary  Hewson. 

The  proverbial  dilatoriness  of  public  bodies,  and 
the  influence  of  the  proprietaries,  whose  purpose  was 
served  by  delay,  prevented  any  progress  being  made 
in  the  business  with  which  Franklin  was  intrusted 
during  the  first  year  that  he  remained  in  England. 
He  found  the  public  mind  and  the  attention  of  the 
government  too  much  engrossed  with  the  war  on  the 
Continent,  and  with  European  politics,  to  be  divert 
ed  from  these  pressing  and  immediately  important 
subjects  to  the  concerns  of  a  colony.  The  business 
upon  which  he  was  dispatched,  however  deeply  im 
portant  to  the  colonists  themselves,  presented  no  na 
tional  bearing  which  required  instant  notice.  The 
proprietors  artfully  improved  the  state  of  the  pub 
lic  mind  by  producing,  either  directly  through  their 
agents,  or  through  the  influence  of  their  friends  upon 
the  press,  an  impression  unfavorable  to  the  colonists. 
As  a  specimen  of  these  acts,  we  quote  a  paragraph 
which  appeared  in  "  The  Citizen,  or  General  Ad 
vertiser,"  of  September  9,  1757  : 

"  The  last  letters  from  Philadelphia  bring  accounts 
of  the  scalping  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  back  prov 
inces  by  the  Indians ;  at  the  same  time,  the  disputes 
between  the  governor  and  the  Assembly  are  carried 


286  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

on  to  as  great  a  height  as  ever,  and  the  messages 
sent  from  the  Assembly  to  the  governor,  and  from 
the  governor  to  the  Assembly,  are  expressed  in  terms 
which  give  very  little  hopes  of  reconciliation.  The 
bill  to  raise  money  is  clogged  so  as  to  prevent  the 
governor  from  giving  his  consent  to  it ;  and  the  ob 
stinacy  of  the  Quakers  in  the  Assembly  is  such  that 
they  will  in  no  shape  alter  it ;  so  that,  while  the  en 
emy  is  in  the  heart  of  the  country,  cavils  prevent  any 
thing  being  done  for  its  relief.  Mr.  Denny  is  the 
third  governor  with  whom  the  Assembly  has  had 
these  disputes  within  a  few  years." 

At  the  first  glance  at  the  above  paragraph,  it  may 
appear  singular  that  the  proprietors  should  procure 
the  publication  of  allegations  against  the  Quakers. 
But  this  difficulty  is  removed  by  the  fact  that,  of 
William  Penn's  six  children,  all  except  two  aban 
doned  the  tenets  of  their  father ;  and  Thomas  and 
Richard  Penn,  the  proprietors  during  Franklin's 
agency,  were  not  members  of  the  Society  of  Friends. 
For  the  rest,  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  a  statement 
more  artfully  drawn  up,  or  better  adapted  for  its  pur 
pose.  The  air  of  gentle  candor,  and  of  seeming 
disinterestedness  with  which  it  is  prepared,  carries 
the  impression  of  its  authorship  by  a  party  uncon 
cerned  in  the  issue,  who  states  facts  without  com 
ment,  satisfied  that  they  are  of  themselves  glaring 
enough  to  supersede  the  need  of  remark.  The  ef 
fect  of  such  publications  upon  a  community  whose 
attention  had  been  invoked  to  the  known  differences 
between  the  proprietaries  and  the  people,  may  be 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  287 

readily  imagined.  To  counteract  the  influence  of  this 
and  similar  publications,  an  article  was  prepared  foi 
The  General  Advertiser,  over  the  signature  of  Will 
iam  Franklin.  In  this  the  separate  allegations  and 
implications  are  taken  up  in  their  order,  and  con 
clusively  disproved. 

The  answer  of  Franklin  shows,  first,  that  the  col 
ony  of  Pennsylvania  was  not  peculiar  in  its  loss  of 
frontier  settlers  by  the  savages,  the  same  dangers  at 
tending  the  borderers  in  all  the  colonies.  The  out- 
settlers  were  not  Quakers,  but  had  arms,  provided 
by  the  Assembly,  and  used  them;  but  when  the  sen 
tinels  posted  round  an  army  were  often  killed  and 
scalped  while  on  duty,  it  was  much  easier  to  sur 
prise  a  poor  ploughman  at  work  in  the  field.  The 
disputes  between  the  governor  and  the  Assembly 
were  shown  to  be  upon  the  point  of  the  taxation  of 
the  proprietary  domains.  As  to  the  Quaker  influ 
ence  in  the  Assembly,  as  only  twelve  out  of  thirty- 
six  members  who  composed  that  body  were  Friends, 
their  resistance  could  avail  nothing,  if  exerted.  The 
records  of  the  Assembly  in  past  years  were  quoted 
to  show  that  the  Quakers  had  voted  large  sums 

CT 

"  for  the  king's  use,"  which  were  applied  to  the  de 
fense  of  the  province,  and  consented  to  heavy  grants 
of  provision  for  troops  in  arms.  The  bill  said  to  be 
"  clogged  and  prevented"  was  passed  in  the  spring 
preceding,  granting  one  hundred  thousand  pounds 
for  the  defense  of  the  colony  ;  and  the  assertion  that 
the  enemy  was  in  the  "  heart  of  the  country"  was 
denied  as  untrue,  either  at  that  time,  or  at  any  pre- 


288  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

vious  period.  The  fact  was  also  exhibited  that 
Pennsylvania  had  done  more  for  its  own  defense, 
and  for  the  assistance  of  its  neighbors,  than  any  oth 
er  colony.  To  this  triumphant  answer  no  reply  was 
ever  attempted.  If  it  failed  in  producing  any  imme 
diate  action  on  the  part  of  the  proprietors,  it  answer 
ed  the  double  purpose,  with  like  publications,  of  dis 
abusing  the  public  mind  of  wrong  impressions,  and 
of  giving  the  opinions  and  statements  of  the  agent 
of  Pennsylvania  a  weight  which  was  afterward  ap 
plied  to  important  purposes. 

Indeed,  no  other  man  could  have  filled  the  mission 
so  well  as  he.  A  purely  political  character,  in  the 
indisposition  which  existed  to  listen  to  any  thing 
relative  to  America,  would  have  been  forced  into  in 
significance.  Social  position,  obtained  by  the  ordi 
nary  methods,  could  not  have  prevented  this  conse 
quence,  as  he  might  have  maintained  his. place  in  the 
saloons,  and  still  have  effected  nothing  in  the  coun 
cils.  But  his  philosophical  reputation,  increased  by 
intercourse  with  the  learned,  and  by  the  further  dis 
coveries  which  he  prosecuted,  introduced  whatever 
he  wrote,  or  was  supposed  to  have  written,  to  a 
wider  circle  than  political  pamphlets  and  newspaper 
essays  usually  attain  ;  and  the  history  of  the  state  of 
the  public  mind  in  England  anterior  to  the  Revolu 
tion,  and  during  its  progress,  exhibits  many  of  the 
influential  friends  of  America  as  among  the  personal 
friends  and  correspondents  of  Benjamin  Franklin. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  289 


CHAPTER  XV. 

AMONG  Franklin's  friends  in  England  was  Mr. 
William  Strahan,  a  printer,  distinguished  alike  for 
the  integrity  of  his  character,  his  eminent  practical 
talents,  and  his  success  in  life.  Similarity  of  pur 
suits,  and  a  resemblance  in  their  fortunes,  both  hav 
ing  risen  from  obscurity,  made  the  friendship  be 
tween  the  two  printers  intimate  Mr.  Strahan  was 
printer  to  the  king,  and  in  1755  was  elected  to  Par 
liament  If  we  may  judge  from  some  specimens  of 
his  correspondence,  we  must  conclude  him  not  to 
have  been  unapt  as  a  courtier.  In  a  letter  to  Mrs. 
Franklin,  written  in  1757,  her  husband  and  ms  son, 
and  her  daughter,  Miss  Sally  Franklin,  are  as  skill 
fully  complimented  as  was  possible  for  the  ingenuity 
of  a  flatterer.  Where  the  praise  approaches  hyper 
bole,  the  effect  of  the  extravagance  is  dexterously 
averted  by  a  little  pleasantry.  Franklin  is  pro 
nounced  to  be  a  man  of  singular  merit,  and  perfectly 
agreeable ;  and  while  some  men  are  amiable  in  ane 
view,  and  some  in  another,  he  is  said  to  be  amiable 
in  all.  The  son  is  extolled  as  affording,  in  his  char 
acter,  the  prospect  that  the  father's  virtues  and  use 
fulness  to  his  country  would  be  prolonged  beyond 
the  period  of  his  own  life ;  and  of  the  daughter  he 
says,  u  I  wish  I  could  call  her  mine." 


290  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

The  prayer  of  the  petition  of  this  epistle  was  that 
Mrs.  Franklin  would  visit  England.  In  this  the  wri 
ter  did  not  succeed,  nor  was  he  more  successful  in 
p.  subsequent  proposal,  in  1760,  that  Franklin  should 
/remain  in  England,  and  persuade  his  wife  and  daugh 
ter  to  come  over.  While  Franklin  admitted  the 
excellence  of  the  character  of  Mr.  Strahan,  and  the 
amiable  and  agreeable  dispositions  of  his  family ;  and 
while  he  saw  in  the  business  opening  a  most  eligible 
one,  his  attachment  to  his  own  country,  and  the  invin 
cible  repugnance  of  his  wife  against  crossing  the  At 
lantic,  precluded  his  entertaining  the  proposal,  ad 
vantageous  as  it  seemed  in  all  particulars.  There 
would  seem,  however,  a  reasonable  probability,  that 
if  Mrs.  Franklin  had  seconded,  instead  of  discour 
aging  the  proposition,  or  if  she  had  even  ventured 
upon  a  visit  to  England,  the  course  of  the  life  of 
Franklin  might  have  been  altered.  Although  we 
can  not  doubt  that  he  would  have  remained  the 
warm  friend  of  America,  and  the  untiring  advocate 
of  popular  rights,  his  influence  might  have  been  re 
tained  in  aiding  the  changes  which  have  taken  place 
in  the  old  country,  rather  than  exerted  in  molding 
the  character  and  founding  the  institutions  of  the 
new.  On  such  apparent  trifles  hang  the  course  of 
men  and  the  destiny  of  nations. 

It  may  be  well  in  this  place  to  finish  what  re 
mains  to  be  said  of  Mr.  Strahan,  in  connection  with 
our  work.  As  already  stated,  he  was  elected  to  Par 
liament  in  1775.  Previously  to  that  event,  he  had 
held  conversations  and  correspondence  with  Frank- 


LIFE    0V    FRANKLIN.  293 

liri,  of  which  the  difficulties  in  America  formed  the 
theme.  His  friend's  views,  however,  failed  to  make 
Mr.  Strahan  a  convert  to  what  Franklin  deemed  the 
liberal  and  just  course.  On  the  5th  of  July,  1775, 
Franklin  wrote  the  following  from  Philadelphia : 

"  MR.  STRAHAN  :  You  are  a  member  of  Parlia 
ment,  and  one  of  that  majority  which  has  doomed 
my  country  to  destruction.  You  have  begun  to  burn 
our  towns  and  murder  our  peoole.  Look  upon  you»- 
hands .  cney  are  stained  with  the  blooa  01  your  rela 
tions  !  You  and  I  were  long  friends ;  you  are  now 
my  enemy,  and  I  am  yours, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 

This  letter,  which  was  published  in  the  London 
papers  soon  after  its  receipt,  was  the  subject  of  a 
great  deal  of  remark.  That  there  was  no  bitterness 
of  personal  feeling  between  the  friends,  is  evident 
from  the  fact  that  their  correspondence,  interrupt 
ed  by  the  Revolutionary  war,  was  never  wholly 
abandoned,  and  was  resumed  at  a  later  period  with 
a  great  deal  of  warmth  and  earnestness  of  friend 
ship.  The  apparent  harshness  of  the  above  note 
is  in  the  conclusion ;  but  it  is  palpably  evident,  from 
its  face,  that  the  writer  merely  yielded  to  the  temp 
tation  to  give  a  common  and  usually  unmeaning 
form  a  terse  and  significant  epigrammatic  turn.  In 
deed,  it  may  have  been,  and  most  probably  was,  an 
after  thought,  which  occurred  at  the  instant.  Mr. 
Strahan  died,  at  an  advanced  age,  in  1785,  and  the 


294  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

last  letter  which  he  received  from  Franklin  (1784) 
contains  a  pleasant  review  of  the  events  of  the  war, 
and  of  the  friendship  of  the  writers,  which  we  ex 
tract  : 

"  You  '  fairly  acknowledge  that  the  late  war  ter 
minated  quite  contrary  to  your  expectation.'  Your 
expectation  was  ill  founded ;  for  you  would  not  be 
lieve  your  old  friend,  who  told  you  repeatedly  that 
by  those  measures  England  would  lose  her  colonies, 
as  Epictetus  warned  in  vain  his  master  that  he  would 
break  his  leg.  You  believed  rather  the  tales  you 
heard  of  our  poltroonery,  and  impotence  of  body  and 
mind.  Do  you  not  remember  the  story  you  told  me 
of  the  Scotch  sergeant  who  met  with  a  party  of  forty 
American  soldiers,  and,  though  alone,  disarmed  them 
all  and  brought  them  in  prisoners  ?  a  story  almost  as 
improbable  as  that  of  an  Irishman,  who  pretended 
to  have  alone  taken  and  brought  in  five  of  the  enemy 
by  surrounding  them.  And  yet,  my  friend,  sensible 
and  judicious  as  you  are,  but  partaking  of  the  gen 
eral  infatuation,  you  seemed  to  believe  it.  *  *  * 
Yankee  was  understood  to  be  a  sort  of  Yahoo,  and 
the  Parliament  did  not  think  the  petitions  of  such 
creatures  were  fit  to  be  received  and  read  in  so  wise 
an  assembly.  What  was  the  consequence  of  this 
monstrous  pride  and  insolence  ?  You  first  sent  small 
armies  to  subdue  us,  believing  them  more  than  suffi 
cient,  but  soon  found  yourselves  obliged  to  send 
greater ;  these,  whenever  they  ventured  to  penetrate 
our  country  beyond  the  protection  of  their  ships, 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  295 

were  either  repulsed  and  obliged  to  scamper  out,  or 
were  surrounded,  beaten,  and  taken  prisoners.  An 
American  planter,  who  had  never  seen  Europe,  was 
chosen  by  us  to  command  our  troops,  and  contin 
ued  during  the  whole  war.  This  man  sent  home 
to  you,  one  after  another,  five  of  your  best  generals 
baffled,  their  heads  bare  of  laurels,  disgraced  even  in 
the  opinion  of  their  employers.  Your  contempt  of 
our  understandings,  in  comparison  with  your  own, 
appeared  to  be  much  better  founded  than  that  of 
our  courage,  if  we  may  judge  by  this  circumstance, 
that  in  whatever  court  of  Europe  a  Yankee  nego 
tiator  appeared,  the  wise  British  minister  was  routed, 
put  in  a  passion,  picked  a  quarrel  with  your  friends, 
and  was  sent  home  with  a  flea  in  his  ear.  But,  aft 
er  all,  my  dear  friend,  do  not  imagine  that  I  am  vain 
enough  to  ascribe  our  success  to  any  superiority  in 
any  of  those  points.  I  am  too  well  acquainted  with 
all  the  springs  and  levers  of  our  machine  not  to  see 
that  our  human  means  were  unequal  to  our  under 
taking,  and  that,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  justice  of 
our  cause,  and  the  consequent  interposition  of  Prov 
idence,  in  which  we  had  faith,  we  must  have  been 
ruined.  If  I  had  ever  before  been  an  Atheist,  1 
should  now  have  been  convinced  of  the  being  and 
government  of  a  Deity !  It  is  He  that  abases  the 
proud  and  favors  the  humble.  May  we  never  forget 
His  goodness  to  us,  and  may  our  future  conduct 
manifest  our  gratitude ! 

"  But  let  us  leave  these  serious  reflections,  and 
converse  with  our  usual  pleasantry.     I  remember 


296  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

your  observing  once  to  me,  as  we  sat  together  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  that  no  two  journeymen 
printers  within  your  knowledge  had  met  with  such 
success  in  the  world  as  ourselves.  You  were  then 
at  the  head  of  your  profession,  and  soon  afterward 
became  member  of  Parliament.  I  was  an  agent  for 

o 

a  few  provinces,  and  now  act  for  them  all.  But  we 
have  risen  by  different  modes.  I,  as  a  Republican 
printer,  always  liked  a  form  well  planed  doiun,  be 
ing  averse  to  those  overbearing  letters  that  hold  their 
heads  so  high  as  to  hinder  their  neighbors  from  ap 
pearing.  You,  as  a  monarchist,  chose  to  work  upon 
crown  paper,  and  found  it  profitable,  while  I  work 
ed  upon  pro  patria  (often,  indeed,  called  foolscap) 
with  no  less  advantage.  Both  our  heaps  hold  out 
very  well,  and  we  seem  likely  to  make  a  pretty  good 
day's  work  of  it.  With  regard  to  public  affairs  (to 
continue  in  the  same  style),  it  seems  to  me  that  your 
compositors  in  your  chapel  do  not  cast  off  their  copy 
well,  nor  perfectly  understand  imposing:  their-forms, 
too,  are  continually  pestered  by  the  outs  and  doubles 
that  are  not  easy  to  be  corrected ;  and  I  think  they 
were  wrong  in  laying  aside  some  faces,  and  particu 
larly  some  headpieces,  that  would  have  been  both 
useful  and  ornamental.  But,  courage  !  The  business 
may  still  flourish  with  good  management,  and  the 
master  become  as  rich  as  any  of  the  company.  *  * 
"  I  am  ever,  my  dear  friend,  yours  most  affection 
ately,  B.  FRANKLIN." 

Upon  Franklin's  first  arrival  in  England,  as  ap- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  297 

pears  by  letters  to  his  wife,  he  looked  forward  to 
months  as  a  long  stay,  and  indulged  in  the  hope  that 
he  would  return  in  the  autumn.  But  in  January, 
1758,  six  months  after  his  arrival,  he  was  compelled 
to  the  unwilling  admission  that  the  public  business 
would  detain  him  for  twelve  months  at  least  from 
that  date.  He  had  been  able  to  do  no  more  in  rela 
tion  to  the  affairs  of  the  colony  than  to  prepare  and 
digest  his  facts  for  the  lawyers  who  appeared  for  the 
Assembly,  that  they  might  be  ready  whenever  the 
public  business  permitted,  and  the  dilatory  measures 
of  the  proprietaries  would  suffer  it,  to  appear  before 
the  Board  of  Trade.  Time  never  hung  heavily  upon 
Franklin's  hands.  The  frequent  publications,  and 
the  philosophical  and  curious  pursuits  in  which  he 
was  engaged,  were  varied  by  journeys  in  search  of 
his  family  connections,  and  those  of  his  wife,  and 
by  acceptance  of  the  civilities  tendered  to  him  by 
his  many  friends.  Among  his  excursions  this  year 
were  two  visits  with  his  son  to  the  University  of 
Cambridge,  the  second  being  by  invitation  to  be 
present  at  the  Commencement  exercises.  In  a  letter 
to  his  wife,  lie  says,  "  We  were  present  at  all  the  cer 
emonies,  dined  every  day  in  their  halls,  and  my  van 
ity  was  cot  a  little  gratified  by  the  particular  regard 
shown  me  by  the  chancellor  and  vice-chancellor  of 
the  University,  and  the  heads  of  colleges." 

From  Cambridge  he  proceeded  in  search  of  the 
collateral  branches  of  the  Franklin  family  in  En 
gland.  Sufficient  is  said  in  the  opening  of  his  auto 
biography  upon  this  subject  for  the  general  reader, 


298  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

and  we  will  only  add  to  it  what  he  has  there  omit 
ted  :  that,  wherever  he  found  these  relatives  in  need, 
he  conferred  upon  them  substantial  aid  and  benefit 
The  fact  that  any  were  poor  and  obscure  was  an 
additional  motive  for  searching  them  out,  and  in  his 
letter  to  his  wife,  giving  an  account  of  this  excursion, 
he  records  many  minute  circumstances  which,  though 
unimportant  to  his  biography  in  themselves,  are  inter 
esting  as  marking  his  character  in  two  particulars. 
One  of  these  is  the  care  he  preserved  for  his  wife's 
gratification  in  the  minutest  respect,  sparing  no 
trouble  to  interest  her.  The  other  point  is  the  stur 
dy  independence  of  conventional  forms  which  he 
manifested  in  identifying  himself  with  the  poor  and 
the  humble.  To  ^s  this  may  seem  a  small  matter, 
and  one  rather  of  pride  than  otherwise  ;  but  it  must 
be  recollected  that  Franklin  was,  in  these  feelings,  a 
hundred  years  in  advance  of  his  time.  At  this  pe 
riod  the  theory  of  a  republic  was  perhaps  entertain 
ed  by  him  and  by  others,  but  it  must  have  been 
more  as  a  theory  than  with  any  hope  of  its  practical 
operation.  Americans  before  tta  Revolution  were 
loyal  subjects,  and  deferred,  perhaps,  with  more  rev 
erence  than  English  residents,  to  power  and  title, 
and  their  conventional  limits  and  usages.  To  the 
English  feeling  Americans  added  respect  for  the  isl 
and  itself,  as  "  home,"  and  the  "  father-land,"  the 
center  of  power,  and  the  guide  in  learning  and  in 
arts.  Nothing,  indeed,  annoyed  them  more  than  the 
distinctions  made  between  them  and  other  British 
subjects,  as  they  were  proud  to  consider  themselves. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  '299 

In  the  month  of  February,  1759,  the  University  of 
.'St.  Andrew's  conferred  upon  Franklin  the  degree  of 
Doctor  of  Laws.  If  the  conferring  of  college  lion- 

O  o 

ors  in  America  was  a  source  of  honest  pride  to  him, 
we  may  imagine  that  compliments  from  the  venera 
ble  institutions  of  Europe  gave  him  much  more  grat 
ification,  particularly  as  no  false  modesty  could  lead 
him  to  feel  that  these  honors  were  not  honestly  de 
served.  They  were  not,  as  in  some  cases,  his  intro 
duction  to  the  society  of  the  learned,  but  followed 
the  estimation  with  which  he  was  held  by  those 
who  were  attracted  to  his  friendship  by  Ms  practical 
knowledge,  and  his  eminently  useful  writings  and 
discoveries.  During  a  visit  made  to  Scotland  in  the 
summer  of  1759,  Franklin  met  Henry  Home,  Lord 
Kames,  with  whom  he  afterward  frequently  corre 
sponded,  Dr.  Robertson,  and  many  others  of  the  dis 
tinguished  men  who  marked  this  era  as  one  of  the 
most  brilliant  in  Scottish  literature.  Of  the  time 
spent  in  that  country,  Dr.  Franklin  speaks,  in  a  let 
ter  to  Lord  Kames,  as  six  weeks  of  the  densest  hap 
piness  he  ever  experienced  in  his  life.  The  ex 
change  of  the  writings  of  Kames  and  of  Franklin, 
and  the  mutual  respect  entertained  by  each  for  the 
other,  show  an  intimacy  founded  on  high  esteem, 
and  a  sincerity  which  lasted  until  the  death  of  Lord 
Kames.  Many  years  the  senior  of  Franklin,  he  died 
eight  years  before  him,  in  1782. 

Connected  with  the  history  of  the  acquaintance 
of  Franklin  and  Ldrd  Kames  is  a  curious  literarv 

*/ 

anecdote.    While  on  his  visit  to  Lord  Kames,  Frank- 


300  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN 

lin  read  or  recited  his  well-known  "  Parable  against 
Persecution."  Lord  Kames  inserted  it  in  his  work 
entitled  "  Sketches  of  the  History  of  Man,"  publish 
ed  in  the  year  1774.  He  there  prefaced  it  with  the 
remark  that  it  was  communicated  to  him  by  Dr. 
Franklin,  of  Philadelphia ;  "  a  man  who  makes  a 
great  figure  in  the  learned  world,  and  who  would 
make  a  still  greater  figure  for  benevolence  and  can 
dor,  were  virtue  as  much  regarded  in  this  declining 
age  as  knowledge."  The  parable  we  here  annex : 


ND  it  came  to  pass  after  tnese 
things,  that  Abraham  sat  in  the 
door  of  his  tent,  about  the  going- 
down  of  the  sun. 

2.  And  behold,  a  man,  bowed 
with  age,  came  from  the  way  of  the  wilder 
ness,  leaning  oil  a  staff. 

3.  And  Abraham  arose  and  met  him,  and 
said  unto  him,  "  Turn  in,  I  pray  thee,  and 
wash  thy  feet,  and  tarry  all  night,  and  thou  shalt 
arise  early  on  the  morrow,  and  go  on  thy  way." 

4.  But  the  man  said,  "  Nay,  for  I  will  abide  under 
this  tree." 

5.  And  Abraham  pressed  him  greatly;  so  he  turn 
ed,  and  they  went  into  the  tent,  and  Abraham  baked 
unleavened  bread,  and  they  did  eat. 

6.  And  when  Abraham  saw  that  the  man  blessed 
not  God,  he  said  unto  him,  "  Wherefore  dost  thou 
not  worship  the  most  high  God,  Creator  of  heaven 
and  earth  ?" 

7.  And  the  man  answered  and  said,  "I  do  not 
worship  the  God  thou  speakest  of,  neither  do  I  call 


302  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

upon  his  name;  for  I  have  made  to  myself  a  god, 
which  abideth  alway  in  mine  house,  and  provideth 
me  with  all  things." 

8.  And  Abraham's  zeal  was  kindled  against  the 
man,  and  he  arose  and  fell  upon  him,  and  drove  him 
forth  with  blows  into  the  wilderness. 

9.  And  at  midnight  God  called  unto  Abraham,  say 
ing,  "  Abraham,  where  is  the  stranger  1" 

10.  And  Abraham  answered  and  said,  "Lord,  he 
would  not  worship  thee,  neither  would  he  call  upon 
thy  name ;  therefore  have  I  driven  him  out  from  be 
fore  my  face  into  the  wilderness." 

11.  And  God  said,  "  Have  I  borne  with  him  these 
hundred  ninety  and  eight  years,  and  nourished  him, 
and  clothed  him,  notwithstanding  his  rebellion  against 
me ;  and  couldst  not  thou,  that  art  thyself  a  sinner 
bear  with  him  one  night  T 

12.  And  Abraham  said,  "  Let  not  the  anger  of  the 
Lord  wax  hot  against  his  servant ;  lo,  I  have  sinned ; 
lo.  I  have  sinned ;  forgive  me,  I  pray  thee." 

13.  And  Abraham  arose,  and  went  forth  into  the 
wilderness,  and  sought  diligently  for  the  man,  and 
found  him,  and  returned  with  him  to  the  tent ;  and 
when  he  had  entreated  him  kindly,  he  sent  him  away 
on  the  morrow  with  gifts. 

14.  And  God  spake  again  unto  Abraham,  saying, 
"  For  this  thy  sin  shall  thy  seed  be  afflicted  four 
hundred  years  in  a  strange  land ; 

15.  "  But  for  thy  repentance  will  I  deliver  them  ; 
and  they  shall  come   forth  with  power,  and  with 
gladness  of  heart,  and  with  much  substance." 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  303 

Lord  Kames  omitted  in  his  version  all  after  the 
eleventh  verse.  Whether  this  was  an  error,  or  an  in 
tentional  alteration,  is  not  known  ;  but  the  dignity  of 
the  parable  certainly  gains  nothing  by  the  four  last 
verses.  It  is  complete,  and  more  emphatic  in  its 
lesson,  closing  at  the  eleventh,  than  with  the  some 
what  awkward  addition  of  the  last  verses.  So  prob 
ably  Lord  Kames  thought ;  and  it  is  a  curious  fact, 
that  the  very  part  which  Lord  Kames  omitted  is  the 
only  portion  which  Franklin  claims  as  original.  The 
parable  itself  is  of  Eastern  origin,  and  a  version  of  it 
has  been  discovered  in  the  Persian.  It  was  un 
doubtedly  derived  from  the  Hebrew  traditions ;  and 
as  that  people  would  not  carelessly  tamper  with  the 
prophecies  relating  to  their  nation,  the  foreign  addi 
tion  of  the  doctor  betrays  itself.  Franklin  never 
published  the  parable,  but  arranged  it  in  the  form  in 
which  it  appears  for  the  purpose  of  reading  it,  as  if 
from  the  Bible,  and  amusing  himself  with  the  com 
ments  of  those  who  heard  it.  He  complains,  in  a 
letter  written  in  1789,  that  the  publication  by  Lord 
Kames  cut  him  off  from  this  source  of  amusement. 
After  enjoying  the  remarks  of  his  hearers,  it  was  his 
habit  to  expose  the  deception,  and  he  generally  fol 
lowed  it  with  amusing  anecdotes  of  those  who  had 
been  deceived  with  it  on  previous  occasions.  At 
about  the  same  time  that  Franklin  prepared  the 
Parable  against  Persecution,  he  dressed  up  another 
Jewish  tradition  inculcating  Brotherly  Love.  With 
this,  however,  he  had  not  the  same  success  as  with 
the  other,  and  laid  it  aside. 


304  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

IN  June,  1760,  the  business  upon  which  Franklin 
was  sent  to  England  was  satisfactorily  concluded ; 
that  is  to  say,  so  far  as  the  principle  was  concerned 
for  which  he  mainly  contended,  that  the  estates  of 
the  proprietaries  should  be  subject  to  taxation,  like 
other  property  in  the  colony.  There  were  several 
other  acts  sent  over  at  the  same  time  for  approval, 
which  the  proprietaries  opposed,  and  which  were 
repealed,  but  that  in  which  the  domains  of  the  Penn 
family  were  put  on  the  same  footing  with  other  land 
ed  property  was  approved.  On  this  came  the  prin 
cipal  struggle  between  the  proprietors  and  the  As 
sembly,  and  very  great  efforts  were  made  to  defeat 
it ;  but,  by  concessions  on  the  part  of  Dr.  Franklin, 
which,  without  affecting  the  principle  involved,  re 
moved  certain  objections  alleged  by  the  proprieta 
ries,  the  bill  was  carried,  and  the  proprietors  submit 
ted,  with  the  reserved  intention,  probably,  of  defeat 
ing,  or  attempting  to  defeat,  the  operation  of  the  act 
by  forced  constructions  afterward.  At  any  rate, 
whether  such  was  the  intention  of  the  proprietors 
or  not,  the  conduct  of  their  governor  indicated  that 
such  was  the  policy  of  his  principals.  The  ulti 
mate  appeal  to  the  crown,  which  had  been  a  part 
of  Dr.  Franklin's  discretionary  business,  he  judged  it 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  305 

prudent  to  defer.  In  the  contests  between  the  pro 
prietaries  and  the  Assembly,  the  Penns  did  not  neg 
lect  to  avail  themselves  of  the  apparent  community 
of  interest  with  the  ministry,  which,  as  grantees  of 
the  crown,  they  felt;  and  they  managed  so  to  ex 
hibit  the  danger  the  prerogative  might  incur  by  a 
victory  of  the  Assembly  over  the  proprietaries,  that 
Franklin  perceived  that  the  time  was  not  propitious 
for  attempting  to  secure  or  defend  any  extension  of 
popular  rights  in  the  colony.  And  the  course  he 
took  met  with  the  general  approbation  of  his  con 
stituents. 

In  this  year  appeared  one  of  the  most  important 
of  Franklin's  political  productions,  the  "  Canada 
Pamphlet."  Franklin  had  earnestly  advocated  the 
conquest  of  Canada  by  Great  Britain,  having  endeav 
ored  to  obtain  an  introduction  to  the  minister,  Mr. 
Pitt,  with  the  view  of  suggesting  and  urging  that 
conquest,  as  well  as  of  acting  in  reference  to  the  af 
fairs  of  Pennsylvania.  But  the  minister  was,  to 
quote  a  letter  of  Franklin's,  "  too  great  a  man,  or  too 
much  occupied  in  affairs  of  greater  moment."  Prob 
ably  he  saw  impolicy  in  receiving  the  accredited 
agent  of  Pennsylvania.  While  the  disputes  in  ref 
erence  to  the  colony  were  made  sufficiently  perplex 
ing  by  other  circumstances,  it  would  not  aid  in  re 
lieving  the  difficulty,  or  in  harmonizing  the  conflict 
ing  parties,  to  put  it  in  the  power  of  one  of  them  to 
charge  that  the  other  had  the  ear  of  the  administra 
tion.  What  information  Franklin  could  give,  how 
ever,  the  minister  obtained  through  his  secretaries 


306  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

who  cultivated  an  intimacy  with  the  American,  and 
to  whom  he  did  not  fail  to  impart  what  he  desired 
to  communicate  to  the  principal. 

As  the  war  with  France  drew  near  a  close,  the 
terms  of  peace  became  the  subject  of  public  discus 
sion.  Several  pamphlets  were  published,  some  ad 
vocating  the  retention  of  Canada,  others  that  of 
Guadaloupe.  Franklin  entered  the  lists  in  an  anony 
mous  tract,  entitled  "  The  Interest  of  Great  Britain 
considered  with  Regard  to  her  Colonies,  and  the 
Acquisition  of  Canada  and  Guadaloupe."  The 
most  remarkable  passage  in  this  performance,  to  the 
present  reader,  is  that  in  which,  after  speaking  of 
the  separate  provincial  governments  in  America,  and 
their  jealousy  of  each  other,  he  declares  that  he  had 
not  the  least  conception  that  their  growth  could  make 
them  dangerous  to  the  mother  country.  He  says : 

"  If  they  could  not  agree  to  unite  for  their  defense 
against  the  French  and  Indians,  who  were  perpetu 
ally  harassing  their  settlements,  burning  their  villa 
ges,  and  murdering  their  people,  can  it  reasonably  be 
supposed  that  there  is  any  danger  of  their  uniting 
against  their  own  nation,  which  protects  and  en 
courages  them,  with  which  they  have  so  many  con 
nections  and  ties  of  blood,  interest,  and  affection, 
and  which,  it  is  well  known,  they  all  love  much 
more  than  they  love  one  another  1  In  short,  there 
are  so  many  causes  which  operate  to  prevent  it,  that 
I  will  venture  to  say  that  a  union  among  them  for 
such  a  purpose  is  not  merely  improbable,  it  is  impos 
sible.  And  if  the  union  of  the  whole  is  impossible. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  307 

the  attempt  of  a  part  must  be  madness,  as  those 
colonies  which  did  not  join  the  rebellion  would  join 
the  mother  country  in  suppressing  it.  When  I  say 
such  a  union  is  impossible,  I  mean  without  the  most 
grievous  tyranny  and  oppression.  People  who  have 
property  in  a  country  which  they  may  lose,  and  priv 
ileges  which  they  may  endanger,  are  generally  dis 
posed  to  be  quiet,  and  to  bear  much  rather  than  haz 
ard  all.  While  the  government  is  mild  and  just, 
while  important  civil  and  religious  rights  are  secure, 
such  subjects  will  be  dutiful  and  obedient.  The 
waves  do  not  rise  but  when  the  winds  blow." 

The  pamphlet,  throughout,  is  written  in  the  tone 
of  a  true  Briton  and  a  loyal  subject.  The  defense 
of  the  colonists  against  the  charge  that  this  acquisi 
tion  of  territory  was  devised  by  them,  and  that  the 
war  was  an  affair  of  the  colonies,  while  it  is  most 
masterly  and  convincing,  is  so  conducted  that  no 
one  could,  from  this  part  of  the  pamphlet,  suspect  an 
American  of  its  authorship.  He  showed  that  the 
interest  of  landholders  did  not  lay  in  the  increase  of 
land  under  the  colonial  protection.  He  argued  that 
density  of  population  leads  to  manufactures,  and  that 
by  hemming  the  colonists  in,  their  attention  might 
necessarily  be  turned  to  manufactures  for  support, 
while  in  giving  them  a  wider  field  as  agriculturists, 
the  true  interests  of  Great  Britain  would  be  consid 
ered.  If  the  object  was  to  check  the  growth  of  the 
colonies,  he  pronounced  check  a  modest  word  for  the 
massacre  of  women  and  children,  and  intimated  that 
the  command  of  Pharaoh  to  the  midwives  suggested 


308  LIFE     OF     FRANKLIN. 

a  precedent  for  a  course  which  he  pronounced  less 
cruel.  "  By  this  means  you  may  keep  the  colonies 
to  their  present  size.  And  if  they  were  under  the 
hard  alternative  of  submitting  to  the  one  or  the  oth 
er  of  these  for  checking  their  growth,  I  dare  answer 
for  them,  they  would  prefer  the  latter." 

The  obvious  arguments  for  the  retention  of  Can 
ada  on  the  ground  of  removing  an  enemy  from  the 
colonial  borders,  are  ably  brought  forward;  and  in 
defense  of  the  positions  taken,  not  only  the  history 
of  the  colonies,  and  their  relations  with  Great  Brit 
ain,  but  examples  from  other  nations,  ancient  as  well 
as  modern,  are  cited  with  great  appositeness.  It  has 
been  usually  said  that  the  retention  of  the  Canadas 
was  one  of  the  train  of  events  which  led  to  the  in 
dependence  of  the  United  States.  In  its  effect  upon 
France,  this  may  be  true.  Treaties  between  pow 
erful  nations  are  not  likely  to  be  permanent  in  their 
peaceful  influence  where  one  party  is  compelled  to 
make  humiliating  sacrifices  to  the  other,  and  the 
readiness  of  France  to  embrace  the  quarrel  of  Amer 
ica  undoubtedly  had  no  small  part  of  its  origin  in  the 
loss  of  her  American  colonies.  The  false  security 
of  the  British  cabinet  before  the  Revolution  may 
also  be  assigned,  in  part,  to  the  removal  of  their  dan 
gerous  rival  on  the  northern  borders  ;  but  these  con 
siderations  by  no  means  detract  from  the  sagacity 
of  Franklin,  or  the  soundness  of  his  argument,  as 
stated  in  the  pamphlet,  that,  "  If  the  visionary  dan 
ger  of  independence  in  our  colonies  is  to  be  feared, 
nothing  is  more  likely  to  render  it  substantial  than 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  309 

the  neighborhood  of  foreigners  at  enmity  with  the 
sovereign  government,  capable' of  giving  either  aid  or 
an  asylum,  as  the  event  shall  require." 

During  the  remainder  of  the  time  spent  at  this 
visit  in  Europe,  we  find  comparatively  little  public 
traces  of  Dr.  Franklin.  He  resumed  more  fully  the 
philosophical  studies  which  his  public  avocations 
had  in  some  measure  interrupted,  and  among  his 
scientific  papers  and  letters  we  find  many  which 
bear  date  about  this  period.  His  visits  to  remarkable 
places,  and  his  communications  with  the  ingenious 
and  the  curious,  afforded  him  hints  for  many  inter 
esting  experiments.  Those  who  remarked  phenom 
ena  referred  them  to  him  for  solution,  and  those  who 
performed  experiments  detailed  to  him  the  processes 
and  their  results.  He  never  failed  to  repeat  the  ob 
servations  and  experiments  thus  described  to  him, 
whenever  practicable,  and  it  was  seldom,  indeed, 
the  case  that  his  investigations  did  not  produce  new 
light  upon  every  subject  which  he  undertook.  One 
can  not  too  much  admire  the  candor  with  which  he 
acknowledges  the  labor  of  others,  and  the  acknowl 
edgments  he  makes  where  their  discoveries  or  ex 
periments  have  corrected  his  errors,  or  removed  the 
wrong  impressions  of  education  or  of  opinions  adopt 
ed  at  second  hand. 

During  the  summer  of  1761  he  visited  the  Con 
tinent  of  Europe  ;  and  of  this  excursion,  though  we 
have  no  incidents  recorded,  we  perceive  in  his  cor 
respondence  the  effects,  in  many  curious  reasonings, 
based  upon  common  things,  which  millions  before 


310  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

his  time  and  since  have  observed  without  perceiv 
ing.  The  effect  of  the  shallowness  of  water  in  a 
canal  in  Holland,  in  retarding  the  progress  of  the 
boat  in  which  he  traveled  on  one  of  his  tours,  gave 
the  hint  for  observations  which  he  made  afterward 
on  the  Thames,  and  for  experiments  which  he  con 
ducted  with  a  great  deal  of  patience  and  exactness. 
This,  like  most  of  his  investigations,  had  a  practical 
bearing,  as  he  wished  to  determine  the  utility  of  tak 
ing  into  consideration  depth  in  the  many  projects 
then  on  foot  for  digging  canals.  These  experiments, 
like  many  others  in  which  Franklin  interested  him 
self,  may  appear  to  us  puerile,  since  they  were  un 
dertaken  to  investigate  facts  now  familiar  to  every 
school-boy.  But  we  are  to  remember  that  this  very 
circumstance,  the  familiarity  of  the  truths  which  he 
discovered  or  examined,  is  in  great  part  due  to  his 
labors ;  and  to  smile  at  Franklin's  experiments  is  as 
if  we  were  to  laugh  at  Columbus  for  discovering 
America,  because  any  fisherman  can  now  find  his 
way  to  that  continent. 

In  April,  1762,  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws  was 
conferred  on  Franklin  by  the  University  of  Oxford. 
Edinburgh  paid  him  a  like  compliment.  Many  dis 
tinguished  men  in  England  expressed  their  regrets, 
personally  or  by  letter,  at  his  departure  for  America, 
which  took  place  in  August,  after  a  residence  in  En 
gland  of  five  years.  Five  months  would  probably 
have  seemed  a  long  period  to  him  at  the  beginning 
of  his  mission.  During  his  stay  in  England  he  was 
appointed  by  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  to  re- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  311 

ceive  the  proportion  of  the  Parliamentary  grant  to 
that  colony  for  its  expenses  in  the  late  war,  amount 
ing  to  thirty  thousand  pounds.  The  governor  in 
Pennsylvania  opposed  his  appointment,  and  the  pro 
prietors  in  England  labored  to  thwart  him,  but  the 
ministry  gave  no  heed  to  the  opposition.  The  mon 
ey  \vas  accordingly  paid  to  Franklin,  as  the  agent 
of  the  Assembly.  He  was  directed  to  place  it  in  the 
Bank  of  England,  but  that  institution  refused  to  re 
ceive  it  on  the  terms  directed  by  the  Assembly,  it  be 
ing  contrary  to  their  settled  rules  to  take  charge  of 
money  subject  to  the  order  of  unknown  persons  re 
siding  in  distant  countries.  By  direction  of  the  As 
sembly,  the  sum  was  invested  in  the  stocks.  An 
ill-timed  resolve  of  the  Assembly  withdrew  it  from 
thence  at  a  period  when  the  low  price  of  public  se 
curities  occasioned  a  serious  loss.  The  withdrawal, 
as  well  as  the  investment,  was  managed  by  Frank 
lin,  under  instructions  from  the  Assembly.  After 
Franklin's  return  to  America,  the  House  appointed 
a  committee  to  examine  his  accounts,  who  "found 
the  same  to  be  just."  The  proprietor,  Thomas  Penn, 
wrote  to  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania,  "  I  think  the 
Assembly  made  a  very  handsome  allowance  to  Mr. 
Franklin,  though  short  of  his  expenses;  but  what  I 
most  admire  at  is,  that  they  have  made  an  allowance 
for  his  loss  in  the  stocks,  which  they  had  no  power 
by  law  to  do,  and  which  ought  to  have  been  made 
good  to  the  public  by  him  and  those  members  of  the 
House  that  gave  him  directions  to  do  it."  • 

If  it  was  a  curious  notion  of  the  proprietor  that 


312  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

"  those  members,"  meaning  the  majority  of  the  As 
sembly,  ought  to  have  borne  the  loss  suffered  by  the 
above  transaction,  there  was  at  least  some  semblance 
of  equity  in  the  opinion.  But  Franklin's  political 
enemies,  on  a  subsequent  occasion,  endeavored  to 
throw  obloquy  upon  him  in  a  public  and  formal  man 
ner,  for  what  it  will  easily  be  seen  was  no  fault  or 
error  of  his.  The  trust  was  an  arduous  one,  and  he 
fulfilled  it  to  the  hearty  approval  of  his  constituents. 
That  some  of  these  very  men  afterward  endeavored 
to  make  political  capital  of  so  plain  a  transaction,  is 
only  one  of  the  thousands  of  instances  in  which  ar 
dent  partisans  forget  past  acts  and  declarations  to 
subserve  a  present  purpose,  and  sacrifice  truth  and 
candor  in  the  heat  of  party  feeling. 

Besides  the  evidences  of  private  friendship  to 
which  we  have  referred,  honorable  testimony  to  the 
estimation  in  which  Franklin  was  held  was  given 
in  the  appointment  of  his  son,  William  Temple 
Franklin,  governor  of  New  Jersey.  As  there  was 
nothing  in  the  character  and  claims  of  the  son  to 
call  the  attention  of  the  ministry  to  him,  this  appoint 
ment  may  be  set  down  to  the  credit  of  the  father. 
If  it  was  intended  as  a  bribe,  or  to  purchase  compli 
ance,  it  certainly  was  not  given  in  pursuance  of  any 
pledge  or  promise,  implied  or  expressed,  on  the  part 
of  Dr.  Franklin.  Thomas  Penn,  in  a  letter  to  Gov 
ernor  Hamilton,  expressed  the  belief  that  the  ap 
pointment  would  make  the  father  "  more  tractable," 
as  he  "  could  not  well  oppose  in  Pennsylvania"  what 
the  son  was  instructed  to  do  in  New  Jersey.  But 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  313 

Dr.  Franklin  remained  the  same  sturdy  patriot  as 
ever.  While  the  son  became  loyal  in  the  hour  of 
difficulty  between  the  colonies  and  the  mother  coun 
try,  his  course,  so  far  from  influencing  the  father, 
procured  the  marked  rebuke  of  the  parent  in  that 
most  emphatic  of  all  acts,  his  last  will  and  testa 
ment. 

Dr.  Franklin  sailed  from  England  in  August,  1762, 
and  arrived  at  Philadelphia  on  the  first  of  November 
following.  He  left  England  with  much  pain  at  part 
ing  with  the  friends  that  his  long  stay  had  endeared 
to  him.  The  following  account  of  the  incidents  of 
his  voyage,  and  of  his  reception  at  home,  is  extract 
ed  from  a  letter  to  Lord  Kames,  written  three  years 
afterward ;  and  although  it  anticipates  the  narrative 
somewhat,  we  insert  it,  as  resembling,  in  its  easy,  col 
loquial  style,  the  Autobiography  : 

"  You  require  my  history  from  the  time  I  set  sail 
for  America.  I  left  England  about  the  end  of  Au 
gust,  1762,  in  company  with  ten  sail  of  merchant 
ships,  under  a  convoy  of  a  man-of-war.  We  had  a 
pleasant  passage  to  Madeira,  where  we  were  kindly 
received  and  entertained,  our  nation  being  then  in 
high  honor  with  the  Portuguese,  on  account  of  the 
protection  we  were  then  affording  them  against  the 
united  invasions  of  France  and  Spain.  It  is  a  fer 
tile  island,  and  the  different  heights  and  situations 
among  its  mountains  afford  such  temperaments  of 
air,  that  all  the  fruits  of  northern  and  southern  coun 
tries  are  produced  there:  corn,  grapes,  apples,  peach- 


314  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

es,  oranges,  lemons,  plantains,  bananas,  &c.  Here 
we  furnished  ourselves  with  fresh  provisions,  and  re 
freshments  of  all  kinds ;  and,  after  a  few  days,  pro 
ceeded  on  our  voyage,  running  southward  until  we 
got  into  the  trade  winds,  and  then  with  them  west 
ward,  till  we  drew  near  the  coast  of  America.  The 
weather  was  so  favorable  that  there  were  few  days 
in  which  we  could  not  visit  from  ship  to  ship,  dining 
with  each  other,  and  on  board  of  the  man-of-war, 
which  made  the  time  pass  agreeably,  much  more  so 
than  when  one  goes  in  a  single  ship;  for  this  was 
like  traveling  in  a  moving  village,  with  all  one's 
neighbors  about  one. 

"  On  the  1st  of  November  I  arrived  safe  and  well 
at  my  own  home,  after  an  absence  of  near  six  years; 
found  my  wife  and  daughter  well,  the  latter  grown 
quite  a  woman,  with  many  amiable  accomplishments 
acquired  in  my  absence ;  and  my  friends  as  hearty 
and  affectionate  as  ever,  with  whom  my  house  was 
filled  for  many  days,  to  congratulate  me  on  my  re 
turn.  I  had  been  chosen  yearly  during  my  ab 
sence  to  represent  the  city  of  Philadelphia  in  our 
provincial  Assembly,  and,  on  my  appearance  in  the 
House,  they  voted  me  three  thousand  pounds  ster 
ling  for  my  services  in  England,  and  their  thanks, 
delivered  by  the  speaker.  In  February  following 
my  son  arrived  with  my  new  daughter;  for,  with 
my  consent  and  approbation,  he  married,  soon  after  I 
left  England,  a  very  agreeable  West  India  lady,  with 
whom  he  is  very  happy.  I  accompanied  him  to  his 
government,  where  he  met  with  the  kindest  recep- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  315 

tion  from  the  people  of  all  ranks,  and  has  lived  with 
them  ever  since  in  the  greatest  harmony.  A  river 
only  parts  that  province  and  ours,  and  his  residence 
is  within  seventeen  miles  of  me,  so  that  we  frequent 
ly  see  each  other. 

"  In  the  spring  of  1763  I  set  out  on  a  tour  through 
all  the  northern  colonies  to  inspect  and  regulate  the 
post-offices  in  the  several  provinces.  In  this  journey 
I  spent  the  summer,  traveled  about  sixteen  hundred 
miles,  and  did  not  get  home  till  the  beginning  of  No 
vember.  The  Assembly  sitting  through  the  follow 
ing  winter,  and  warm  disputes  arising  between  them 
and  the  governor,  I  became  wholly  engaged  in  pub 
lic  affairs ;  for,  besides  my  duty  as  an  Assemblyman, 
I  had  another  trust  to  execute,  that  of  being  one  of 
the  commissioners  appointed  by  law  to  dispose  of 
the  public  money  appropriated  to  the  raising  and 
paying  an  army  to  act  against  the  Indians  and  de 
fend  the  frontiers.  And  then,  in  December,  we  had 
two  insurrections  of  the  back  inhabitants  of  our 
province,  by  whom  twenty  poor  Indians  were  mur 
dered,  that  had,  from  the  first  settlement  of  the  prov 
ince,  lived  among  us,  under  the  protection  of  our 
government.  This  gave  me  a  good  deal  of  employ 
ment  ;  for,  as  the  rioters  threatened  further  mischief, 
and  their  actions  seemed  to  be  approved  by  an  ever- 
acting  party,  I  wrote  a  pamphlet  entitled  "  A  Nar 
rative,  8$c."  (which  I  think  I  sent  to  you)  to  strength 
en  the  hands  of  our  weak  government,  by  rendering 
the  proceedings  of  the  rioters  unpopular  and  odious. 
This  had  a  good  eifect ;  and  afterward,  when  a  great 


316  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

body  of  them,  with  arms,  marched  toward  the  capital, 
in  defiance  of  the  government,  with  an  avowed  res 
olution  to  put  to  death  one  hundred  and  forty  Indian 
converts  then  under  its  protection,  I  formed  an  asso 
ciation,  at  the  governor's  request,  for  his  and  their 
defense,  we  having  no  militia.  Near  one  thousand 
of  the  citizens  accordingly  took  arms ;  Governor 
Penn  made  my  house  for  some  time  his  headquar 
ters,  and  did  every  thing  by  my  advice,  so  that,  for 
about  forty-eight  hours,  I  was  a  very  great  man,  as 
I  had  been  once  some  years  before,  in  a  time  of 
public  danger. 

"  But  the  fighting  face  we  put  on,  and  the  reason 
ings  we  used  with  the  insurgents  (for  I  went,  at  the 
request  of  the  governor  and  council,  with  three  oth 
ers,  to  meet  and  discourse  with  them),  having  turned 
them  back  and  restored  quiet  to  the  city,  I  became  a 
less  man  than  ever ;  for  I  had,  by  this  transaction, 
made  myself  many  enemies  among  the  populace ; 
and  the  governor  (with  whose  family  our  public  dis 
putes  had  long  placed  me  in  an  unfriendly  light,  and 
the  services  I  had  lately  rendered  him  not  being  of 
the  kind  that  make  a  man  acceptable),  thinking  it  a 
favorable  opportunity,  joined  the  whole  weight  of 
i he  proprietary  interest  to  get  me  out  of  the  Assem 
bly,  which  was  accordingly  effected  at  the  last  elec 
tion  by  a  majority  of  about  twenty-five  in  four  thou 
sand  voters.  The  House,  however,  when  they  met 
in  October,  approved  of  the  resolutions  taken,  while 
I  was  speaker,  of  petitioning  the  crown  for  a  change 
of  government,  and  requested  me  to  return  to  En- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  317 

glaud  to  prosecute  that  petition  ;  which  service  I 
accordingly  undertook,  and  embarked  at  the  begin 
ning  of  November  last,  being  accompanied  to  the 
ship,  sixteen  miles,  by  a  cavalcade  of  three  hundred 
of  my  friends,  who  filled  our  sails  with  their  good 
wishes,  and  I  arrived  in  thirty  days  at  London. 

"  Here  I  have  been  ever  since,  engaged  in  that  and 
other  public  affairs  relating  to  America,  which  are 
like  to  continue  some  time  longer  upon  my  hands ; 
but  I  promise  you,  that  when  I  am  quit  of  these,  I 
will  engage  in  no  other ;  and  that,  as  soon  as  I  have 
recovered  the  ease  and  leisure  I  hope  for,  the  task 
you  require  of  me,  of  finishing  my  Art  of  Virtue, 
shall  be  performed.  In  the  mean  time,  I  must  request 
you  would  excuse  me  on  this  consideration,  that  the 
powers  of  the  mind  are  possessed  by  different  men 
in  different  degrees,  and  that  every  one  can  not,  like 
Lord  Kames,  intermix  literary  pursuits  and  import 
ant  business  without  prejudice  to  either." 


318  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE  letter  of  Dr.  Franklin,  with  which  our  last 
chapter  concludes,  covers  a  long  period.  Return 
ing  to  the  thread  of  the  narrative,  we  shall  follow  in 
detail  the  events  which  Franklin  rapidly  recounts, 
and  supply  the  lesser  incidents  which  his  letter  does 
not  embrace. 

His  welcome  home,  as  modestly  intimated  in  the 
letter,  was  most  cordial  and  hearty.  Indeed,  the 
various  claims  which  he  possessed  upon  the  atten 
tion  of  his  fellow-citizens  would  not  permit  it  to  be 
otherwise.  His  political  friends  asserted  and  de 
fended  their  principles  in  honoring  their  champion. 
The  philosophical  and  literary,  who  courted  his 
friendship,  were  eager  to  hear  what  new  advances 
he  had  made  in  their  favorite  pursuits,  and  to  learn 
what  discoveries  and  inventions  he  had  to  report, 
after  his  sojourn  abroad.  And  his  personal  friends, 
and  the  many  who  follow  the  fashion  of  the  hour  in 
paying  court  to  the  distinguished,  swelled  the  con 
course  who  came  to  offer  their  congratulations.  To 
a  man  like  Franklin,  by  no  means  insensible  to  the 
good  opinion  of  his  fellow-citizens,  this  reception 
was  highly  gratifying. 

During  his  absence  in  England  he  had  retained 
his  seat  in  the  Assembly  by  annual  election,  than 


LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN.  319 

which  no  stronger  proof  of  the  estimate  of  his  ser 
vices  abroad  could  have  been  given  by  his  constitu 
ents  ;  and  upon  the  meeting  of  the  Assembly,  be 
sides  the  approval  of  his  accounts,  already  mention 
ed,  the  thanks  of  the  House  were  voted  to  him,  as 
well  for  his  faithful  discharge  of  his  duty  to  Penn 
sylvania  in  particular,  as  for  the  many  and  import 
ant  services  rendered  to  America  in  general,  during 
his  residence  in  Great  Britain,  As  appears  from 
the  Journal  of  the  House,  the  resolve  of  the  Legis 
lature  was  carried  into  effect  on  the  31st  of  March, 
1763,  and  the  thanks  of  the  House  were  given  to 
Dr.  Franklin  in  form  by  the  speaker.  The  reply 
was  brief  but  happy :  "  That  he  was  thankful  to  the 
House  for  the  very  handsome  and  generous  allow 
ance  they  had  been  pleased  to  make  him  for  his  ser 
vices,  but  that  the  approbation  of  the  House  was, 
in  his  estimation,  far  above  every  other  kind  of  rec 
ompense." 

Dr.  Franklin  was  now  in  his  fifty-eighth  year; 
but  the  most  active  portion  of  his  life  in  public  du 
ties  remained  to  him.  He  held  the  office  of  post 
master-general  in  the  colonies,  and  undertook  and 
accomplished  what  was  at  that  day  a  great  journey. 
He  traveled  in  a  light  carriage,  driven  by  himself, 
through  the  colonies  north  of  Philadelphia,  on  a  tour 
of  inspection  among  the  post-offices,  journeying  as 
far  as  New  Hampshire.  The  trip,  with  his  delays 
and  detentions,  occupied  five  months,  and  the  dis 
tance  traveled  was  about  sixteen  hundred  miles.  In 
the  course  of  the  journey  he  had  two  falls,  by  one 


320 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


of  which  his  shoulder  was  dislocated ;  and  he  was 
afflicted,  also,  with  a  weakness  and  pain  in  the  breast, 
which  compelled  him  to  make  slow  progress.  Ac 
companying  the  wagon  was  a  saddle-horse,  on  which 


his  daughter  Sally,  who  was  his  fellow-traveler,  oc 
casionally  rode.  On  their  return,  practice  having 
made  her  expert,  she  rode  in  this  way  nearly  all  the 
distance  from  Rhode  Island  to  Philadelphia.  Dur 
ing  this  journey  he  experienced  those  proofs  of  of 
ficial  and  of  private  hospitality  to  which  his  public 
character,  and  large  circle  of  private  friends  and 
connections  opened  the  way.  Though  fully  ap 
preciating  the  kindness  of  his  entertainers,  he  has 
left  on  record  a  humorist's  idea  of  the  difficulties  of 
hospitality.  In  a  letter  to  his  sister  after  his  return 
to  Philadelphia,  he  says,  "I  am  very  happy  in  be 
ing  at  home,  where  I  am  allowed  to  know  when  I 
have  ate  enough  and  drank  enough,  and  sit  in  a 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  321 

place  that  I  like,  and  nobody  pretends  to  know 
what  I  feel  better  than  myself." 

At  this  period  occurred  events  marking  the  inex 
pediency,  to  use  no  harsher  term,  of  letting  loose 
the  savage  propensities  of  Indians,  under  the  pro 
tection  of  white  allies.  The  English  and  French, 
who  had  each  employed  the  savages  in  their  wars 
against  each  other,  had  now  returned  to  peace ;  but 
the  evil  passions  of  the  Indians,  inflamed  in  a  war 
fare  in  which  they  had  little  other  interest  than  ha 
tred  against  all  pale-faces,  were  not  so  easily  to  be 
calmed  by  European  diplomacy.  They  had  their 
own  motives  for  embarking  in  the  war — motives  and 
impulses  which  were  not  removed  by  the  declara 
tion  of  peace.  Nor  was  their  pride  at  all  consulted 
in  a  treaty  in  which  they  had  no  share,  and  from 
the  conditions  of  which  they  received  no  advantage; 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  their  fierce  propensities 
were  disappointed*  and  the  plunder  and  carnage  in 
which  they  delighted  were  ordered  to  be  stayed. 
Having  had  a  taste  of  blood,  they  were  not  satisfied 
to  desist  when  their  civilized  friends  cried  enough ; 
nor  were  they  sufficient  adepts  in  sophistry  to  un 
derstand  why,  while  on  one  day  it  was  loyal  and 
proper  for  them  to  use  the  tomahawk,  scalping-knife, 
and  brand,  on  the  next  the  heroism  of  the  red  broth 
ers  became  the  barbarity  of  fierce  Indians.  So  they 
settled  the  question  of  casuistry  in  their  own  way, 
by  commencing  a  war  of  plunder  and  murder  on  the 
frontiers  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania  on  their  own 
account.  The  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  imme- 


x 


322  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

diately  passed  acts  to  raise  money  and  military 
forces,  and  to  appoint  commissioners  to  expend  the 
funds  which  were  levied  for  the  purposes  of  defense. 
As  the  reader  is  ready  to  suppose,  Franklin's  pru 
dence  and  integrity  secured  his  appointment  as  one 
of  these  commissioners. 

During  the  winter  of  1763-4,  Indian  difficulties 
of  a  most  unexpected  character  put  all  the  wisdom 
and  strength  of  the  colonial  government  in  requisi 
tion.  The  frontier  settlers  in  Donegal,  Paxton,  and 
other  townships,  had  long  been  on  no  very  friendly 
terms  with  the  Indians,  and  the  alarms  of  the  late 
war  had  tended  to  increase  this  feeling  of  aversion. 
It  is  a  common  characteristic  offends  between  races, 
that  the  enemies  include  all  of  the  hated  class  in 
their  displeasure,  and  behind  the  broad  line  of  na 
tion,  color,  or  class,  will  recognize  no  distinction  of 
friend  or  foe.  The  "  Paxton  Boys"  denounced  all 
Indians  as  enemies,  a  disposition  in  which  they  were 
not  singular.  In  the  early  criminal  records  of  Penn 
sylvania  is  the  account  of  the  trial  and  execution  of 
a  man  for  the  murder  of  two  Indians  under  these 
circumstances:  Having  heard  that  an  Indian  foray 
was  apprehended,  and  being  crazy  with  fright,  he 
rushed  from  his  house  and  killed  the  first  two  red 
men  he  met.  That  these  men  happened  to  be  friends 
did  not  help  their  case  at  all ;  they  were  Indians, 
and  that  was  enough. 

In  a  similar  manner  the  Paxton  settlers  reasoned. 
Excited  by  rumors  of  Indian  hostilities,  or,  perhaps, 
improving  this  pretext  to  gratify  their  own  desire  for 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  323 

murder,  these  turbulent  spirits  doomed  to  destruction 
a  settlement  of  friendly  Indians  on  the  Conestoga 
manor.  These  Indians  were  a  remnant  of  a  tribe 
of  the  Six  Nations,  who  entered  into  a  treaty  with 
William  Penn,  had  frequently  renewed  it  with  suc 
cessive  governors,  and,  while  the  settlements  of  the 
whites  hemmed  them  in,  had  still  continued  to  live 
in  peace  and  friendship  with  their  neighbors.  Their 
chief,  Shehoes,  was  present  and  assisting  at  the  sec 
ond  treaty  made  by  the  Indians  of  his  tribe  with 
William  Penn  in  1701. 

Upon  this  settlement,  which  had  dwindled  down 
to  twenty  persons,  an  attack  was  made  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  14th  of  December,  1763,  by  a  party  of 
fifty-seven  men,  who  broke  into  their  cabins  at  day 
light,  and  slew  the  defenseless  tenants  in  their  beds. 
Only  five  were  found  at  home,  three  women,  two 
men,  one  of  whom  was  Shehoes,  and  a  little  boy. 
These  were  butchered  in  their  beds,  or  as  they 
sprang  from  them  ;  and  the  murderers,  as  if  challeng 
ing  the  deepest  abhorrence  of  all  the  merciful  and 
just,  scalped  and  mutilated  the  bodies  of  their  vic 
tims.  The  Indians  had  riot  been  without  warning 

o 

of  the  intended  attack ;  but  Shehoes  scouted  such 
a  thing  as  impossible.  He  might,  he  said,  be  in 
peril  from  the  Indians,  who  hated  him  for  his  friend 
ship  for  the  whites,  but  "the  English  will  wrap  me 
in  their  watchcoat,  and  save  me  from  all  danger." 

The  immediate  neighbors  of  these  poor  sufferers, 
who  had  known  them  best,  were  horror-struck  at 
this  fiendish  act.  The  magistrates  of  Lancaster,  for 


324  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

the  protection  of  the  remainder,  caused  them  to  be 
brought  into  that  town,  and  placed  for  safe  keeping 
in  the  workhouse,  a  strong  block  building.  The 
governor  issued  his  proclamation  enjoining  upon  all 
iiege  subjects  to  make  diligent  search  after  the  au 
thors  and  perpetrators  of  the  crime.  But,  notwith 
standing  these  measures  of  the  government,  and  the 
horror  expressed  by  the  good  among  the  people,  the 
murderers  were  not  deterred  from  the  completion  of 
their  work.  On  the  27th  of  December,  fifty  of  the 
bandits,  armed  as  before,  suddenly  appeared  in  Lan 
caster.  They  forced  the  door  of  the  work-house. 
"  When,"  says  Franklin,  in  his  account  of  the  mas 
sacre,  "  the  poor  wretches  saw  they  had  no  protec 
tion  nigh,  nor  could  possibly  escape,  and  being  with 
out  the  least  weapon  for  defense,  they  divided  into 
their  little  families,  the  children  clinging  to  their  pa 
rents.  They  fell  on  their  knees,  protested  their  in 
nocence,  declared  their  love  to  the  English,  and  that, 
in  their  whole  lives,  they  had  never  done  them  inju 
ry  ;  and  in  this  posture  they  all  received  the  hatchet. 
Men,  women,  and  little  children  were  every  one  in 
humanly  murdered  in  cold  blood !  The  barbarous 
men  who  committed  the  atrocious  act,  in  defiance 
of  government,  and  of  all  laws  human  and  divine, 
and  to  the  eternal  disgrace  of  their  country  and 
color,  then  mounted  their  horses,  huzzaed  in  tri 
umph,  as  if  they  had  gained  a  victory,  and  rode  off 
unmolested  /" 

The  perpetrators  of  this  cruel  act  all  escaped  le 
gal  punishment.    No  proceedings  were  ever  attempt- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  325 

ed  against  them.  But  Watson,  in  his  Annals,  states 
that  Mr.  Wright,  an  aged  member  of  the  Assembly 
from  Columbia,  was  accustomed  to  say  that  he  knew 
and  had  survived  nearly  the  whole  of  them ;  and 
that  they  generally  came  to  untimely  deaths,  or 
closed  their  lives  in  suffering  and  distress.  Their 
punishment  was  thus  made  to  resemble  that  of  the 
first  murderer — a  guilty  conscience  who  can  bear  ? 
And  yet  these  persons  had  not  merely  apologists,  but 
defenders ;  and  so  large  a  party  in  the  province  ap 
proved  these  outrages,  that  the  arm  of  government 
was  powerless  in  the  effort  to  punish,  and  had  quite 
enough  to  do  in  protecting  the  remaining  friendly 
Christian  Indians  from  a  like  destruction. 

These  Indians,  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and 
forty,  came,  under  the  advice  of  their  Moravian 
teachers,  to  Philadelphia.  They  were  put  on  Prov 
ince  Island  for  security,  thence  removed  to  League 
Island,  and  thence,  under  convoy  of  the  Royal  High 
landers,  who  volunteered  for  the  service,  they  start 
ed  for  New  York,  but  returned  to  Philadelphia,  and 
were  placed  in  the  barracks,  still  under  the  protec 
tion  of  the  Highlanders.  The  troops  of  the  prov 
ince  were  posted  on  the  frontiers.  These  removals 
were  not  made  through  caprice  or  uncertainty,  but 
were  considered  necessary,  as  fears  were  entertain 
ed  from  some  of  the  excited  citizens  of  Philadelphia, 
who  were  known  to  favor  the  insurgents.  Mean 
while,  those  insurgents  showed  a  determination  to 
prosecute  their  purposes.  They  advanced  as  far  as 
Germantown,  now  augmented  in  number  to  several 


326  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

hundreds,  armed  with  rifles,  clad  in  hunting-shirts, 
and  shouting  and  threatening  in  all  the  license  which 
association  for  an  evil  purpose  confers  upon  the  vio 
lent,  when  they  feel  sure  of  impunity  from  their 
own  numbers,  and  from  the  sympathy  or  indecision 
of  those  among  the  public  who  have  neither  courage 
to  resist  nor  boldness  openly  to  countenance. 

In  this  crisis  the  influence  of  Franklin  was  emi 
nently  serviceable.  Under  his  direction  a  military 
association  was  organized,  and  nearly  a  thousand 
citizens,  including  many  young  members  of  the  So 
ciety  of  Friends,  enrolled  themselves.  The  bar 
racks  were  further  strengthened  by  intrenchments, 
and  the  friends  of  order  and  of  mercy  were  resolved 
to  defend  to  the  last  the  poor  Indians  who  had 
thrown  themselves  upon  Philadelphia  for  protection. 
The  insurgents,  in  view  of  these  formidable  prepara 
tions,  paused.  Advantage  was  taken  of  their  hesi 
tation  to  send  a  committee,  one  of  whom  was  Dr. 
Franklin,  to  meet  and  confer  with  the  rioters.  As 
they  alleged  that  the  Indians  had  been  guilty  of  out 
rages  which  they  were  in  arms  to  avenge,  it  was 
proposed  to  the  leaders  to  come  in  and  identify  the 
offenders  for  trial  and  punishment.  Some  of  the 
principal  of  the  rioters  accordingly  visited  the  bar 
racks  with  Dr.  Franklin,  but  could  identify  none  of 
the  Indians  as  those  of  whom  they  professed  to  be 
in  search.  They  saw,  moreover,  what  a  reception 
was  in  preparation  for  them  if  they  persisted,  and, 
affecting  to  be  satisfied  that  those  they  sought  were 
not  among  the  Indians  in  the  barracks,  returned  to 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  327 

their  companions,  and  the  formidable  danger  passed 
over,  the  insurgents  departing  for  their  homes. 

The  address  of  Dr.  Franklin,  remarkable  in  the 
mode  in  which  he  managed  this  conference,  is  no 
less  observable  in  a  "  Narrative"  which  he  drew  up 
"of  the  Late  Massacres  in  Lancaster  County,  by 
persons  unknoivn"  Through  the  whole  paper,  though 
the  murders  are  described  with  most  simple  yet  touch 
ing  pathos,  and  though  the  unknown  murderers  are 
denounced  with  righteous  indignation,  there  is  a 
careful  avoidance  of  any  thing  like  an  attempt  to  fix 
the  crime  on  particular  persons.  To  answer  such 
an  appeal  was  to  identify  the  answerer  with  the 
murderers  in  feeling ;  to  take  umbrage  at  it  was  to 
confess  participation.  This  pamphlet  is  further  re 
markable  for  its  indignant  expostulations,  rising  often 
into  elevated  and  eloquent  language,  being  more  like 
a  popular  harangue  than  was  Franklin's  wont.  But 
it  bears,  notwithstanding,  all  the  impress  of  his  mind 
in  its  cairn  reasoning,  perspicuous  statement  of  facts, 
and  judicious  citation  of  instances  and  examples. 

The  insurgent 'party  memorialized  the  governor 
in  behalf  of  the  frontier  settlers.  In  this  address  was 
displayed  much  talent  and  ingenuity ;  and  the  dis 
tresses  which  the  frontiers  had  suffered  from  the  In 
dians,  the  instances  of  whole  defenseless  families 
murdered  by  them,  and  other  tragic  events  and  par 
ticulars,  were  displayed  to  enlist  the  popular  feeling, 
while  professing  to  address  the  government.  An 
other  memorial  from  fifteen  hundred  persons,  not 
identified  so  closely  as  the  others  with  the  rioters, 


328  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

was  sent  to  the  Assembly.  The  press  teemed  with 
publications  defending  the  conduct  of  the  Paxton 
Boys ;  and  the  Bible  even  was  wrested  to  make  the 
course  they  had  taken  appear  laudable  rather  than 
reprehensible.  The  Indians  were  classed  as  hea 
then,  and  the  command  to  the  children  of  Israel  to 
destroy  the  idolaters  in  Canaan  was  cited  as  bind 
ing  upon  the  colonists  in  America.  Thirty  years 
before,  certain  frontier  settlers  had  attempted  by  force 
to  dispossess  the  Indians  of  lands  which  had  been 
guaranteed  to  them  by  treaty,  alleging,  as  stated  by 
James  Logan  (quoted  by  Watson),  "that  it  was 
against  the  laws  of  God  and  nature  that  so  much 
land  should  be  idle  while  so  many  Christians  want 
ed  it  to  labor  on."  With  envy  and  covetousness  for 
interpreters,  the  unlearned  and  unstable  do  indeed 
"  wrest  the  Scriptures  to  their  own  destruction." 

In  no  part  of  his  life  did  Franklin  rise  so  superior 
to  his  habitual  deference  to  expediency,  and  in  none 
did  he  show  more  moral  courage  and  firmness  than 
at  this  crisis.  The  fact  that  the  government  found 
itself  too  weak  to  prosecute  this  heinous  offense,  and 
that  thus  the  factious  were  allowed  a  virtual  triumph, 
is  evidence  sufficient  of  the  strength  of  the  faction 
which  Franklin  so  boldly  opposed.  But,  as  men 
tioned  in  his  letter  to  Lord  Kames,  a  stronger  pop 
ular  rebuke  was  in  preparation  for  him,  to  be  follow 
ed,  however,  by  a  signal  triumph. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  329 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

THE  necessary  preparations  for  defense  against 
the  Indians  had  not  been  carried  in  the  Assembly 
without  a  revival  of  the  old  disputes  between  the 
proprietaries  and  the  representatives  of  the  people. 
A  militia  bill  had  been  lost  because  the  governor 
would  not  sign  it  without  amendments  giving  him  the 
sole  appointment  of  officers,  trebling  the  fines,  and 
making  all  offenses  punishable  by  sentence  of  courts 
martial,  thus  putting  almost  absolute  power  into  the 
hands  of  the  proprietary  governor.  In  its  original 
features  the  bill  conceded  quite  enough  to  that  func 
tionary  ;  in  its  amended  shape  it  was  intolerable. 
Franklin  was  conspicuous  in  his  opposition  in  the 
House,  and  appeared,  also,  before  the  public  with 
one  of  his  plain  and  convincing  papers  upon  the  sub 
ject.  The  act  providing  for  the  raising  of  money 
to  defend  the  colony  had  been  passed  only  by  a  sac 
rifice  of  the  principle  which  Franklin  had  so  suc 
cessfully  defended  in  England,  to  wit,  that  the  es 
tates  of  the  proprietaries  should  be  liable  to  the  same 
taxation  with  other  property.  Governor  John  Penn 
gave  his  own  construction  to  the  following  clause  of 
the  decision  of  the  king  in  council :  "  The  located 
uncultivated  lands  of  the  proprietaries  shall  not  be 
assessed  higher  than  the  lowest  rate  at  which  any 
located  uncultivated  lands  belonging  to  the  inhabi- 


330  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIiN. 

tants  shall  be  assessed."  Governor  Perm  determin 
ed  this  to  mean  that  the  best  land  of  the  proprieta 
ries  should  not  be  taxed  higher  than  the  poorest  be 
longing  to  the  people.  The  Assembly,  on  the  other 
hand,  contended  that  the  decision  meant  that  the 
proprietaries'  land  should  be  taxed  no  higher  than 
the  lowest  rate  at  which  land  of  the  same  quality 
belonging  to  the  people  was  assessed.  Meanwhile 
the  emergency  was  pressing.  The  Indians  were  in 
vading  the  borders ;  the  public  mind  was  in  the  high 
est  state  of  excitement  and  exasperation ;  and  the 
Assembly  was  compelled  to  yield  to  the  ungenerous 
advantage  which  Governor  Penn  took  of  the  public 
danger.  The  act  was  passed,  with  the  objectiona 
ble  feature  of  discrimination  between  the  Penn  do 
mains  and  the  property  of  the  citizens. 

But  the  patience  of  the  Assembly  was  exhausted. 
They  passed  a  series  of  resolutions  detailing  their 
difficulties  with  the  "  proprietors'  deputy,  or  govern 
or,"  as  Franklin  liked  to  term  that  officer,  and  ex 
pressing  their  belief  that  harmony  could  not  be  re 
stored  until  the  government  of  the  province  was 
vested  directly  in  the  crown.  Not  caring  hastily  to 
assume  the  responsibility  of  such  an  act  as  a  petition 
to  the  crown,  praying  the  desired  change,  they  ad 
journed  for  the  purpose  of  advising  with  their  con 
stituents.  After  seven  weeks'  recess,  they  reassem 
bled,  on  the  14th  of  May,  1764,  and  brought  with 
them  petitions  signed  by  three  thousand  of  their  fel 
low-citizens,  praying  the  king  to  assume  the  govern 
ment  of  the  province. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  331 

In  the  interim  Franklin  had  not  been  idle.  He 
had  prepared  and  published,  in  the  form  of  a  letter 
to  a  friend  in  the  country,  a  tract  entitled  "  Cool 
Thoughts  on  the  Present  Situation  of  Our  Public 
Affairs."  In  this  he  showed  that  Pennsylvania  was 
not  the  only  colony  in  which  there  had  been  disputes 
between  the  proprietaries  and  the  people,  but  that 
such  disputes  formed  an  unavoidable  fault  of  the  sys 
tem  ;  and  that  the  only  remedy  was  in  the  proposed 
change,  not  of  government,  but  of  governor ;  for  the 
laws  would  still  remain  the  same.  "His  majesty, 
who  has  no  views  but  for  the  good  of  the  people, 
will  thenceforth  appoint  the  governor,  who,  unshack 
led  by  proprietary  instructions,  will  be  at  liberty  to 
join  with  the  Assembly  in  enacting  wholesome  laws. 
At  present,  when  the  king  requires  supplies  of  his 
faithful  subjects,  and  they  are  willing  and  desirous  to 
grant  them,  the  proprietaries  intervene  and  say,  'un 
less  our  private  interests  in  other  particulars  are  serv 
ed,  nothing  shall  be  done!  This  insolent  tribunitial 
VETO  has  long  encumbered  all  our  public  affairs,  and 
been  productive  of  many  mischiefs."  If  the  preced 
ing  quotation  seems  somewhat  like  a  warm  expres 
sion  of  "  Cool  Thoughts,"  the  conclusion  of  the  let 
ter  is  still  more  pungent :  "  On  the  whole,  I  can  not 
but  think,  the  more  the  proposal  is  considered  of  our 
humble  petition  to  the  king  to  take  this  province  un 
der  his  majesty's  immediate  protection  and  govern 
ment,  the  more  unanimously  we  shall  go  into  it. 
We  are  chiefly  people  of  three  countries.  British 
spirits  can  no  longer  bear  the  treatment  they  have 


332  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

received,  nor  will  they  put  on  the  chains  prepared 
for  them  by  a  fellow-subject;  and  the  Irish  and 
Germans  have  felt  too  severely  the  oppressions  of 
hard-hearted  landlords  and  arbitrary  princes  to  wish 
to  see  in  the  proprietaries  of  Pennsylvania  the  one 
and  the  other  united." 

A  good  portion  of  the  paper  was  made  up  of  facts 
in  the  history  of  other  colonies,  which  had  changed  a 
proprietary  government  for  a  governor  appointed  by 
the  crown,  exhibiting  the  advantages  which  had  ac 
crued  to  them  by  such  a  measure.  Objections  were 
ably  answered,  and  the  benefits  of  the  proposed 
change  strongly  set  forth.  The  disadvantages  un 
der  which  the  province  labored  were  shown  to  have 
existed  from  its  beginning.  "  Pennsylvania  had 
scarce  been  settled  twenty  years  when  these  dis 
putes  began  between  the  first  proprietor  and  the 
original  settlers ;  they  continued,  with  some  inter 
missions,  during  his  whole  life ;  the  widow  took 
them  up,  and  continued  them  after  his  death.  Her 
sons  resumed  them  very  early,  and  they  still  subsist." 
As  a  consequence  of  these  disputes,  the  paper  goes 
on  to  say,  "  the  people  are  discontented,  and  grow 
turbulent ;"  and  the  recent  difficulties  with  the  Pax- 
ton  Boys  are  thus  alluded  to : 

"  At  present  we  are  in  a  wretched  situation.  The 
government,  that  ought  to  keep  all  in  order,  is  it 
self  weak,  and  has  scarce  authority  enough  to  keep 
the  common  peace.  Mobs  assemble  and  kill  (we 
scarce  dare  say  murder)  numbers  of  innocent  people 
in  cold  blood,  who  were  under  the  protection  of  the 


L  I  F  i:    OFF  11  A  Ft  K  1. 1  .\.  333 

government.  Proclamations  are  issued  to  bring  the 
rioters  to  justice.  Those  proclamations  are  treated 
with  the  utmost  indignity  and  contempt.  Not  a 
magistrate  dares  wag  a  finger  toward  discovering 
and  apprehending  the  delinquents  (we  must  not  call 
them  murderers).  They  assemble  again,  and  with 
arms  in  their  hands  approach  the  capital.  The  gov 
ernment  truckles,  condescends  to  cajole  them,  and 
drops  all  prosecution  of  their  crimes ;  while  honest 
citizens,  threatened  in  their  lives  and  fortunes,  flee 
the  province,  as  having  no  confidence  in  the  public 
protection.  We  are  daily  threatened  with  more  of 
these  tumults  ;  and  the  government  which,  in  its  dis 
tress,  called  aloud  on  the  sober  inhabitants  to  come 
with  arms  to  its  assistance,  now  sees  those  who  af 
forded  that  assistance  daily  libeled,  abused,  and 
menaced  by  its  partisans  for  so  doing;  whence  it 
has  little  reason  to  expect  such  assistance  on  anoth 


er  occasion." 


On  the  assembling  of  the  House,  the  members, 
after  consultation  with  their  constituents,  having  re 
ceived  no  intimation  that  the  measure  was  unaccept 
able  to  the  people,  determined  upon  a  petition  to 
the  crown.  It  is  here  to  be  noted  that  the  petition 
offered  from  three  thousand  persons,  though  among 
the  evidence  on  which  the  Assembly  acted,  formed 
only  a  portion  of  it.  On  the  other  side  only  one 
petition  was  presented,  and  that  had  but  forty  signa 
tures.  But,  though  the  measure  was  carried  by  a 
large  majority,  it  was  not  effected  without  a  long 
and  earnest  debate.  Among  the  speeches  on  the 


334  LIFE     OP    FRANKLIN, 

part  of  the  proprietary  party,  that  of  John  Dickinson 
was  the  most  able ;  and  the  friends  of  the  proprie 
taries  caused  its  publication  in  a  pamphlet,  with  a 
preface  purporting  to  supply  to  the  people  what  was 
supposed  to  be  familiar  to  the  representatives,  and 
was  therefore  unnecessary  in  the  speech,  as  address 
ed  to  the  House.  This  was  answered  on  the  other 
side  by  the  publication  of  the  speech  of  Galloway, 
a  leader  of  the  popular  party,  and  to  this  speech 
Franklin  prefixed  a  preface.  In  this  he  skillfully 
and  adroitly  answered  the  preface  to  Dickinson's 
speech,  and  treated  the  subject  with  most  caustic 
irony  and  sarcasm ;  while,  as  usual,  his  array  of  facts, 
and  his  exposure  of  sophistry  and  misrepresentation, 
made  his  production  tell  with  the  greatest  effect 
upon  the  public.  It  would  occupy  too  much  space 
to  make  extracts  which  would  at  this  day  require 
much  collateral  information  to  show  their  point ;  but 
there  is  one  passage  which  we  copy  as  pertinent  to 
our  present  narrative.  The  proprietary  party  had 
prepared  a  petition  praying  that  the  petition  of  the 
Assembly  be  "  wholly  disregarded,"  and,  in  comment 
ing  upon  this  document,  Franklin  says : 

"  The  petition  proceeds  to  assure  his  majesty 
'that  this  province  (except  from  Indian  savages) 
enjoys  the  most  perfect  tranquillity'  Amazing! 
What !  the  most  perfect  tranquillity,  when  there 
have  been  three  atrocious  riots  within  a  few  months ! 
When,  in  two  of  them,  horrid  murders  were  com 
mitted  on  twenty  innocent  persons,  and,  in  the  third, 
no  less  than  one  hundred  and  forty  like  murders 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  335 

were  meditated,  and  declared  to  be  intended,  with  as 
many  more  as  should  be  occasioned  by  any  opposi 
tion  !  When  we  know  that  these  rioters  and  mur 
derers  have  none  of  them  been  punished,  have  never 
been  prosecuted,  have  not  even  been  apprehended  ; 
when  we  are  frequently  told  that  they  intend  still  to 
execute  their  purposes  as  soon  as  the  protection  of  the 
king's  forces  is  withdrawn  !  Is  our  tranquillity  more 
perfect  now  than  it  was  between  the  first  riot  and 
the  second,  or  between  the  second  and  the  third  ? 
And  why  except '  the  Indian  savages,'  if  a  little  inter 
mission  is  to  be  denominated  -the  most  perfect  tran 
quillity  V  for  the  Indians  themselves  have  been  quiet 
lately.  Almost  as  well  might  the  ships  in  an  engage 
ment  talk  of  '  the  most  perfect  tranquillity'  between 
two  broadsides.  But '  a  spirit  of  riot  and  bloodshed 
is  foreign  to  the  general  temper  of  the  inhabitants.'  I 
hope  and  believe  it  is  ;  the  Assembly  have  said  noth 
ing  to  the  contrary.  And  yet,  is  there  not  too  much 
of  it  1  Are  there  not  pamphlets  continually  written, 
and  daily  sold  in  our  streets,  to  justify  and  encourage 
it  1  Are  not  the  mad,  armed  mob  in  those  writings 
instigated  to  imbrue  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  their 
fellow-citizens,  by  first  applauding  their  murder  of 
the  Indians,  and  then  representing  the  Assembly  and 
their  friends  as  worse  than  Indians — as  having  pri 
vately  stirred  up  the  Indians  to  murder  the  white  peo 
ple,  and  armed  and  rewarded  them  for  the  purpose  ? 
Lies,  gentlemen,  villainous  as  ever  the  malice  of  hell 
invented,  and  which,  to  do  you  justice,  not  one  of 
you  believes,  though  you  would  have  the  mob  be 
lieve  them." 


33G  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

The  petition  to  the  king,  adopted  by  the  Assem 
bly,  was  drafted  by  Dr.  Franklin,  and  was  in  the 
words  and  form  following: 

"TO  THE  KING'S  MOST  EXCELLENT  MAJESTY,  IN 
COUNCIL. 

"  The  Petition  of  the  Representatives  of  the  Free 
men  of  Pennsylvania,  in  General  Assembly  met,  most 
humbly  showeth : 

"  That  the  government  of  this  province  by  pro 
prietaries  has  by  long  experience  been  found  incon 
venient,  attended  by  many  difficulties  and  obstruc 
tions  to  your  majesty's  service,  arising  from  the  inter 
vention  of  proprietary  private  interests  in  public  af 
fairs,  and  disputes  concerning  those  interests. 

"  That  the  said  proprietary  government  is  weak, 
unable  to  support  its  own  authority,  and  maintain  the 
common  internal  peace  of  the  province ;  great  riots 
have  lately  arisen  therein,  armed  mobs  marching  from 
place  to  place,  and  committing  violent  outrages  and 
insults  on  the  government  with  impunity,  to  the  great 
terror  of  your  majesty's  subjects.  And  these  evils 
are  not  likely  to  receive  any  remedy  here,  the  con 
tinual  disputes  between  the  proprietaries  and  the 
people,  and  their  mutual  jealousies  and  dislikes  pre 
venting. 

"We  do,  therefore,  most  humbly  pray  that  your 
majesty  would  be  graciously  pleased  to  resume  the 
government  of  this  province,  making  such  compen 
sation  to  the  proprietaries  for  the  same  as  to  your 
majesty's  wisdom  and  goodness  shall  appear  just  and 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  337 

equitable,  and  permitting  your  dutiful  subjects  there 
in  to  enjoy,  under  your  majesty's  more  immediate 
care  and  protection,  the  privileges  that  have  been 
granted  to  them  by  and  under  your  royal  predeces 
sors. 

"  By  order  of  the  House." 

When  this  petition  was  adopted,  the  speaker,  Mr: 
Norris,  shrunk  from  the  responsibility  of  signing  it, 
arid  resigned  his  seat.  In  the  "  preface"  before  quot 
ed,  Franklin  thus  speaks  of  this  event:  "  I  mention  it 
for  the  comfort  of  old  sinners,  that  in  politics,  as  well 
as  in  religion,  repentance  and  amendment,  though 
late,  shall  obtain  forgiveness  and  procure  favor.  Wit 
ness  the  late  speaker,  Mr.  Norris ;  a  steady  and  con 
stant  opposer  of  all  the  proprietary  encroachments, 
and  whom,  for  thirty  years  past,  they  have  been  con 
tinually  abusing,  allowing  him  no  one  virtue  or  good 
quality  whatsoever;  and  now,  as  he  showed  some  un 
willingness  to  engage  in  this  present  application  to  the 
crown,  he  is  become  all  at  once  the  '  faithful  serv 
ant  !' "  In  place  of  Mr.  Norris,  Franklin  was  elect 
ed  speaker,  and  as  such  signed  the  petition,  \nsjirst 
official  act  in  that  capacity.  Mr.  Dickinson  was  an 
other  who  had  opposed  the  proprietary  measures, 
though  he  acted  with  that  party  in  the  matter  of  op 
posing  the  petition.  Franklin  cites  his  case  as  en 
couragement  for  young  sinners.  "  Though  long  hat 
ed  by  some,  and  disregarded  by  others  of  the  propri 
etary  faction,  he  is  at  once,  for  the  same  reason  as 
in  Mr.  Norris's  case,  become  a  sage  in  the  law,  and 


338  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

an  oracle  in  matters  relating  to  our  Constitution.  I 
would  only  advise  him  carefully  to  preserve  these 
the  panegyrics  with  which  they  have  adorned  him ; 
in  time  they  may  serve  to  console  him  by  balancing 
the  calumny  they  shall  load  him  with,  when  he  does 
not  go  through  with  them  in  all  their  measures." 

The  majority  in  the  Assembly  were  not  disposed 
to  proceed  without  circumspection.  One  of  the  ar 
guments  against  the  proposed  change  of  the  govern 
ment  of  the  province  was,  that  in  surrendering  the 
proprietary  charter,  they  would  forfeit  the  peculiar 
privileges  which  Penn  conferred,  and  put  it  in  the 
power  of  the  ministry,  in  refraining  the  government 
to  abridge  their  freedom.  Their  agent  in  London 
was  therefore  vested  with  discretionary  powers,  and 
instructed  so  to  proceed  as  not  to  put  the  privileges 
of  the  colonists  in  jeopardy,  delaying  the  presenta 
tion  of  the  petition,  should  such  delay  seem  expedi 
ent,  until  he  received  further  instructions  from  the 
Assembly. 

In  the  next  session  of  the  Assembly  came  up  the 
important  subject  of  the  stamp  duties.  The  Assem 
bly  of  Pennsylvania,  like  the  other  legislative  bodies 
in  the  colonies,  and  in  common  with  the  universal 
sentiment  of  the  thinking  portion  of  the  American 
people,  saw  in  the  proposal  of  the  British  ministry  to 
raise  revenue  in  such  a  mode,  the  assertion  of  a  prin 
ciple  the  maintenance  of  which  would  "  deprive  the 
people  of  their  most  essential  rights  as  British  sub 
jects."  We  shall  have  occasion,  in  recording  Frank 
lin's  examination  before  the  House  of  Commons,  to 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  339 

state  the  grounds  upon  which  he,  with  other  Amer 
ican  patriots  whom  he  most  ably  represented,  oppos 
ed  this  encroachment.  The  agent  of  Pennsylvania 
in  England  was  instructed  to  remonstrate  ;  and  sign 
ing  these  instructions  as  speaker  was  the  last  act  of 
Dr.  Franklin  in  that  capacity.  It  is  somewhat  re 
markable  that  his  first  act  and  his  last  as  speaker  of 
the  House  should  thus  have  been  connected  with 
matters  of  so  much  public  moment  and  interest. 

It  is  too  often  the  case,  in  events  which  depend 
upon  the  verdict  of  men,  under  all  forms  of  govern 
ment,  and  whether  that  verdict  be  rendered  by  many 
or  few,  that  a  man's  best  acts  are  those  by  which  he 
is  overthrown  and  supplanted.  In  the  election  of 
members  to  tjie  Legislature  in  1764,  the  proprietary 
party  strained  every  nerve  to  defeat  Dr.  Franklin, 
and  succeeded.  But  it  was  by  the  scanty  majority 
of  about  twenty-five  votes  in  four  thousand.  Simply 
as  the  opponent  of  proprietary  measures,  he  could 
not  probably  have  been  defeated  ;  but  his  movements 
relative  to  the  Paxton  riots,  and  the  unreserved  man 
ner  in  which  he  spoke  of  the  turbulent  party,  speci 
mens  of  which  we  have  given,  were  adroitly  made  to 
turn  against  him.  Whoever  has  lived  through,  of 
witnessed  a  popular  excitement,  in  which  the  heat 
of  passion  has  led  to  the  commission  of  wrong  and 
of  error,  has  noticed  that  whatever  restitution  may 
be  afterward  made  to  the  bold  champion  of  right  and 
of  justice,  he  is  often  made  to  suffer  for  his  freedom, 
even  by  the  indifference,  if  not  the  declared  opposi 
tion,  of  those  who  can  not  but  commend  his  course 


340  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

in  the  abstract.  So  it  fared  with  Franklin  ;  but,  al 
though  the  proprietaries  managed,  by  the  aid  of  those 
stung  with  his  rebukes,  to  defeat  his  election,  for  the 
first  time  in  fourteen  years,  it  was  a  defeat  which 
preluded  his  most  brilliant  successes,  and  introduced 
him  into  a  wider  sphere  of  action  and  broader  field 
of  usefulness  than  his  friends  or  himself  had  at  all 
dreamed  of  or  imagined  possible,  inasmuch  as  his  fu 
ture  acts  depended  upon  events  then  entirely  unan 
ticipated.  It  was  found,  upon  the  meeting  of  the 
Assembly,  that  after  all  the  strenuous  effort  which 
had  been  made  by  the  proprietary  party,  full  two 
thirds  approved  of  the  measures  of  the  late  Assembly. 
As  a  rebuke  to  those  who  had  opposed  Franklin,  no 
less  than  as  an  endorsement  of  the  policy  of  their 
predecessors,  the  Assembly  appointed  the  rejected 
candidate  a  special  agent  to  proceed  to  Great  Brit 
ain,  and  there  take  in  charge  the  petition  of  the  Leg 
islature  and  such  other  affairs  of  the  province  as  re 
quired  the  services  of  an  agent. 

Though  Franklin  was  appointed  by  a  large  ma 
jority  the  agent  of  Pennsylvania  in  England,  the 
opponents  of  the  measure  did  not  suffer  the  vote  to 
pass  without  ardent  opposition.  Mr.  Sparks,  in  a 
note  to  the  Writings  of  Franklin,  has  preserved  an 
extract  from  a  speech  of  John  Dickinson,  which,  in 
its  terrific  prophecies,  now  seems  quite  amusing. 
"  Why,"  said  the  orator,  "  should  a  majority  of  this 
House  single  out  from  the  whole  world  the  man 
most  obnoxious  to  his  country  to  represent  his  coun 
try,  though  he  was  at  the  last  election  turned  out  of 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

the  Assembly,  where  he  had  sat  for  fourteen  years ! 
Why  should  they  exert  their  power  in  the  most  dis 
gusting  manner,  and  throw  pain,  and  terror,  and  dis 
pleasure  into  the  breasts  of  their  fellow-citizens  ? 
Excusable  indeed  would  be  their  choice  if  all  wis 
dom  and  virtue  were  lodged  in  his  head  and  heart 
But  it  is  not  pretended  that  there  are  not  many  men 
in  Great  Britain  qualified  and  willing  to  defend  the 
interests  of  Pennsylvania.  Unhappy  Pennsylvania ! 
whose  peace  must  be  sacrificed  to  private  connec 
tions.  Since  the  zeal  of  his  friends  will  not  suffer 
them  to  regard  her  tranquillity,  more  worthy  of  the 
trust  intended  him  would  he  appear  in  the  eyes  of 
many  good  men  should  he  voluntarily  decline  an 
office  which  he  can  not  accept  without  alarming,  of 
fending,  and  disturbing  his  country." 

After  citing  various  instances  from  antiquity  of 
patriots  who  surrendered  office  and  honor  for  their 
country's  good,  the  speaker  proceeded  in  a  strain 
even  more  energetically  deprecatory  than  before. 
"  The  gentleman  proposed  has  been  called  here  to 
day  '  a  great  luminary  of  the  learned  world.'  I  ac 
knowledge  his  abilities.  Far  be  it  from  me  to  de 
tract  from  the  merit  I  admire.  Let  him  still  shine, 
but  without  wrapping  his  country  in  flames.  Let 
him,  from  a  private  station,  from  a  smaller  sphere," 
diffuse,  as  I  think  he  may,  a  beneficial  light ;  but  let 
him  not  be  made  to  move  and  blaze  like  a  comet,  to 
terrify  and  to  distress." 

The  force  of  hyperbole  certainly  could  no  further 
go  than  this.     As  the  orator  and  his  subject  after- 


342  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

ward,  in  times  of  peril,  acted  together,  and  as  their 
friendship  does  not  appear  to  have  been  broken  by 
these  temporary  political  jarrings,  we  may  imagine 
them  making  quite  merry  over  these  terrible  vatici 
nations  and  "  chimeras  dire."  But  his  opponents  did 
not  stop  at  speeches.  They  prepared  a  protest 
against  the  appointment ;  but  the  House  refused  to 
receive  it,  pronouncing  it  unparliamentary.  Among 
the  charges  in  this  document  was  one  relative  to  the 
application  of  certain  moneys,  which  we  have  al 
ready  spoken  of  in  another  connection.  Franklin 
answered  the  protest  as  he  was  on  the  point  of  sail 
ing  ;  and  the  publication  of  his  enemies  gave  him  an 
opportunity  thus  to  write  an  able  vindication  of  him 
self,  to  make  a  graceful  farewell  to  his  friends,  to 
give  the  proprietary  party  another  severe  review,  and 
to -allude  again  in  strong  terms  to  the  proceedings 
of  the  rioters,  to  whom  he  seemed  disposed  to  give 
no  quarter. 

Whatever  opposition  to  Franklin  patriots  were 
led  into  by  the  doubtful  circumstances  of  the  times, 
all  was  removed  by  the  events  of  his  sojourn  in  En 
gland.  Dr.  William  Smith,  the  provost  of  the  Phil 
adelphia  College,  some  years  after  wrote  :  "  Under 
whatever  circumstances  this  second  mission  was  un 
dertaken,  it  appears  to  have  been  a  measure  preor 
dained  of  Heaven ;  and  it  will  be  forever  remem 
bered  to  the  honor  of  Pennsylvania,  that  the  agent 
selected  to  assert  and  defend  the  rights  of  a  single 
province  at  the  court  of  Great  Britain,  became  the 
bold  assertor  of  the  rights  of  America  in  general,  and, 


LIFE    OF    F  11  A  IS  K  1.  1  N. 


343 


beholding  the  fetters  that  were  forging  for  her,  con 
ceived  the  magnanimous  thought  of  rending  them 
asunder  before  they  could  be  riveted." 

On  the  7th  of  November,  in  less  than  a  fortnight 
after  his  appointment,  Franklin  embarked  at  Chester 


for  England.  A  cavalcade  of  three  hundred  of  his 
friends  attended  him  to  that  place,  where  a  most  af 
fectionate  leave  was  taken  of  him.  The  expenses 
of  his  agency  the  merchants  of  Philadelphia  sub 
scribed,  as  a  loan,  to  be  reimbursed  by  the  next  As 
sembly  ;  and  all  the  efforts  which  had  been  made  to 
oppose  and  to  injure,  served  but  to  give  his  departure 
the  air  of  a  triumph,  and  to  assure  him  of  the  una 
bated  confidence  of  those  who  knew  him  best,  and 
of  all  people  except  those  in  the  interest  of  the  pro 
prietaries,  or  in  sympathy  from  mistaken  views  with 
the  malcontents. 


344  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE  attachment  of  Benjamin  Franklin  to  his  fam 
ily  and  friends,  and  the  efforts  he  continually  made 
to  serve  them,  by  imparting  advice,  the  result  of  his 
experience,  often  appears  in  his  correspondence.  A 
letter,  written  to  his  daughter  on  the  eve  of  his  de 
parture  for  England,  though  often  quoted,  and,  per 
haps,  already  familiar  to  our  readers,  deserves  a  place 
here,  not  only  on  account  of  its  intrinsic  value  as  ad 
vice,  applicable  now  as  then,  but  as  displaying  the  ap 
prehensions  which  he  felt  lest  the  misrepresentations 
of  his  enemies  should  wound  the  feelings  of  his  fam 
ily.  In  his  letters  to  his  wife  we  observe  similar  ev 
idences  of  the  extreme  sensitiveness  of  Franklin  in 
this  respect.  In  a  letter  to  Mrs.  Franklin,  he  says : 
"  I  am  concerned  that  so  much  trouble  should  be 
given  you  by  idle  reports  concerning  me.  Be  satis 
fied,  my  dear,  that  while  I  retain  my  senses,  and  God 
vouchsafes  me  his  protection,  I  shall  do  nothing  un 
worthy  the  character  of  an  honest  man,  and  one  wlio 
loves  his  family"  In  another  letter,  sealed  with  a 
device  representing  a  dove  standing  on  a  coiled  ser 
pent,  with  the  motto  Innocence  surmont  tout,  he  says: 
"Let  no  one  make  you  uneasy  with  their  idle  or 
malicious  scribblings,  but  enjoy  yourself  and  friends, 
and  the  comforts  of  life  that  God  has  bestowed  on 


LIFE     OF     FRANKLIN.  345 

you,  with  a  cheerful  heart.  I  am  glad  these  pam 
phlets  give  you  so  little  concern.  I  make  no  other 
answer  to  them  at  present  than  what  appears  on  the 
seal  of  this  letter."  These  extracts  offer  a  much  bet 
ter  key  to  the  real  sensitiveness  of  Franklin  than  the 
tone  taken  in  letters  to  his  associates,  out  of  his  own 
household,  on  the  same  subject.  He  writes  to  an 
old  member  of  the  "  Junto  :"  "  I  find  that  expressions 
of  steady,  continued  friendship,  such  as  are  contain 
ed  in  your  letter,  though  but  from  one  or  a  few  honest 
and  sensible  men,  who  have  long  known  us,  afford  a 
satisfaction  that  far  outweighs  the  clamorous  abuse 
of  a  thousand  knaves  and  fools.  While  I  enjoy  the 
share  that  I  have  so  long  had  in  the  esteem  of  my 
old  friends,  the  bird-and-beast  people  you  mention 
may  peck,  and  snarl,  and  bark  at  me  as  much  as  they 
think  proper.  There  is  only  some  danger  that  I 
should  grow  too  vain  on  their  disapprobation."  In 
this  extract  there  is  an  evidently  assumed  tone  of 
bravado,  which  does  not  conceal  the  soreness  which 
every  upright  man  must  feel  at  abuse,  however  much 
he  may  affect  to  disregard  it,  and  however  near  he 
may  come  to  persuading  even  himself  that  he  is  in 
different  to  what  is  said  of  him.  The  letter  to  his 
daughter  above  referred  to  is  as  follows  : 

"  My  dear  child,  the  natural  prudence  and  good 
ness  of  heart  God  has  blessed  you  with  make  it  less 
necessary  for  me  to  be  particular  in  giving  you  ad 
vice.  I  shall,  therefore,  only  say,  that  the  more  at 
tentively  dutiful  and  tender  you  are  toward  your 


346  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

good  mamma,  the  more  you  will  recommend  yourself 
to  me.  But  why  should  I  mention  ?ne,  when  you 
have  so  much  higher  a  promise  in  the  command 
ments,  that  such  conduct  will  recommend  you  to  the 
favor  of  God  ?  You  know  I  have  many  enemies,  all, 
indeed,  on  the  public  account  (for  I  can  not  recollect 
that  I  have  in  a  private  capacity  given  just  cause  of 
offense  to  any  one  whatever),  yet  they  are  enemies, 
and  very  bitter  ones ;  and  you  must  expect  their  en 
mity  will  extend  in  some  degree  to  you,  so  that  your 
slightest  indiscretions  will  be  magnified  into  crimes, 
in  order  the  more  sensibly  to  wound  and  ajfflict  me. 
It  is,  therefore,  the  more  necessary  for  you  to  be  ex 
tremely  circumspect  in  all  your  behavior,  that  no  ad 
vantage  may  be  given  to  their  malevolence. 

"  Go  constantly  to  church,  whoever  preaches.  The 
act  of  devotion  in  the  Common  Prayer  Book  is  your 
principal  business  there,  and,  if  properly  attended  to, 
will  do  more  toward  amending  your  heart  than  ser 
mons  generally  can  do ;  for  they  were  composed 
by  men  of  much  greater  piety  and  wisdom  than  our 
common  composers  of  sermons  can  pretend  to  be ; 
and,  therefore,  I  wish  you  would  never  miss  the  pray 
er  days ;  yet  I  do  not  mean  you  should  despise  ser 
mons,  even  of  the  preachers  you  dislike,  for  the  dis 
course  is  often  much  better  than  the  man,  as  sweet 
and  clear  waters  come  through  very  dirty  earth.  I 
am  the  more  particular  on  this  head,  as  you  seemed 
to  express,  a  little  before  I  came  away,  some  inclina 
tion  to  leave  our  Church,  which  I  would  not  have 
you  do. 


LIFE    OF    FRAN 


KL?N.  347 


"  For  the  rest,  I  would  only  recommend  to  you,  in 
my  absence,  to  acquire  those  useful  accomplishments, 
arithmetic  and  book-keeping.  This  you  might  do 
with  ease  if  you  would  resolve  not  to  see  company 
on  the  hours  you  set  apart  for  those  studies. 

"  We  expect  to  be  at  sea  to-morrow,  if  this  wind 
holds,  after  which  I  shall  have  no  opportunity  of 
writing  to  you  till  I  arrive  (if  it  please  God  I  do  ar 
rive)  in  England.  I  pray  that  his  blessing  may  at 
tend  you,  which  is  worth  more  than  a  thousand  of 
mine,  though  they  are  never  wanting.  Give  my  love 
to  your  brother  and  sister,  as  I  can  not  write  to  them, 
and  remember  me  affectionately  to  the  young  ladies 
your  friends,  and  to  our  good  neighbors.  I  am,  my 
dear  child,  your  affectionate  father, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  Our  church,"  referred  to  in  the  foregoing  letter, 

'  O  O  ' 

probably  referred  to  Christ  Church,  of  the  vestry  of 
which  Franklin  was  for  some  time  a  member.  In 
connection  with  this  fact,  an  anecdote  is  related, 
which  is  in  perfect  keeping  with  the  character  of  the 
doctor  for  sagacity.  The  project  of  the  erection  of 
another  church  edifice  in  the  city  was  in  agitation, 
and  there  were  some  members  of  the  vestry  who 
conscientiously  opposed  it,  in  the  fear  that  the  divis 
ion  of  the  congregation  would  too  much  weaken  the 
old  church.  But  Franklin  defended  the  new  enter 
prise  ;  and,  to  show  that  no  permanent  diminution, 
but  rather  a  solid  increase,  was  to  be  expected  from 
the  measure,  quoted  the  habit  of  the  bees,  of  swarm- 


348 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


ing,  by  which,  he  said,  the  comfort  and  prosperity 
of  the  old  hive  was  increased,  and  a  new  and  flour 


ishing  colony  established,  to  keep  the  parent  stock 
in  countenance. 

Franklin  reached  Portsmouth  on  the  9th  of  De 
cember,  1764,  the  passage  being  made  in  thirty  days 
from  land  to  land.  He  wrote  to  his  wife,  advising 
her  of  his  safe  arrival,  before  leaving  the  vessel ;  and 
on  the  next  evening  was  at  his  old  quarters  in  the 
Strand,  where  his  appearance  in  her  parlor  was  no 
small  astonishment  to  his  old  friend,  Mrs.  Stevenson. 
The  news  of  his  safe  arrival,  when  received  in  Phil 
adelphia,  was  made  the  occasion  of  an  impromptu 
rejoicing.  The  bells  were  rung,  and  his  personal 
and  political  friends  met  to  exchange  congratulations, 
and  celebrate,  in  festivity,  an  event  which  would 
certainly  not  have  received  so  much  honor  had  it 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  349 

not  been  for  the  efforts  which  Franklin's  enemies 
had  made  to  destroy  him. 

The  business  of  his  mission,  the  presentation  and 
defense  of  the  petition  for  a  change  of  government, 
received  Franklin's  early  attention.  He  labored  in 
the  premises  with  such  success,  that  there  seemed 
little  doubt  of  the  final  accomplishment  of  a  change 
which  was  quite  as  agreeable  to  the  crown  and  min 
istry  as  to  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  inasmuch  as 
it  promised  to  remove  a  source  of  continual  trouble 
and  perplexity  in  the  administration  of  the  affairs  of 
the  colony,  and  to  enlarge  the  authority  of  the  crown, 
while  it  simplified  the  operations  of  government. 
But  the  increasing  difficulties  in  the  American  colo 
nies,  arising  from  the  passage  of  the  Stamp  Act,  and 
other  measures  of  a  kindred  tendency,  which  were 
discussed  or  attempted,  withdrew  attention  from  the 
affairs  of  Pennsylvania  and  its  proprietaries.  The 
province  which  Franklin  represented  came  to  be 
considered  as  one  only  of  a  league  of  rebellious  colo 
nies.  The  business  in  which  he  acted  had  more 
than  the  local  interest  of  a  single  province,  and  he 
was,  in  fact,  the  representative  and  agent  of  the 
whole,  long  before  he  became  so  in  form. 

Among  the  subjects  in  which  Pennsylvania  had 
a  common  interest  with  the  other  colonies,  was  the 
legislation  of  the  British  Parliament  upon  the  sub 
ject  of  emissions  of  paper  money  in  the  colonies. 
The  British  merchants,  finding  a  difficulty  in  the 
collection  of  their  debts  in  the  provinces,  ascribed  as 
the  cause,  or  as  one  cause,  the  depreciation  of  the 


350  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

local  currencies,  and  procured  the  passage  of  an  act 
restraining  the  issue  of  paper  in  the  colonies,  coup 
led  with  a  clause  making  it  a  legal  tender.  Dr. 
Franklin  was  charged  with  a  petition  from  the  As 
sembly  praying  a  repeal  of  this  act  All  was  in  a 
fair  way  of  success,  when  he  found  it  necessary  and 
prudent  to  hesitate.  In  the  discussion  of  the  sub 
ject,  the  mode  of  issuing  paper  in  Pennsylvania  had 
come  before  the  ministry,  and  upon  the  hints  afford 
ed  by  Pennsylvania  financiering,  a  scheme  was  con 
cocted  much  more  obnoxious  than  the  "  Restraining 
Act."  The  new  plan  involved  the  principles  of  the 
Stamp  Act,  and,  in  effect,  asserted  the  right  of  Par 
liament  to  tax  the  unrepresented  colonies.  In  Penn 
sylvania,  the  custom  of  issuing  money  had  been  as 
follows :  It  was  made  redeemable  in  a  stated  num 
ber  of  years,  usually  ten.  When  issued,  it  was  loan 
ed,  bearing  interest,  to  individuals,  upon  sufficient  se 
curity,  and  repaid  to  the  government  in  instalments, 
so  that,  at  the  end  of  the  term  the  whole  sum  was 
paid  up.  The  community  had  thus  the  benefit  of 
the  circulation  ;  the  money  was  kept  at  par,  or  near 
ly  so ;  and  the  colony  derived  an  income  from  the 
interest  on  the  issues. 

The  plan  of  the  ministry  in  England  was  to  is 
sue  paper  money  for  the  colonies  on  the  credit  of 
the  British  government,  and  send  it  to  America  to 
be  loaned  in  the  same  manner  that  the  government 
of  Pennsylvania  had  done,  thus  drawing  from  the 
colonies  a  tax  in  the  shape  of  the  interest,  which 
would,  of  course,  be  paid  into  the  British  treasury.  In 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN,  351 

view  of  these  consequences,  Franklin  deemed  it  ad 
visable  to  forbear  the  pressing  of  the  petition  for  the 
Restraining  Act. 

Franklin  found,  on  this  visit  to  England,  the  nation 
more  busy  with  the  affairs  of  America  than  ever. 
No  topics  of  such  paramount  European  importance 
as  on  his  first  visit  engaged  the  public  mind.  He 
complains  that  he  could  not  understand  Parliament- 
ary  prerogative.  The  royal  prerogative  was  more 
intelligible,  inasmuch  as  by  birth  subjects  admitted 
allegiance  to  the  king;  but  as  the  power  of  Parlia 
ment  is  based  on  representation,  it  was  difficult  to 
understand  the  precise  claims  of  that  body  over  un 
represented  colonies.  He  complained,  also,  in  a  let 
ter  to  Lord  Kames,  of  the  disposition  of  the  people. 
"  Every  man  in  England,"  he  says,  "  seems  to  con 
sider  himself  as  a  piece  of  a  sovereign  over  America; 
seems  to  jostle  himself  into  the  throne  with  the  king, 
and  talks  of  our  subjects  in  the  colonies."  The  news 
papers  were  full  of  speculations  and  reports  relative 
to  America,  particularly  as  financial  and  business 
matters  produced  no  small  share  of  the  discussion. 
Franklin  all  his  life,  both  from  the  natural  activity 
of  his  mind,  and  from  early  association  with  the 
press,  kept  his  eye  on  its  issues.  As  he  never  forgot 
his  capacity  to  write,  or,  as  he  says  in  his  biography, 
the  advantages  of"  having  learned  a  little  to  scribble," 
he  made  numberless  contributions  to  the  journals, 
which  are  now  lost.  He  was  indefatigable.  The 
following  is  an  extract  from  a  paper  written  for  a 
London  publication,  and  transcribed  from  the  origi- 


352  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

nal  draft  in  Sparks's  Collection  of  Franklin's  Works. 
The  object  needs  no  explanation,  as  the  palpable 
aim  of  the  writer  is  to  ridicule  newspaper  "  We  hears" 
and  on  dits. 

"  The  very  tails  of  the  American  sheep  are  so  la 
den  with  wool,  that  each  has  a  car  or  wagon,  on  four 
little  wheels,  to  support  and  keep  it  from  trailing  on 
the  ground.  Would  they  calk  their  ships,  would 
they  even  litter  their  horses  with  wool,  if  it  were  not 
both  plenty  and  cheap  1  And  what  signifies  the 
dearness  of  labor,  where  an  English  shilling  passes 
for  five- and- twenty  ?  Their  engaging  three  hun 
dred  silk  throwsters  here  in  one  week  for  New  York 
was  treated  as  a  fable,  because,  forsooth,  they  have 
'no  silk  there  to  throw/  Those  who  make  this 
objection,  perhaps,  do  not  know  that,  at  the  same 
time,  the  agents  from-. the  King  of  Spain  were  at  Que 
bec  to  contract  for  one  thousand  pieces  of  cannon  to 
be  made  there  for  the  fortification  of  Mexico,  and  at 
New  York  engaging  the  usual  supply  of  woolen  floor- 
carpets  for  their  West  India  houses ;  other  agents 
from  the  Emperor  of  China  were  at  Boston,  treating 
about  an  exchange  of  raw  silk  for  wool,  to  be  carried 
in  Chinese  junks  through  the  Straits  of  Magellan. 

"  And  yet  all  this  is  as  certainly  true  as  the  account, 
said  to  be  from  Quebec,  in  all  the  papers  of  last  week, 
*  that  the  inhabitants  of  Canada  are  making  prep 
arations  for  a  cod  and  whale  fishery  this  summer 
upon  the  Upper  Lakes/  Ignorant  people  may  ob 
ject  that  the  Upper  Lakes  are  fresh,  and  that  cod 
and  whales  are  salt  water  fish ;  but  let  them  know, 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  353 

sir,  that  cod,  like  other  fish,  when  attacked  by  their 
enemies,  fly  into  any  water  where  they  can  be  safest; 
that  whales,  when  they  have  a  mind  to  eat  cod, 
pursue  them  wherever  they  fly ;  and  that  the  grand 
leap  of  the  whale,  in  the  chase  up  the  Falls  of  Niag 
ara,  is  esteemed,  by  all  who  have  seen  it,  as  one  of  the 
finest  spectacles  in  nature.  Really,  sir,  the  world  is 
grown  too  incredulous.  It  is  like  the  pendulum,  ever 
swinging  from  one  extreme  to  another.  Formerly, 
every  thing  printed  was  believed,  because  it  was  in 
print.  Now,  things  seem  to  be  disbelieved  for  just 
the  same  reason.  Wise  men  wonder  at  the  present 
growth  of  infidelity.  They  should  have  considered, 
when  they  taught  people  to  doubt  the  authority  of 
newspapers,  and  the  truth  of  predictions  in  the  al 
manacs,  that  the  next  step  might  be  a  disbelief  of 
the  well-vouched  accounts  of  ghosts  and  witches. 

"  Thus  much  I  thought  it  necessary  to  say  in  fa 
vor  of  an  honest  set  of  writers,  whose  comfortable 
living  depends  on  collecting  and  supplying  the  print 
ers  with  news  at  the  small  price  of  sixpence  an  ar 
ticle,  and  who  always  show  their  regard  to  truth  by 
contradicting,  in  a  subsequent  article,  such  as  are 
wrong — for  another  sixpence — to  the  great  satisfac 
tion  and  improvement  of  us  coffee-house  students  in 
history  and  politics,  and  all  future  Livys,  Rapins, 
Robertsons,  Humes,  and  Macauleys  who  may  be 
sincerely  inclined  to  furnish  the  world  with  that  rara 
avis,  a  true  history." 

On  the  22d  of  March,  1765,  the  famous  Stamp 

Act  was  passed,  notwithstanding  the  earnest  remon- 

z 


354  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

strances  of  the  colonists  by  petition  and  address. 
Dr.  Franklin,  as  will  readily  be  inferred  from  his  pa 
triotic  character  and  from  his  indefatigable  industry, 
used  every  means  in  his  power  to  oppose  it.  But, 
to  quote  his  own  words,  "  The  tide  was  too  strong 
against  us.  The  nation  was  provoked  by  American 
claims  to  independence,  and  all  parties  joined  by  re 
solving  in  this  act  to  settle  the  point  We  might  as 
well  have  hindered  the  sun's  setting."  The  reader 
need  scarce  be  reminded  that  the  "  claims  to  inde 
pendence"  referred  to  in  the  above  extract  meant 
independence  of  taxation  by  Parliament,  in  which 
body  the  colonies  were  unrepresented  ;  and  the  peo 
ple,  in  the  spirit  of  which  Franklin  speaks  in  anoth 
er  letter,  were  unwilling  that  "our  subjects  in  the 
colonies"  should  enjoy  what  appeared  to  their  prej 
udiced  eyes  an  immunity  over  subjects  in  the  moth 
er  country.  Joseph  Galloway,  before  mentioned  in 
this  biography  as  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  popular 
party  against  the  proprietaries,  and  who  was  speaker 
of  the  Assembly  from  1763  to  1774,  when  he  was 
delegated  a  member  of  the  General  Congress,  writes 
to  Franklin  in  January,  1776,  nearly  three  months 
after  the  day  on  which  the  obnoxious  act  was  to 
have  gone  into  effect,  "A. certain  sect  of  people,  if 
I  may  judge  from  all  their  late  conduct,  seem  to  look 
on  this  as  a  favorable  opportunity  of  establishing 
their  republican  principles,  and  of  throwing  off  all 
connection  with  the  mother  country.  Many  of  their 
publications  justify  the  thought.  Besides,  I  have 
other  reasons  to  think  that  they  are  not  only  form- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  355 

mg  a  private  union  among  themselves,  from  one 
end  of  the  Continent  to  the  other,  but  endeavoring, 
also,  to  bring  into  their  union  the  QuaKers,  and  a!! 
other  dissenters,  if  possible.  But  I  hope  this  will 
be  impossible.  In  Pennsylvania  I  am  confident  it 
will" 

The  phrase  "  American  claims  of  independence/' 
in  Franklin's  letter,  has  been  so  misquoted  by  high 
authority,  that  we  have  referred  to  Galloway's  letter 
as  among  the  strongest  evidences  that,  at  this  time 
(1765),  the  idea  of  separation  from  the  mother  coun 
try  had  not  yet  assumed  a  definite  shape  with  any 
party,  if  it  was  entertained  at  all.  Galloway  refers 
to  the  Stamp  Act  as  the  occasion  of  it ;  and  that  ob 
noxious  act,  and  the  consequences  which  followed, 
undoubtedly  led  to  the  separation.  Indeed,  one  of 
the  most  able  and  violent  pamphleteers  against  Amer 
ica,  Dean  Tucker,  held  up  the  idea  of  separation  in 
intimidation  over  the  colonies.  His  plan  was  "  to 
separate  totally  from  the  colonies,  and  to  reject  them 
from  being  fellow-members  and  joint  partakers  with 
us  in  the  privileges  and  advantages  of  the  British 
Empire,  because  they  refuse  to  submit  to  the  author 
ity  and  jurisdiction  of  the  British  Legislature/'  Such 
a  proposed  punishment  as  this  would  hardly  be 
threatened  to  a  people  whose  "claims  to  independ 
ence"  embraced  the  very  thing  threatened  as  a  pun 
ishment.  So  much  for  testimony  upon  both  sides 
of  the  water.  In  regard  to  Galloway,  his  ulterior 
course,  for  in  1776  he  deserted  the  American  cause 
and  became  an  avowed  Loyalist,  proves  that  in  the 


356  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

measures  he  supported  previous  to  the  Congress  of 
1774,  he  saw  no  "  claims  to  independence." 

It  was  charged  against  Franklin  by  his  political 
enemies  that  he  "  approved  the  passage  of  the  Stamp 
Act."  This  was  contradicted  by  his  friends,  as  well 
as  by  his  own  course  at  the  time ;  and  at  this  day  it 
would  be  an  act  of  supererogation  seriously  to  notice 
the  charge.  One  of  the  alleged  circumstances  on 
which  it  was  made  to  rest  was,  that  he  solicited  the 
office  of  stamp  distributor,  if  not  for  himself,  for  a 
friend;  and  in  the  pamphlets  of  Dean  Tucker  this 
charge  was  endorsed,  though  afterward  very  ungra 
ciously,  in  an  evasive  manner  referred  to  by  the  au 
thor,  in  a  contradiction  which  almost  repeated  the 
charge.  Of  the  foundation  of  this  rumor  we  can  not 
give  a  better  account  than  in  the  doctor's  own  lan 
guage,  addressed  to  the  dean : 

"  Some  days  after  the  Stamp  Act  was  passed,  to 
which  I  had  given  all  the  opposition  I  could,  with 
Mr.  Grenville,  I  received  a  note  from  Mr.  Whately, 
his  secretary,  desiring  to  see  me  the  next  morning. 
I  waited  upon  him  accordingly,  and  found  with  him 
several  other  colony  agents.  He  acquainted  us  that 
Mr.  Grenville  was  desirous  to  make  the  execution 
of  the  act  as  little  inconvenient  and  disagreeable  to 
America  as  possible,  and  therefore  did  not  think  of 
sending  stamp  officers  from  this  country,  but  wished 
to  have  discreet  and  reputable  persons  appointed  in 
each  province  from  among  the  inhabitants,  such  as 
would  be  acceptable  to  them ;  for,  as  they  were  to 
pay  the  tax,  he  thought  strangers  should  not  have 


LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN.  357 

the  emolument.  Mr.  Whately  therefore  wished  us  to 
name  for  our  respective  colonies,  informing  us  that 
Mr.  Grenville  would  be  obliged  to  us  for  pointing  out 
to  him  honest  and  responsible  men,  and  would  pay 
great  regard  to  our  nominations.  By  this  plausible 
and  apparently  candid  declaration,  we  were  drawn 
in  to  nominate ;  and  I  named  for  our  province  Mr. 
Hughes,  saying,  at  the  same  time,  that  I  knew  not 
whether  he  would  accept  of  it,  but  if  he  did,  I  was 
sure  he  would  execute  the  office  faithfully.  I  soon 
after  had  notice  of  his  appointment.  We  none  of 
us,  I  believe,  foresaw  or  imagined  that  this  compli 
ance  with  the  request  of  the  minister  would  or  could 
have  been  called  an  application  of  ours,  and  adduced 
as  a  proof  of  our  approbation  of  the  act  we  had  been 
opposing,  otherwise  I  think  few  of  us  would  have 
named  at  all ;  I  am  sure  I  should  not." 


358  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE  day  on  which  the  Stamp  Act  was  to  have 
gone  into  effect  in  America  had  passed,  and  the 
measure,  by  the  resistance  of  the  people,  had  hecome 
entirely  inoperative.  Every  officer  appointed  for  the 
colonies  under  the  act  was  compelled  to  resign  his 
commission,  and  publicly  to  renounce  his  trust.  Nu 
merous  acts  of  violence  occurred  in  the  provinces ; 
none,  however,  attended  with  any  sanguinary  or  fe 
rocious  conduct ;  and  in  many  of  the  legendary  nar 
ratives  of  the  doings  of  the  resistants  against  the  ob 
noxious  measure,  we  find  evidences  of  a  disposition 
for  rude  humor  and  burlesque.  Threats  were  in  most 
cases  sufficient  to  answer  the  purpose  of  the  men 
who  desired  not  to  injure  individuals,  but  to  defeat 
what  they  considered  a  tyrannical  and  unconstitu 
tional  measure.  And  if  it  was  most  unwelcome  dis 
cipline  to  a  loyal  office-holder  to  be  compelled  to  sign 
a  recantation  of  his  acceptance  at  the  foot  of  a  rebel 
liberty-tree,  it  was,  in  all  respects,  better  thus  than  to 
cancel  the  commission  by  swinging  the  officer  from 
the  branches.  Tarring  and  feathering  appear  to 
have  been  the  most  severe  infliction  administered  in 
the  popular  excitement ;  and  for  that,  occasion  was 
found  only  in  a  few  desperate  cases  of  adherence  to 
loyalty.  And  even  then,  though  it  must  most  as 
suredly  have  been  no  pleasant  predicament  when 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  359 

Adown  the  visage,  stern  and  grave, 
Rolled  and  adhered  the  viscid  wave, 

yet,  as  the  head  was  left  upon  the  shoulders,  there 
was  an  opportunity  for  reparation  left  which  other 
scenes  of  popular  violence  have  denied.  In  Pennsyl 
vania,  and  particularly  in  Philadelphia,  where  the 
peaceful  creed  of  many  citizens  opposed  all  violence, 
their  consciences  seem  to  have  been  treated  with 
great  respect.  Even  the  Loyalists,  active  Loyalists 
were  leniently  dealt  with.  Though  tarring  and  feath 
ering  were  in  some  cases  threatened,  the  punish 
ment  usually  went  no  further  than  a  ride  in  a  cart, 
not  remarkable  for  the  elasticity  of  its  springs,  and  at 
tended  with  circumstances  the  opposite  of  honor  or 
of  triumph.  But  the  refreshments  tendered  by  the 
laughing  crowd  to  the  executioners  were  often  shared 
by  the  derelicts ;  and  suffering  Tory  and  inflicting 
Whig,  on  one  or  two  of  these  mad  frolics,  quenched 
their  thirst  from  the  same  punch-bowl.  It  was  the 
commission,  and  the  authority  of  Parliament  under 
which  it  was  issued,  that  the  people  aimed  to  dishon 
or  and  defeat,  not  the  person  of  the  office-holder  that 
they  sought  to  injure  ;  and  where  a  man  took  his  pun 
ishment  kindly,  he  suffered  little  actual  bodily  injury. 
Many  were  left  entirely  unmolested ;  and,  even  to 
those  who  were  made  examples  of,  the  rebel  cart  was 
preferable  to  the  hurdle  of  the  guillotine.  The  for 
bearance  of  the  people  gave  their  resistance  a  more 
potent  moral  effect.  The  popular  movements  were 
thus  shown  to  be,  not  the  deeds  of  a  few  violent  ruf 
fians,  whose  conduct  would  be  disavowed  by  the  so- 


360  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

ber  and  reflecting,  but  the  pranks  of  men  who  knew 
that  public  opinion  sided  with  them  in  their  senti 
ments  of  resistance  ;  men  who,  in  awe  of  that  pub 
lic  opinion,  stopped  short  of  any  deed  which  should 
draw  down  on  them  the  disapproval  of  their  coun 
trymen,  or  visit  their  cause  with  dishonor,  or  brand 
their  conduct  with  the  character  of  barbarity. 

No  stamp  officer  ever  executed  his  mission,  and 
no  stamps  were  left  in  the  provinces  at  the  be 
ginning  of  the  year  1776  ;  or  if  any  of  the  hated  pa 
per  remained,  it  was  in  places  which  had  defeated 
the  most  searching  visits  of  the  active  resistants. 
The  law  was  a  dead  letter.  Issue  was  made  upon 
it ;  and  it  remained  to  the  ministry  to  force,  or  at 
tempt  to  force,  it  upon  the  people  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet ;  to  permit  it  to  stand  as  a  memorial  of  de 
feat,  or  to  retreat  from  the  measure  with  the  best 
grace  that  could  be  assumed.  Between  the  passage 
of  the  act  and  the  time  when,  by  its  popular  defeat, 
new  measures  were  forced  upon  the  ministry,  a 
change  had  taken  place.  Mr.  Grenville  had  been 
succeeded  by  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham.  As  the 
new  ministry  felt  under  no  obligation  to  assume  the 
difficulties  of  their  predecessors,  they  determined 
upon  the  measure  of  advising  a  repeal  of  the  obnox 
ious  act. 

This  proposition  caused  a  debate  of  great  warmth 
As  in  all  political  questions,  the  point  in  dispute  does 
not  stand  simply  upon  its  own  merits,  but  involves 
the  animosities  and  the  private  views  of  partisans, 
the  friends  of  the  late  ministry  were  active  in  oppo- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  361 

sition  to  a  movement  which,  whatever  else  it  might 
establish,  conveyed  reproof  upon  the  superseded 
administration.  In  this  stage  of  the  business,  Dr. 
Franklin  wras  called  before  the  committee  of  the 
whole  House,  to  whom  had  been  referred  the  peti 
tions  of  the  colonists,  and  other  papers  relating  to  the 
controversy.  With  whom  this  motion  originated  is 
not  known ;  but  it  would  appear,  from  memoranda 
left  by  Dr.  Franklin,  that  the  call  was  not  unexpect 
ed  ;  and,  from  the  whole  tenor  of  the  examination, 
it  appears  that  his  friends  supported  and  seconded 
it.  Indeed,  among  the  questions,  as  is  shown  by  the 
memoranda  already  referred  to,  there  were  a  great 
number  the  answers  to  which  were  understood  by 
the  querists  before  the  inquiries  were  made.  It  is, 
therefore,  more  than  the  facts  warrant  to  say  that 
the  doctor's  answers  were  in  all  cases  unpremedi 
tated.  The  nature  and  great  variety  of  the  subjects 
which  entered  into  the  discussion,  some  directly  and 
others  remotely  bearing  upon  the  great  question,  re 
quired,  as  the  doctor  had  given,  great  and  patient 
previous  attention.  He  had  waited  upon  the  min 
istry  whose  measure  it  was,  and  expostulated  upon 
the  mischievous  nature  of  the  Stamp  Act ;  and  un 
questionably  he  was  consulted  by  the  new  ministry, 
as  well  as  by  his  personal  friends  in  Parliament.  Of 
his  bearing  and  demeanor  on  the  occasion  of  his 
examination,  too  much  can  not  be  said  in  praise. 
While  he  preserved  his  dignity,  he  astonished  the 
examiners  by  his  promptness ;  and  in  his  calm  self- 
possession  he  found  himself  at  ease  for  the  indul- 


362  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

gence  of  an  occasional  gleam  of  humor.  Bat  Dr. 
Franklin  had  ev7er  a  high  respect  for  the  proprieties 
of  any  place  in  which  he  might  be  called  upon  to  act, 
and  never  sacrificed  his  cause  by  any  indulgence  in 
misplaced  wit  or  improper  flippancy.  An  instance  of 
his  caution  in  this  respect  is  preserved  in  his  private 
notes  relative  to  this  examination,  preserved  by  Mr. 
Walsh  in  his  Life  of  Franklin.  There  were  among 
the  members  of  Parliament  several  gentlemen  who 
thought  that  the  honor  of  Parliament  might  be  saved 
by  retaining  the  act,  while  the  opposition  of  the 
Americans  could  at  the  same  time  be  overcome  by 
amending  it.  Dr.  Franklin  had  objected  to  this  plan 
that  it  would,  in  fact,  keep  up  the  dispute,  without 
yielding  a  sufficient  revenue  to  pay  for  the  collec 
tion.  But  one  of  the  most  active  of  these  gentlemen 
told  Franklin  that  he  was  sure  the  doctor  could,  if 
he  would,  suggest  some  amendment  which  would 
make  the  Americans  receive  the  act.  Dr.  Franklin 
replied  that  he  had  thought  of  an  amendment  which 
might  be  made,  and  the  rest  of  the  act  be  suffered  to 
remain  as  it  stood,  and  give  nobody  in  America  any 
uneasiness.  "  It  is,"  said  the  doctor,  "  a  very  small 
amendment  too :  it  is  only  the  change  of  a  single 
word."  "  Ah,"  said  the  other ;  "  what  is  that  ?"  "  It 
is  in  the  clause,"  replied  Franklin,  "  where  it  is  said 
that  from  and  after  the  first  day  of  November,  one 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  sixty-five,  there  shall 
be  paid,  &c.  The  amendment  I  propose  is,  for  one 
read  two,  and  then  all  the  rest  of  the  act  may  stand 
as  it  is."  One  of  the  friends  of  the  repeal  had  heard 


L  I  F  E     O  F    F  R  A  N  K  L  I  N.  363 

of  this  witticism  of  the  doctor's,  and,  endeavoring  to 
give  him  an  opportunity  to  repeat  it  before  the  House 
of  Commons,  asked  him  if  he  could  not  propose  a 
small  amendment  that  would  make  the  act  palatable. 
"  But,"  says  the  doctor,  "  as  I  thought  the  answer  he 
wanted  too  light  and  ludicrous  for  the  House,  I 
evaded  the  question." 

The  account  of  the  examination  was  first  pub 
lished  in  1767,  when  the  rupture  between  the  moth 
er  country  and  the  colonies  had  given  a  historical 
importance  to  the  difficulties  and  disputes  which  pre 
ceded  the  taking  up  of  arms.  It  was  translated  into 
French,  and  widely  read  throughout  Europe,  as  the 
contest  had  now  assumed  a  world-wide  importance. 
Upon  the  appearance  of  the  pamphlet,  a  critic  in  the 
Gentleman's  Magazine  remarks  upon  it :  "  From 
this  examination  of  Dr.  Franklin,  the  reader  may 
form  a  clearer  and  more  comprehensive  idea  of  the 
state  and  disposition  of  America,  of  the  expediency 
or  inexpediency  of  the  measure  in  question,  and  of 
the  character  and  conduct  of  the  minister  who  pro 
posed  it,  than  from  all  that  has  been  written  upon 
the  subject  in  newspapers  and  pamphlets,  under  the 
title  of  letters,  essays,  speeches,  and  considerations, 
from  the  first  moment  of  its  becoming  the  object  of 
public  attention  until  now.  The  questions  in  gen 
eral  are  put  with  great  subtlety  and  judgment,  and 
they  are  answered  with  such  deep  and  familiar 
knowledge  of  the  subject,  such  precision  and  per 
spicuity,  such  temper  and  yet  such  spirit,  as  do  the 
highest  honor  to  Dr.  Franklin,  and  justify  the  gen 
eral  opinion  of  his  character  and  abilities" 


364  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

With  the  key  afforded  by  Dr.  Franklin's  mem 
oranda,  we  now  proceed  to  analyze  the  examina 
tion.  The  first  half  dozen  questions  were  asked  by 
a  friend  of  the  repeal  to  remove  the  impression  that 
the  colonists  paid  no  taxes,  and  that  their  govern 
ments  were  supported  by  burdening  the  people  in 
England.  The  answers  comprised  the  substance 
of  what  Dr.  Franklin  had  previously  detailed  to  the 
questioner,  Mr.  Hewitt,  the  member  for  Coventry, 
in  conversation.  To  his  questions  succeeded  sev 
eral  by  another  friend,  the  answers  to  which  were 
intended  to  show  the  impossibility  of  distributing  the 
stamped  paper  by  post  to  all  the  settlements.  The 
next  three  questions,  asked  by  a  friend  of  the  preced 
ing  administration,  were  intended  to  get  out  of  the 
doctor  the  admission  that  the  colonists  were  very 
well  able  to  pay  the  stamp  duty.  But  he  replied 
that  there  was  not  specie  enough  in  the  colonies  to 
pay  it  for  one  year ;  and  in  answer  to  the  statement, 
put  in  the  form  of  a  question,  that  the  money  raised 
by  the  Stamp  Act  was  all  to  be  spent  in  America,  he 
answered  that  it  would  be  spent  in  the  conquered 
provinces  where  the  soldiers  were,  and  not  in  the 
colonies  that  paid  the  tax ;  and  that  it  would  all  find 
its  way,  not  into  the  old  colonies,  but  directly  to  En 
gland.  The  next  question,  the  answers  to  which 
embraced  statistics  about  population,  trade,  and  oth 
er  details,  were  asked  by  a  friend,  to  show  the  form 
idable  opposition  which  existed,  from  various  causes, 
to  the  operation  of  the  act ;  and  the  answers  put 
these  difficulties  in  their  most  important  aspect.  The 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  365 

next  few  questions  were  asked  by  opponents,  but 
gave  the  doctor  an  opportunity  to  contradict  what 
the  questioners  desired  to  establish,  viz.,  that  the 
Americans  wished  to  be  protected  by  Great  Britain, 
but  were  unwilling  to  pay  any  part  of  the  expense ; 
and  that  they  laid  the  taxes  in  Pennsylvania  un 
equally  upon  the  merchants,  in  order  to  discourage 
trade  with  England.  On  the  first  point  raised,  he 
showed  that  the  colonies  levied  and  disbursed  sums 
and  furnished  men  to  a  much  larger  amount  than 
they  were  reimbursed  or  paid ;  and  on  the  second 
point  he  denied  that  any  inequality  of  taxation  ex 
isted,  and  showed  that,  even  if  it  should  be  attempt 
ed,  the  merchant,  by  putting  a  higher  price  on  his 
goods,  would  make  the  consumer  finally  pay  the 
greater  part  of  the  tax,  if  not  the  whole.  In  this 
part  of  the  examination,  to  the  question,  "  Do  you 
not  think  that  the  Americans  would  pay  the  stamp 
duty  if  it  was  moderated  V  he  answered,  "No,  nev 
er,  unless  compelled  by  force  of  arms." 

Next  follows  a  series  of  questions,  forming  one  of 
the  most  interesting  portions  of  the  examination. 
They  were  asked  by  "  Mr.  Cooper  and  other  friends, 
with  whom  I  had  discoursed,"  says  the  doctor,  "  and 
were  intended  to  bring  out  such  answers  as  they  de 
sired  arid  expected  from  me."  The  answers  show 
a  witness  any  thing  but  unwilling  or  unprepared. 
To  the  question,  "  What  was  the  temper  of  Amer 
ica  toward  Great  Britain  before  the  year  1763  ?" 
the  doctor  answered, "  The  best  in  the  world.  They 
submitted  willingly  to  the  government  of  the  crown, 


366  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

and  paid,  in  their  courts,  obedience  to  the  acts  oi 
Parliament.  Numerous  as  the  people  are  in  the 
several  old  provinces,  they  cost  you  nothing  in  forts, 
citadels,  garrisons,  or  armies,  to  keep  them  in  sub 
jection.  They  were  governed  by  this  country  only 
at  the  expense  of  a  little  pen,  ink,  and  paper ;  they 
were  led  by  a  thread.  They  had  not  only  a  respect, 
but  an  affection  for  Great  Britain ;  for  its  laws,  its 
customs,  and  manners,  and  even  a  fondness  for  its 
fashions,  that  greatly  increased  the  commerce.  Na 
tives  of  Britain  were  always  treated  with  particular 
regard ;  to  be  an  Old-England  man  was  of  itself  a 
character  of  some  respect,  and  gave  a  kind  of  rank 
among  us."  "And  what,"  pursued  the  questioner, 
"  is  their  temper  now  I"  "  Oh,"  replied  the  doctor, 
"  very  much  altered." 

When  asked,  and  by  the  same  party,  "In  what 
light  did  the  people  of  America  use  to  consider  the 
Parliament  of  Great  Britain  T  the  answer  was, 
"  They  considered  the  Parliament  as  the  great  bul 
wark  and  security  of  their  liberties  and  privileges, 
and  always  spoke  of  it  with  the  utmost  respect  and 
veneration.  Arbitrary  ministers,  they  thought,  might 
possibly,  at  times,  attempt  to  oppress  them ;  but  they 
relied  on  it  that  the  Parliament,  on  application, 
would  always  give  redress.  They  remembered,  with 
gratitude,  a  strong  instance  of  this,  when  a  bill  was 
brought  into  Parliament,  with  a  clause  to  make  roy 
al  instructions  laws  in  the  colonies,  which  the  House 
of  Commons  would  not  pass,  and  it  was  thrown  out." 
"And  have  they  not  still,"  was  the  next  question, 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  367 

"  the  same  respect  for  Parliament  1"  "  No  ;  it  is 
greatly  lessened."  "  To  what  cause  is  that  owing  V 
"  To  a  concurrence  of  causes :  the  restraints  lately 
laid  on  their  trade,  by  which  the  bringing  of  foreign 
gold  and  silver  into  the  colonies  was  prevented,  the 
prohibition  of  making  paper  money  among  them 
selves,  and  then  demanding  a  new  and  heavy  tax  by 
stamps ;  taking  away,  at  the  same  time,  trials  by  ju 
ries,  and  refusing  to  receive  and  hear  their  humble 
petitions."  To  the  inquiry  whether  the  colonists 
would  submit  to  the  act  if  modified,  the  doctor  an 
swered,  "  No  ;  they  will  never  submit  to  it."  And 
to  the  question  how  the  Americans  would  receive  a 
future  tax,  imposed  on  the  same  principle  as  the 
Stamp  Act,  he  said,  "Just  as  they  do  this;  they 
would  not  pay  it." 

To  these  questions  followed  a  series,  principally 
from  opponents,  and  designed  to  draw  out  admis 
sions  favorable  to  the  continuance  of  the  tax  :  such, 
for  instance,  as  the  fact  that  the  poorer  class  in  Amer 
ica  were  better  able  to  pay  the  tax  than  the  same 
class  in  England.  He  was  also  closely  questioned 
upon  the  distinction  which  the  Americans  made  be 
tween  duties  to  regulate  commerce  and  internal  tax 
es  ;  and  the  post-office  was  more  than  once  recur 
red  to  as  giving  an  instance  in  which  the  Americans 
submitted  to  a  tax  without  complaint.  But  the  doc 
tor  pointed  out  the  difference  between  postage,  a 
payment  for  service  rendered,  and  a  tax,  which  is  a 
payment  of  another  nature.  He  was  at  home  in  the 
diiferent  statistical  and  other  points  which  were  pre- 


368  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

sented  to  him,  and  steadily,  and  without  crossing  his 
own  path,  or  making  any  contradictory  admissions, 
preserved  the  ground,  in  relation  to  taxation,  which 
he  held  in  common  with  other  American  patriots. 
[n  his  answers  to  the  friends  of  the  late  ministry,  he 
was  generally  most  courteous  and  dignified ;  in  re 
plying  to  the  leading  questions  submitted  by  his 
friends,  he  was  prompt  and  spirited.  For  instance, 
to  the  question,  "  Can  any  thing  less  than  a  military 
force  carry  the  Stamp  Act  into  execution  ?"  he  re 
plied,  "  I  do  not  see  how  a  military  force  can  be  ap 
plied  to  that  purpose."  "  Why  may  it  not  ?"  "  Sup 
pose  a  military  force  sent  into  America,  they  will  find 
nobody  in  arms.  What  are  they  then  to  do  ?  They 
can  not  force  a  man  to  take  stamps  who  chooses  to 
do  without  them.  They  will  not  find  a  rebellion : 
they  may,  indeed,  make  one."  "  If  the  act  is  not  re 
pealed,  what  do  you  think  will  be  the  consequences  T 
"A  total  loss  of  the  affection  and  respect  the  people 
of  America  bear  to  this  country,  and  of  all  the  com 
merce  that  depends  on  that  respect  and  affection/' 

At  this  point,  one  of  the  late  ministry  put  the  ques 
tion,  "  How  can  the  commerce  be  affected  I"  To 
this  Franklin  answered,  "  You  will  find  that  if  the 
act  is  not  repealed,  they  will  take  very  little  of  your 
manufactures  in  a  short  time."  In  answer  to  other 
questions,  he  proceeded  to  say  that  he  thought  the 
American  people  could  do  very  well  without  British 
manufactures.  He  classed  the  goods  received  from 
Britain  as  necessaries,  conveniences,  and  superflui 
ties.  The  first,  he  said,  with  a  little  industry  they 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  369 

could  make  at  home ;  the  second  they  could  do  with 
out  until  able  to  provide  them  among  themselves;  and 
the  third  they  would  strike  off  immediately,  as  mere 
articles  of  fashion,  once  valued  because  coming  from 
a  respected  country,  now  detested  and  rejected.  In 
answer  to  the  question  whether  ill  humor  would  in 
duce  the  Americans,  if  the  Stamp  Act  was  continued, 
to  prefer  worse  manufactures  of  their  own  to  better 
British  goods,  the  doctor  gave  an  answer  senten 
tious  as  any  saying  of  Poor  Richard's,  "  Yes ;  I  think 
so.  People  will  pay  as  much  to  gratify  one  passion 
as  another,  their  resentment  as  their  pride."  And 
in  reply  to  the  question  if,  in  places  where  stamps 
could  be  procured,  people  would  not  use  them  rath 
er  than  remain  in  a  situation  of  inability  to  obtain 
any  right,  or  recover  any  debt  by  law,  the  doctor 
answered  with  a  straight-forwardness,  for  himself, 
which  did  him  high  honor.  "  It  is  hard  to  say  what 
they  would  do.  I  can  only  judge  what  other  peo 
ple  will  think  and  how  they  will  act  by  what  I  feel 
within  myself.  I  have  a  great  many  debts  due  to  me 
in  America,  and  I  had  rather  they  should  remain 
unrecoverable  by  any  law  than  submit  to  the  Stamp 
Act.  They  will  be  debts  of  honor.  It  is  my  opin 
ion  that  the  people  will  either  continue  in  that  sit 
uation,  or  find  some  way  to  extricate  themselves ; 
perhaps  by  generally  agreeing  to  proceed  in  the 
courts  without  stamps." 

To  some  of  the  questions  Franklin  returned  an 
swers   which    in   length   could    almost   be   termed 

speeches  ;   anticipating  the  examiner  by  covering 

A  A 


370  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

the  whole  ground,  and  stating  all  the  facts  relevant 
to  the  inquiry.  The  number  of  questions  asked 
and  answered,  without  demur  or  hesitation,  was 
nearly  two  hundred,  some  of  them  being  overlooked 
in  the  report,  and  not  preserved.  The  doctor  stood 
before  the  House  as  in  effect  a  witness  for  the  colo 
nies.  The  questions  of  his  friends  enabled  him  to 
state  the  circumstances  most  important  to  the  inter 
ests  of  his  constituents,  while  the  cross-questioning 
efforts  of  his  opponents  served  only,  by  the  answers 
elicited,  to  place  those  circumstances  in  a  still  stron 
ger  light.  The  nature  of  the  inquiries  propounded 
by  many  different  members,  each  aufait,  or  imagin 
ing  himself  so,  upon  some  particular  feature  of  the 
subject,  or  some  single  bearing  or  aspect  of  the  meas 
ure,  developed  a  knowledge  and  experience  in  the 
witness  such  as,  we  may  fairly  presume,  were  pos 
sessed  by  no  other  individual  in  the  British  Empire. 
Occasionally  a  knotty  question  of  polity  was  pre 
sented,  as,  for  instance,  "  Suppose  the  king  should 
require  the  colonies  to  grant  a  revenue,  and  the  Par 
liament  should  be  against  their  doing  it,  do  they 
think  they  can  grant  a  revenue  to  the  king  without 
the  consent  of  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  ?" 
Franklin  answered,  "  That  is  a  deep  question.  As 
to  my  own  opinion,  I  should  think  myself  at  liberty 
to  do  it,  and  should  do  it,  if  I  liked  the  occasion." 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  remark  that  the  last  two 
questions  which  wrere  asked,  and  which  have  been 
more  quoted  than  any  other,  were  put  by  friends: 
u  What  used  to  be  the  pride  of  the  Americans  ?" 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  37' 

To  indulge  in  the  fashions  and  manufactures  of 
Great  Britain."  "  What  is  now  their  pride  ?"  "  To 
wear  their  old  clothes  over  again,  till  they  can  make 


new  ones." 


After  a  long  and  warm  debate,  the  obnoxious  act 
was  repealed.  In  that  debate  some  of  the  members 
did  not  spare  the  doctor,  or  the  constituents  whom 
he  represented.  Mr.  Nugent,  who  had  been  one  of 
the  busiest  of  the  examiners,  made  a  violent  speech, 
the  following  extract  from  which  is  preserved  in 
Franklin's  notes  :  "  We  have  often  experienced  Aus 
trian  ingratitude,  and  jet  we  assisted  Portugal.  We 
experienced  Portuguese  ingratitude,  and  jet  we  as 
sisted  America.  But  what  is  Austrian  ingratitude, 
what  the  ingratitude  of  Portugal,  compared  to  this 
of  America  ?  We  have  fought,  bled,  and  ruined 
ourselves  to  conquer  for  them,  and  now  thej  come 
and  tell  us  to  our  noses,  even  at  the  bar  of  this 
House,  that  thej  were  not  obliged  to  us."  In  the 
course  of  Franklin's  examination,  he  had,  indeed, 
shown  that  the  colonies  had  little  occasion  for  grati 
tude,  having  done  more  for  themselves  than  the  Brit 
ish  government  did  for  them,  and  having  suffered 
more  for  the  British  Empire  than  thej  had  been 
equited  for.  He  showed  that  even  in  the  wars 
which  had  grown  out  of  colonial  questions,  it  was 
the  honor  of  the  crown,  or  the  interests  of  British  trad 
ers  and  manufacturers,  and  not  the  welfare  of  the  old 
and  lojal  colonies,  which  was  at  stake.  And  he  ex 
hibited,  moreover,  the  fact  that  the  old  provinces  had 
been  embroiled  in  war,  and  exposed  to  ravages  and 


372  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

incursions  from  the  Indians,  by  distant  boundary  dis 
putes  between  England  and  France,  in  which,  except 
as  Britons,  alive  to  the  honor  of  the  whole  nation, 
they  had  no  concern.  He  exposed  the  fact  that  of 
the  large  regular  force  nominally  employed  in  the 
provinces,  the  greater  part  were  in  distant  garrisons, 
while  the  colonists  themselves,  with  very  slight  as 
sistance,  bore  the  burden  of  the  war. 

The  Stamp  Act  was  repealed.  But  the  eagerness 
of  debate  had  called  out  hot  words,  which  caused 
the  measure  to  be  shorn  of  much  of  its  propitiatory 
character.  Ministers  were  accused  of  having  sacri 
ficed  the  dignity  of  the  realm  by  giving  way  before 
a  rebellious  spirit ;  and  to  save  appearances,  the  De 
claratory  Act  was  passed,  in  which  was  asserted  the 
right  of  Parliament  "  to  bind  the  colonies  in  all  cases 

o 

whatsoever."  As  this  declaration  was  accompanied 
by  no  immediate  exercise  of  the  right  it  affirmed,  but 
rather  by  a  practical  waiving  of  that  right,  if  it  ex 
isted,  in  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act,  it  gave  little 
present  uneasiness.  But  the  thoughtful  saw  in  it 
the  germ  of  future  difficulties  and  unhappiness.  The 
principle  which  it  involved  either  was  the  deliberate 
opinion  of  the  British  government,  or  it  was  forced 
upon  that  government,  as  a  rule  of  conduct,  by  the 
fact  of  having  asserted  it.  It  placed  an  obstacle  in 
the  way  of  reconciliation  which  was  never  overcome, 
and  aided  the  rankling  discontent  which  broke  out 
in  open  war  when  the  British  ministry  attempted  to 
carry  out  the  doctrine  that  Parliament  had  absolute 
and  arbitrary  right  of  rule  over  the  provinces. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  373 


CHAPTER  XXI, 

THE  bill  to  repeal  the  Stamp  Act  passed  the  Com 
mons  in  February,  1766,  and  the  Lords  in  March, 
receiving  the  royal  assent  on  the  18th  of  the  same 
month.  Writing  to  his  wife  in  April,  Franklin  says, 
"  My  dear  child,  as  the  Stamp  Act  is  at  length  re 
pealed,  I  am  willing  you  should  have  a  new  gown, 
which  you  may  suppose  I  did  not  send  sooner,  as  I 
knew  you  would  not  like  to  be  finer  than  your  neigh 
bors,  unless  in  a  gown  of  your  own  spinning.  Had 
the  trade  between  the  two  countries  totally  ceased, 
it  was  a  comfort  to  me  to  recollect  that  I  had  once 
been  clothed  from  head  to  foot  in  woolen  and  linen 
of  my  wife's  manufacture  ;  that  I  never  was  prouder 
of  any  dress  in  my  life ;  and  that  she  and  her  daugh 
ter  might  do  it  again,  if  it  was  necessary.  I  told  the 
Parliament  that  it  was  my  opinion,  before  the  old 
clothes  of  the  Americans  were  worn  out,  they  might 
have  new  ones  of  their  own  making.  I  have  sent 
you  a  fine  piece  of  Pompadour  satin,  fourteen  yards, 
cost  eleven  shillings  a  yard ;  a  silk  negligee,  and  pet 
ticoat  of  brocaded  lutestring  for  my  dear  Sally,  with 
two  dozen  gloves,  four  bottles  of  lavender  water, 
and  two  little  reels."  The  letter  then  goes  on  to 
enumerate  various  other  articles,  and  describes  their 
use.  Among  the  merchandise  in  the  inventory  are 


374 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


mentioned  "three  fine  cheeses."  One  can  scarce 
forbear  a  smile,  at  this  distance  of  time,  in  think 
ing  of  "Poor  Richard"  forwarding  such  a  consign 
ment  as  Pompadour  satin,  lavender,  corkscrews,  and 


cheeses ;  but  the  smile  is  inevitable  when  we  find 
the  doctor  suggesting  in  his  letter  that  "  perhaps  a  bit 
of  the  cheese  may  be  left  when  he  comes  home." 
We  have  before  remarked  on  the  interest  he  took  in 
minute  affairs  about  his  household,  as  shown  in  his 
letters.  An  extract  from  a  letter  to  him  from  his 
wife,  written  a  few  months  previous  to  the  above, 
will  give  her  testimony  to  his  character.  The  con 
clusion  is  exquisite.  The  original  is  in  the  posses 
sion  of  Mr.  Watson,  the  annalist.  She  is  describing 
the  arrangement  of  their  new  house,  erected  during 
the  doctor's  absence,  in  Franklin  Court : 

"  In  the  room  down  stairs  is  the  sideboard,  which 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  375 

is  very  handsome  and  plain,  with  two  tables  made 
to  suit  it,  and  a  dozen  of  chairs  also.  The  chairs 
are  plain  horse-hair,  and  look  as  well  as  Paduasoy, 
and  are  admired  by  all.  The  little  south  room  I 
have  papered,  as  the  walls  were  very  much  soiled. 
In  this  room  is  a  carpet  I  bought  cheap  for  its  good 
ness,  and  nearly  new.  The  large  carpet  is  in  the 
blue  room.  In  the  parlor  is  a  Scotch  carpet,  which 
has  had  much  fault  found  with  it.  Your  time-piece 
stands  in  one  corner,  which  is,  as  I  am  told,  all 
wrong;  but  I  say  we  shall  have  all  these  as  they 
should  be  when  you  come  home.  If  you  could  meet 
with  a  Turkey  carpet,  I  should  like  it;  but  if  not,  I 
shall  be  very  easy,  for  as  to  these  things  I  have  be 
come  quite  indifferent  at  this  time.  In  the  north 
room,  where  we  sit,  we  have  a  small  Scotch  carpet, 
the  small  book-case,  brother  John's  picture,  and  one 
of  the  king  and  queen.  In  the  room  for  our  friends 
we  have  the  Earl  of  Bute  hung  up,  and  a  glass. 
May  I  desire  you  to  remember  drinking-glasses,  and 
a  large  table-cloth  or  two ;  also  a  pair  of  silver  can 
isters  !  The  closed  doors  in  your  room  have  been 
framed  for  glasses,  unknown  to  me  ;  I  shall  send  you 
an  account  of  the  panes  required.  I  shall  also  send 
the  measures  of  the  fire-places,  and  the  piers  of  glass. 
The  chimneys  do  well,  and  I  have  baked  in  the 
oven,  and  found  it  is  good.  The  room  we  call  yours 
has  in  it  a  desk,  the  harmonica  made  like  a  desk,  a 
large  chest  with  all  the  writings,  the  boxes  of  glasses 
for  music  and  for  the  electricity,  and  all  your  clothes. 
The  pictures  are  not  put  up,  as  I  do  not  like  to  drive 


376  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

nails,  lest  they  should  not  be  right.  The  blue  room 
has  the  harmonica,  the  harpsichord,  the  gilt  sconce, 
a  card-table,  a  set  of  tea-china,  the  worked  chairs 
and  screen,  a  very  handsome  stand  for  the  tea-ket 
tle  to  stand  on,  and  the  ornamental  china.  The> 
paper  of  this  room  has  lost  much  of  its  bloom  by 
pasting  up.  The  curtains  are  not  yet  made.  The 
south  room  is  my  sleeping-room  with  my  Susannah, 
where  we  have  a  bed  without  curtains,  a  chest  of 
drawers,  a  table,  a  glass,  and  old  black- walnut  chairs, 
and  some  of  our  family  pictures.  I  have  taken  all 
the  dead  letters,  and  the  papers  that  were  in  the  gar 
ret,  with  the  books  not  taken  by  Billy  [William  T. 
Franklin],  and  had  them  boxed  and  barreled  up,  and 
put  in  the  south  garret,  to  await  your  return.  Sally 
has  the  south  room,  up  two  pair  of  stairs,  having 
therein  a  bed,  bureau,  table,  glass,  and  the  picture — 
a  trunk  and  books — but  these  you  can't  have  any 
notion  of.  *  *  *  *  *  Oh,  my  child !  there 
is  a  great  odds  between  a  man's  being  at  home  and 
abroad :  as  every  body  is  afraid  they  shall  do  wrong 
— so  every  thing  is  left  undone." 

Mrs.  Franklin  little  imagined,  when  she  was  writ 
ing  this  epistle,  that  it  would  be  preserved  as  illus 
trative  of  the  character  of  her  husband  in  his  own 
house.  The  fear  about  going  wrong  with  the  nails, 
and  the  "  oh  dear  !"  in  the  conclusion  about  a  present 
or  absent  husband,  give  us  an  insjght  into  the  private 
methodical  arrangements  of  the  philosopher  which 
could  not  be  expressed  in  a  page  of  description. 
There  are,  in  his  correspondence,  minute  directions 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN  377 

to  her  about  the  same  "blue  room,"  which  gave  the 
good  housewife  so  much  trouble  with  its  "faded 
bloom ;"  but  we  have  given  sufficient  for  our  pur 
pose  on  this  head.  Another  letter  of  Mrs.  Franklin 
we  quote,  as  giving  an  idea  of  the  height  to  which 
the  enemies  of  Dr.  Franklin  had  inflamed  the  popu 
lar  mind  by  the  slanders  relative  to  his  connection 
with  the  Stamp  Act,  noticed  in  a  previous  chapter : 
•"You  will  see  by  the  papers  what  work  has  hap 
pened  in  other  places,  and  something  has  been  said 
relative  to  raising  a  mob  here.  I  was  for  five  days 
kept  in  one  continued  hurry  to  remove,  and  was 
persuaded  to  go  to  Burlington  for  safety;  but  on 
Monday  last  we  had  very  great  rejoicing  on  account 
of  the  change  of  the  ministry,  and  a  preparation  for 
bonfires  at  night,  and  several  houses  threatened  to 
be  pulled  down.  Cousin  Davenport  came  and  told 
me  that  more  than  twenty  people  had  told  him  that 
it  was  his  duty  to  be  with  me.  I  said  I  w7as  pleas 
ed  to  receive  civility  from  any  body ;  so  he  stayed 
with  me  some  time.  Toward  night  I  said  he  should 
fetch  a  gun  or  two,  as  we  had  none.  I  sent  to  ask 
my  brother  to  come,  and  bring  his  gun  also ;  so  we 
made  our  room  into  a  magazine.  I  ordered  some 
kind  of  defense  up  stairs,  such  as  I  could  manage 
myself.  I  said,  when  I  was  advised  to  remove,  that 
I  was  very  sure  you  had  done  nothing  to  hurt  any 
body,  nor  had  I  given  offense  to  any  person  at  all, 
neither  would  I  be  made  uneasy  by  any  body,  nor 
would  I  stir,  or  show  the  least  uneasiness ;  but  if 
any  one  came  to  disturb  me,  I  would  show  a  proper 


378  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

resentment,  and  I  should  be  very  much  affronted 
with  any  body  to  hinder  me.  I  was  told  that  there 
were  eight  hundred  men  ready  to  assist  any  one  that 
should  be  molested.  *  *  *  *  It  is  Mr.  S.  S. 
that  is  setting  the  people  mad,  by  telling  them  it  was 
you  that  had  planned  the  Stamp  Act,  and  that  you 
are  endeavoring  to  get  the  Test  Act  brought  over 
here  ;  but  as  I  don't  go  much  to  town,  I  maybe 
shall  be  easy  for  a  while  after  the  election  is  over, 
but  till  that  I  shall  be  disturbed." 

In  speaking  of  events  at  this  period  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  we  must  remember  that  there  was  a  promi 
nent  subject  of  public  attention  in  a  matter  now  for 
gotten,  or  little  thought  of,  overshadowed  as  it  has 
been  by  the  great  events  which  preceded  the  Rev 
olution —  we  mean  the  petitions  for  a  change  of 
the  proprietary  government  of  Pennsylvania.  The 
opponents  of  this  measure  were  quick  to  perceive 
the  points  in  which  the.  conduct  of  Franklin  appear 
ed  most  vulnerable  ;  and  ingenuity  was  taxed  to  pro 
duce  lampoons,  caricatures,  and  grave  charges,  in 
order,  through  abuse  of  Franklin,  to  render  the  part}' 
which  appointed  him  odious.  Among  the  carica 
tures  was  one  representing  the  philosopher  in  con 
ference  with  a  personage  who  claims  all  the  king 
doms  of  the  earth,  and  who,  with  his  head  as  near 
that  of  Franklin  as  his  horns  will  admit,  is  whisper 
ing,  "  Thee  shall  be  agent,  Ben,  for  all  my  realms." 

But  while  the  enemies  of  Franklin  were  thus  act 
ive,  his  friends  were  not  idle.  They  rejoiced  at  the 
opportunity  which  his  examination  before  the  Com- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  379 

mons  gave  him  to  vindicate  his  fame  from  the  aspo- 
sions  which  had  been  cast  upon  it,  and  caused  to 
be  published  the  letters  received  from  various  per 
sons  in  England,  commendatory  of  the  bearing  of 
the  doctor  before  Parliament,  and  setting  forth  the 
service  which  he  had  rendered  his  country  by  the 
representations  and  labors  which,  even  his  enemies 
were  compelled  to  admit,  aided  the  ministry  more 
than  any  other  single  cause  or  agent  could  do,  in 
carrying  the  repeal  of  the  obnoxious  law.  The  re 
action  which  followed  the  popular  abuse  of  the  doc 
tor — for  that  it  was  popular  is  evident  from  the  man 
ner  in  which  his  house  was  threatened — placed  him 
in  a  higher  and  firmer  position  in  the  affections  of 
the  people  than  ever  before.  A  letter  to  him  from 
Joseph  Galloway,  dated  in  May,  1766,  says:  "  The 
numerous  accounts  we  have  of  my  dear  friend's  in 
tegrity  and  address  in  procuring  the  repeal,  give  us 
all  the  greatest  pleasure,  and  have  opened  the  eyes 
of  many,  who  entertained  a  contrary  opinion  of  you, 
from  the  wicked  calumnies  of  your  enemies.  Some 
few  there  are  yet,  who,  with  unwearied  industry,  are 
endeavoring,  by  their"  malevolent  falsehoods,  to  in 
jure  your  good  name,  but  it  will  be  without  effect. 
The  proprietary  party  will  never  desist  from  their 
abuse  of  you."  But  the  proprietary  party  was  soon 
to  be  lost  in  other  divisions,  and  the  struggles  for 
different  forms  of  colonial  government  to  be  forgot 
ten  in  the  effort  to  shake  off  colonial  dependence. 
Perhaps,  in  strict  impartiality,  something  is  due  to 
the  proprietors  themselves,  as  unwitting  aids  to  the 


380  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

Revolution.  Their  resistance  to  the  wishes  of  the 
people,  and  the  impediments  which  their  policy  threw 
in  the  way  of  prompt  and  equal  legislation,  prepared 
many  Pennsylvanians  for  the  Revolution  who  might, 
under  a  harmonious  colonial  government,  have  rest 
ed  content  in  their  allegiance  to  Great  Britain. 

Dr.  Franklin,  who  had  an  opportunity,  from  his 
residence  abroad,  to  perceive  how  every  trifle  was 
magnified  to  the  disparagement  of  the  colonies,  urged, 
in  his  correspondence  with  his  friends  in  America, 
that  they  should  give  way  to  no  undue  exultation  on 
account  of  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act.  "  I  trust," 
he  says,  "  that  the  behavior  of  the  Americans  on  this 
occasion  will  be  so  prudent  and  grateful,  that  their 
friends  here  will  have  no  reason  to  be  ashamed  ;  and 
that  our  enemies,  who  predict  that  the  indulgence 
will  make  us  more  insolent  and  ungovernable,  may 
find  themselves  false  prophets."  And  again  :  "  The 
partisans  of  the  late  ministry  have  been  strongly  cry 
ing  out  rebellion,  and  calling  for  force  to  be  sent 
against  America.  The  consequence  might  have 
been  terrible ;  but  milder  measures  have  prevailed. 
I  hope,  nay,  I  am  confident,  America  will  show  itself 
grateful  to  Britain  on  the  occasion,  and  behave  pru 
dently  and  decently." 

The  leading  friends  of  Franklin  in  Philadelphia 
strove  to  carry  out  his  advice ;  but  the  tide  was  too 
strong  against  them.  The  people  were  elated,  and 
were  determined  to  give  loose  to  their  exultation. 
And  the  British  authorities  took  the  lead  in  mani 
festations  of  rejoicing.  In  Boston  the  mansion  of 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  381 

Governor  Gage  was  brilliantly  illuminated ;  in  New 
York  the  Loyalists  were  hearty  participants  in  the 
rejoicings,  and  in  Philadelphia  the  proprietary  party 
took  the  lead  in  illuminations  and  festivities.  It  is 
generally  said  that  these  measures  were  taken  to  neu 
tralize  the  anticipated  rejoicings  of  the  people.  No 
doubt  this  motive  had  its  share  in  producing  the  fes 
tive  demonstrations  of  the  Loyalists ;  but  there  is  as 
little  doubt  that  the  authorities,  though  for  a  differ 
ent  reason  from  the  people,  were  quite  as  glad  as 
they  at  the  repeal.  They  perceived  the  danger?; 
which  would  attend  any  attempt  at  the  enforcement 
of  the  law  ;  and  some  of  the  Loyalists  were  shrewd 
enough  to  perceive  among  the  opponents  of  the 
Stamp  Act  some  persons  who  really  desired  that  it 
might  be  persisted  in  by  the  ministry.  These  trust 
ed,  in  the  struggle,  should  Great  Britain  remain  ob 
stinate,  to  obtain  a  greater  guerdon  than  the  repeal 
of  a  single  oppressive  enactment.  Joseph  Galloway, 
who,  though  a  friend  of  the  popular  cause  up  to  the 
assembling  of  the  first  Congress,  declared  himself 
a  Tory  when  the  issue  of  separation  was  made,  ex 
pressed  these  suspicions  of  the  intentions  of  some 
of  the  Americans  in  a  letter  to  Franklin,  dated  in 
May,  1766. 

When  the  news  of  the  repeal  was  received  in  Phil 
adelphia,  the  gentlemen  at  the  "  Coffee  House"  sent 
an  invitation  to  the  captain  of  the  vessel  by  which 
the  intelligence  was  brought,  inviting  him  to  the 
house  to  partake  of  refreshments.  By  the  "  gentle 
men  at  the  Coffee  House,"  men  of  no  small  consid 


382  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

eration  are  to  be  understood.  The  meetings  of  the 
Common  Council  were  at  that  time  held  at  "  The 
Coffee  House/'  or  at  "  Herbert  Carey's  Inn."  At  the 
Coffee  House  the  governor  held  daily,  at  about  the 
same  hour,  a  sort  of  informal  levee,  and  other  per 
sons  of  note  and  standing  frequented  it.  Connect 
ed  with  the  house  was  the  parade ;  here  auctions 
were  held,  and  all  matters  of  public  commercial  and 
political  interest  found  here  their  center.  Whenev 
er  any  rumor  agitated  the  public  mind,  this  was  the 
point  to  which  all  tended  to  ascertain  facts  or  verify 
intelligence.  The  "  gentlemen  at  the  Coffee  House'' 
who  invited  Captain  Wise  to  take  punch  with  them, 
and  presented  him  with  a  gold-laced  hat,  not  forget 
ting  his  crew  in  their  joy,  gave  the  direction  to  the 
public  humor.  Punch  flowed  freely,  and  barrels  of 
beer  were  put  on  tap  for  the  people.  The  city  was 
illuminated  in  the  evening,  and  on  the  next  day  an 
entertainment  was  given  by  the  provincial  and  Phil 
adelphia  authorities  to  over  three  hundred  persons. 
At  this  feast,  it  was  resolved,  on  the  coming  royal 
birth-day,  June  the  4th,  that  all  should  appear  in 
new  suits  of  British  manufacture,  and  that  the  home 
spun  garments,  which  had  been  worn  from  a  patri 
otic  feeling,  should  be  presented  to  the  poor.  Against 
these  demonstrations  the  calm  and  cautious  move 
ments  of  the  friends  of  Franklin  could  make  no  im 
pression.  They  appealed  to  the  authorities  to  no 
purpose,  and  therefore  contented  themselves  with 
private  efforts  to  preserve  the  peace,  walking  the 
streets  through  the  night  as  a  voluntary  patrol. 


LIFE     OF     FRANKLIN.  383 

On  the  king's  birth-day,  occasion  was  taken  to 
blend  with  the  observation  of  that  anniversary  the 
celebration  of  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act.  Four 
or  five  hundred  persons  dined  in  a  grove  on  the 
banks  of  the  Schuylkill.  A  barge  called  the  Frank 
lin  was  rowed  up  the  river  to  the  place  of  entertain 
ment.  Decorated  with  flags,  and  firing  salutes  as 
progress  was  made  up  the  river,  the  Franklin  per 
formed  the  water  part  of  the  pageant  to  admiration. 
At  the  same  time,  another  barge  was  drawn  through 
the  streets,  decorated  in  like  manner,  and  also  treat 
ing  the  people  to  salutes.  At  the  dinner,  after  the 
King,  the  Royal  Family,  and  the  Parliament,  those 
individuals  who  had  been  active  in  procuring  the 
passage  of  the  act  of  repeal  were  honored,  and  one 
of  the  toasts  was,  "  Our  worthy  and  faithful  agent, 
Dr.  Franklin.'"  The  rejoicings  were  concluded  with 
fireworks  and  an  illumination.  In  a  letter  to  Frank 
lin  from  Thomas  Wharton,  the  writer  says,  "  I  have 
inclosed  thee  a  newspaper  of  this  date,  in  which 
thou  wilt  find  that  we  rejoice,  but  not  in  such  a  man 
ner  as  can  give  our  enemies  handle  against  us,  and 
that  my  friend  is  not  forgotten  by  a  respectable  part 
of  the  people,  I  mean  the  free  and  independent  in 
judgment."  Probably  the  rejoicings  on  this  occa 
sion  gave  the  worthy  wife  of  the  philosopher  less 
uneasiness  than  the  demonstrations  which  took  place 
a  few  months  before,  upon  the  occasion  of  the  change 
of  ministry.  All  the  friends  of  the  absent  patriot 
must  have  experienced  a  feeling  of  honest  and  grat 
ified  triumph  at  his  complete  vindication  from  the 


384  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

charges,  which  certainly  possessed,  in  the  appoint 
ment  of  his  friend  as  a  stamp  officer,  color  enough 
for  party  purposes. 

By  the  journals  of  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly,  it 
appears  that  Dr.  Franklin  asked  permission  of  the 
House  to  return  in  the  spring  of  1766.  No  motion 
was,  however,  taken  on  this  application.  Such  evi 
dences  had  been  given  of  the  agent's  eminent  useful 
ness  in  London,  and  the  world  was  now  so  fond  of 
honoring  the  representative  of  Pennsylvania  abroad, 
that  it  was  doubtless  felt  that  no  other  could  make 
his  place  good.  Among  the  first  acts  of  the  Assem 
bly,  on  its  meeting  in  September,  was  a  resolution 
renewing  his  appointment. 

During  the  summer  of  1766,  Dr.  Franklin  accom 
panied  his  friend,  Sir  John  Pringle,  on  a  visit  to  Ger 
many.  Sir  John  visited  Pyrmont  for  the  benefit  of 
the  waters ;  Dr.  Franklin,  who  counted  more  on  ad 
vantages  from  air,  exercise,  and  change  of  scene,  left 
his  friend  at  the  springs,  and  made  a  hurried  visit  to 
the  principal  cities  nearest  to  Pyrmont.  At  Gottin- 
gen,  Hanover,  and  other  places,  he  was  received  with 
flattering  attention.  His  philosophical  discoveries 
and  writings  had  given  him  a  wider  fame  on  the  Con 
tinent  than  even  in  England  or  at  home,  for  in  Ger 
many  he  was  not  the  subject  of  any  party  enmity. 
Probably  little  was  yet  known  of  his  political  im 
portance;  and  the  Germans,  content  with  the  fact 
that  he  was  the  delegate  of  his  countrymen  abroad, 
were  satisfied  with  that  evidence  that  the  great  phi 
losopher  was  no  less  a  statesman.  The  results  of 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  385 

his  examination  before  the  House  of  Commons, 
which  did  more  than  any  previous  act  to  give  him 
celebrity  as  a  political  economist,  had  not  then  been 
published. 

A  remarkable  instance  of  the  activity  of  Dr.  Frank 
lin's  mind  is  preserved  in  a  series  of  pamphlets,  form 
erly  his  property,  now  in  the  Athenaeum  at  Philadel 
phia.  The  margins  of  many  contain  notes  in  the 
hand-writing  of  the  doctor,  indicating  an  intention 
to  publish  a  reply  to  their  allegations  and  reasonings. 
These  notes  are  valuable  to  his  fame  now,  as  post 
humous  witnesses  against  those  who  charged  that  he 
was  consulting  rather  his  own  interest  than  the  pub 
lic  service  during  his  residence  abroad  —  charges 
which  were  imbodied  with  more  point  than  truth  in 
the  following  lines,  which  accompanied  a  caricature 
published  in  Philadelphia : 

"  All  his  designs  concenter  in  himself, 
For  building  castles,  and  amassing  pelf; 
The  public  'tis  his  wit  to  sell  for  gain, 
Whom  private  property  did  ne'er  maintain." 

Some  slight  pretext  was  perhaps  given  to  this 
charge  by  the  appointment  of  his  son  as  governor  of 
New  Jersey,  of  which  we  have  already  spoken  in  its 
order.  There  were  rumors,  at  various  times,  of  ap 
pointments  which  Franklin  never  received,  and  all 
the  inference  which  can  be  drawn  from  them  is  to 
the  honor  of  the  doctor ;  for  we  can  but  conclude 
that  if  he  had  a  price  it  was  never  ascertained,  for 
he  was  never  bought.  A  company  was  formed,  dur 
ing  his  second  visit  to  England,  for  the  purpose  of 

B  B 


386  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

obtaining  a  grant  from  the  crown  for  a  new  colony 
on  the  Ohio.  William  T.  Franklin  and  Dr.  Frank 
lin  were  stockholders,  and  the  governor  was  Mr. 
Thomas  Walpole,  a  banker  of  London,  from  whom 
the  tract  of  land  solicited  by  the  company  has  usu 
ally  been  called  Walpole's  Grant.  The  doctor's  in 
fluence  was  especially  counted  on  to  obtain  the  char 
ter  ;  and  he  certainly  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost, 
and  ultimately  with  success,  though  the  occurrence 
of  Revolutionary  events  frustrated  the  completion  of 
the  plan.  In  prosecuting  the  furtherance  of  the  ob 
ject  of  the  petitioners,  Dr.  Franklin  wrote  several 
able  papers  and  a  great  deal  of  correspondence  ;  but 
he  was  no  further  interested,  nor  was  his  son,  than 
any  other  stockholder. 

But  the  best  evidence  of  the  sincerity  of  the  doc 
tor's  service  of  his  constituents  is  contained  in  the 
marginal  notes  to  pamphlets  before  referred  to,  a 
portion  of  which  have  been  laid  before  the  public 
by  Mr.  Sparks  in  his  collection  of  the  Writings  of 
Franklin.  Among  these  pamphlets  were  the  Pro 
tests  of  certain  members  of  the  House  of  Lords 
against  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act ;  and  brochures 
from  the  pen  of  Dean  Tucker,  who  appears  to  have 
suffered  under  a  species  of  singular  animosity  against 
the  colonies.  In  remarking  upon  some  declaration 
in  one  of  the  Protests,  Franklin  makes  the  following 
note,  to  which  subsequent  events  have  given  the 
character  of  prophecy  :  "  Anxious  about  preserving 
the  sovereignty  of  this  country  1  [England.]  Rath 
er  be  so  about  preserving  the  liberty.  We  shall  be 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  387 

so  about  the  liberty  of  America,  that  your  posterity 
may  have  a  free  country  to  come  to,  where  they  will 
be  received  with  open  arms." 

As  the  doctor  made  his  notes  with  a  view  of  pub 
lishing  a  reply  to  the  Protests,  we  find  in  one  place 
what  he  probably  intended  as  a  conclusion :  "  I  say 
nothing  to  your  lordships  that  I  have  not  been  in 
dulged  to  say  to  the  Commons.  Your  lordship's 
names  are  to  your  Protest,  therefore  I  think  I  ought 
to  put  mine  to  the  Answer.  I  desire  that  what  I  have 
said  may  not  be  imputed  to  the  colonies.  I  am  a 
private  person,  and  do  not  write  by  their  direction. 
I  am  over  here  to  solicit,  in  behalf  of  my  colony,  a 
closer  connection  with  the  crown."  Probably  the 
publication  of  the  examination  was  deemed  by  the 
doctor  sufficient,  as  he  declares  that  whatever  he 
purposed  to  say  in  his  Reply  to  the  Protests  was  said 
in  his  examination.  We  can  not  close  our  notice 
of  these  hints  for  a  reply  without  extracting  the  fol 
lowing  nervous  passage : 

"  My  duty  to  the  king,  and  justice  to  the  country, 
will,  I  hope,  justify  me  if  I  likewise  protest,  which 
I  now  do,  with  all  humility,  in  behalf  of  myself,  and 
of  every  American,  and  of  our  posterity,  against  your 
Declaratory  Bill,  that  the  Parliament  of  Great  Brit 
ain  has  not,  never  had,  and  of  right  never  can  have, 
without  consent  given  either  before  or  after,  power 
to  make  laws  of  sufficient  force  to  bind  the  subjects 
in  America,  in  any  case  whatever,  and  particularly 
in  taxation.  I  can  only  judge  of  others  by  myself. 
I  have  some  little  property  in  America.  I  will  free- 


388  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

ly  spend  nineteen  shillings  in  the  pound  to  defend 
my  right  of  giving  or  refusing  the  other  shilling ;  and, 
after  all,  if  I  can  not  defend  that  right,  I  will  retire 
cheerfully  with  my  little  family  into  the  boundless 
woods  of  America,  which  are  sure  to  afford  freedom 
and  subsistence  to  any  man  who  can  bait  a  hook  or 
pull  a  trigger." 

The  notes  upon  the  Protests  appear  to  have  been 
made  at  about  this  period,  1766—7.  Those  upon 
the  pamphlets  of  Dean  Tucker  contain  references  to 
later  events.  Throughout  the  whole  he  keeps  in 
view  the  refutation  of  certain  false  premises  which 
continually  appeared  in  English  publications  and 
speeches,  such,  for  instance,  as  that  the  people  of 
England  were  in  some  sort  sovereigns  of  America ; 
that  Parliament  had  a  right  to  tax  unrepresented  col 
onies  ;  and  that  Great  Britain  had  brought  the  prov 
inces  in  her  debt  by  money  expended  on  them  in 
their  protection.  To  the  allegation  in  Dean  Tuck 
er's  "  Good  Humor,  a  Way  with  the  Colonies,"  that 
the  people  of  Great  Britain  were  taxed  for  the  de 
fense  of  the  Provinces,  and  "  all  was  granted  when 
you  cried  for  help,"  Franklin  answers : 

"  This  is  wickedly  false.  While  the  colonies  were 
weak  and  poor,  not  a  penny  nor  a  single  soldier  was 
ever  spared  by  Britain  for  their  defense.  But  as 
soon  as  the  trade  with  them  became  an  object,  and 
a  fear  arose  that  the  French  would  seize  that  trade 
and  deprive  her  of  it,  she  sends  troops  to  America 
unasked.  And  she  now  brings  this  account  of  the 
expense  against  us,  which  should  be  rather  carried 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  389 

to  her  own  merchants  and  manufacturers.  We 
joined  our  troops  and  treasure  with  her  to  help  her 
in  this  war.  Of  this  no  notice  is  taken.  To  refuse 
to  pay  a  just  debt  is  knavish  ;  not  to  return  an  obli 
gation  is  ingratitude  ;  but  to  demand  a  payment  of  a 
debt  where  none  has  been  contracted,  to  forge  a  bond 
or  an  obligation  in  order  to  demand  what  was  never 
due,  is  villainy.  Every  year  both  king  and  Parlia 
ment,  during  the  war,  acknowledged  that  we  had 
done  more  than  our  part,  and  made  us  some  return, 
which  is  equivalent  to  a  receipt  in  full,  and  entirety 
sets  aside  this  monstrous  claim." 

In  the  autumn  of  1767  Dr.  Franklin  visited 
France.  He  had  letters  of  introduction  from  the 
French  ambassador  to  several  eminent  persons  in 
Paris ;  but  his  published  works  had  been  his  best 
introduction.  In  visiting  France  he  visited  a  coun 
try  in  which  his  electrical  experiments  had  been  re 
peated  and  verified,  under  the  sanction  of  the  high 
est  in  the  state,  and  in  which  his  writings  were  not 
only  familiar  to  the  learned,  but  had  been  made,  by 
translation,  accessible  to  a  much  wider  circle.  He 
was  presented  at  court,  and  made  among  the  polit 
ical  circles  many  new  acquaintances ;  for  French 
politicians  could  not  have  passed  unnoticed  the  in 
creasing  disputes  between  Great  Britain  and  her  col 
onies.  With  scientific  men  his  meeting  was  more 
like  a  recognition  than  an  introduction.  His  pecu 
liar  sagacity  and  happy  address  confirmed  and  in 
creased  the  impression  in  his  favor ;  and  the  visit  to 
Paris,  while  it  was  productive  of  great  present  pleas- 


390 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


ure  to  the  philosopher  and  statesman,  undoubtedly 
made  his  official  residence  in  subsequent  years  more 
serviceable  to  his  country.  His  quick  perceptions 
never  permitted  any  opportunity  for  acquiring  useful 
knowledge  to  pass  unimproved ;  his  knowledge  of 
human  nature  gave  him  a  keen  insight  into  charac 
ter;  and  his  facility  of  adaptation  enabled  him  to  im 
prove  to  the  utmost  whatever  advantage  his  position 
conferred  upon  him.  He  laughingly  alludes  to  the 
appearance  which  he  made,  as  transformed  by  a 
French  tailor  and  perruquier  into  a  man  twenty 


years  younger;  and  he  shows,  by  the  pleasant  de 
scription  written  to  his  friends  of  French  men,  wom 
en,  and  things,  that  he  could  enter  with  the  most  ju 
venile  gayety  of  heart  into  the  relaxation  which  his 
official  fatigues  had  rendered  desirable. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  391 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

JOHN  ADAMS,  in  speaking  of  the  course  of  Frank 
lin,  said,  "  His  conduct  has  been  very  composed  and 
grave,  and,  in  the  opinion  of  many,  very  reserved, 
yet  entirely  American."  His  position,  prior  to  the 
Revolutionary  war,  and,  indeed,  during  his  whole  res 
idence  abroad,  was  one  of  exceeding  difficulty.  It 
is  to  be  recollected  that  he  was  in  England  as  the 
agent  of  colonists  who,  claiming  to  be  loyal  subjects, 
on  that  account  and  in  that  character  preferred  pe 
titions  to  the  crown.  However  much  his  sympa 
thies  might  incline  him  to  feel  with  his  countrymen, 
it  was  absolutely  necessary  that  he  should  be  "  re 
served,"  or  he  would  have  made  shipwreck  of  his 
official  trust.  Nor  are  we  to  regard  the  advocates 
of  extreme  measures  against  government  in  America 
as  the  only  patriots  and  the  only  friends  of  their 
country.  Many  hoped  to  the  last  that  a  rupture 
would  be  prevented,  and  the  integrity  of  the  British 
Empire  preserved,  while  her  colonies  still  would  re 
ceive  their  rights.  And  the  period  has  now  arrived, 
in  the  subsidence  of  national  prejudice,  and  the 
abatement  of  that  hatred  which  was  engendered  by 
oppression,  when  we  can  look  with  charitable  feel 
ings  even  upon  those  Americans  who  preserved  their 
loyalty  and  remained  true  to  the  British  crown.  It 


392  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

is  doing  a  great  injustice  to  the  characters  and  mo 
tives  of  men  to  judge  them  by  consequences,  or,  as 
it  may  be  better  expressed,  to  look  at  their  actions 
in  the  light  reflected  upon  them  by  subsequent  events. 
They  could  not  with  any  certainty  look  into  futuri 
ty,  and  we  must  try  them,  therefore,  by  the  circum 
stances  in  which  they  were  placed. 

Franklin  did  not  approve  of  those  measures  of  his 
countrymen  upon  which  we,  in  view  of  what  follow 
ed,  are  now  accustomed  to  look  with  unqualified 
praise.  He  was  very  discreet,  and  not  inclined  to 
hazard  the  fortunes  of  the  colonies  upon  acts  of  vio 
lence  or  expressions  of  defiance.  And,  as  already 
noted,  he  was  himself  exposed  to  great  annoyance 
and  inconvenience  by  every  symptom  of  resistance 
in  America.  How  much  he  was  stung  and  annoyed 
may  be  gathered  from  the  following  extract  from  a 
letter  to  his  son,  written  in  November,  1767.  "I 
think  the  New  Yorkers  have  been  very  discreet  in 
forbearing  to  write  and  publish  against  the  late  act 
of  Parliament.  I  wish  the  Boston  people  had  been 
as  quiet,  since  Governor  Bernard  has  sent  over  all 
their  violent  papers  to  the  ministry,  and  wrote  them 
word  that  he  daily  expected  a  rebellion.  He  did, 
indeed,  afterward  correct  this  extravagance,  by  writ 
ing  again,  that  he  now  understood  those  papers  were 
approved  but  by  few,  and  disliked  by  all  the  sober, 
sensible  people  of  the  province.  A  certain  noble 
lord  expressed  himself  to  me  with  some  contempt 
and  disgust  of  Bernard  on  this  occasion,  saying  he 
ought  to  have  known  his  people  better  than  to  im- 


LIFE     OF     FRANKLIN.  393 

pute  to  the  whole  country  sentiments  that  perhaps 
are  only  scribbled  by  some  madman  in  a  garret" 

The  act  above  referred  to  was  one  passed  in  pur 
suance  of  the  assertion  of  the  Declaratory  Act,  that 
Parliament  had  "  a  right  to  bind  the  colonies  in  all 
cases  whatsoever."  It  imposed  duties  on  certain 
articles  imported  into  the  colonies,  not,  as  formerly, 
for  the  regulation  of  trade,  but  to  raise  a  revenue, 
thus  affirming,  in  a  different  but  quite  as  objectiona 
ble  a  manner,  the  right  of  the  Parliament  to  tax  the 
colonies,  which  had  been  the  great  matter  of  remon 
strance  in  the  Stamp  Act.  And  the  act  of  1767 
was  further,  and  very  naturally,  hateful  to  the  colo 
nies,  because  it  provided  for  the  establishment  of  a 
Board  of  Commissioners  at  Boston  to  collect  and 
distribute  the  money.  Another  dangerous  measure 
was,  that  out  of  this  revenue  certain  officers  should 
be  paid,  who  had  hitherto  been  dependent  for  their 
salaries  on  the  colonial  Legislature ;  and  the  people 
justly  feared  the  effect  of  making  their  government 
entirely  independent  of  the  governed.  These  move 
ments  on  the  part  of  the  British  ministry  called  out 
the  storm  of  indignation  to  which  Franklin  referred 
in  the  letter  above  quoted,  and  further  embroiled  the 
governor  and  the  Legislature,  which  body  in  Mas 
sachusetts  truly  represented  the  people.  Franklin 
was  absent  in  France  when  the  commissioners  left 
England  for  America.  Although  a  connection  was 
one  of  the  Board,  he  writes  to  his  son,  "  I  assure  you 
I  had  not  the  least  share  in  his  appointment,  having 
carefully  kept  out  of  the  way  of  that  whole  affair." 


394  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

As  a  hint  was  never  lost  upon  Dr.  Franklin,  he  prob 
ably  learned  caution  in  the  history  of  the  Stamp  Act, 
and  did  not  care  to  have  his  approval  of  this  act  in 
ferred  by  his  enemies. 

Governor  Bernard,  who  was  for  several  years  in 
an  angry  contest  with  the  Legislature  of  Massachu 
setts,  at  last  hit  upon  a  new  method  of  annoyance, 
which  procured  him  peace  and  rest ;  that  is  to  say, 
so  far  as  these  desirable  objects  could  be  secured  by 
silencing  legal  and  regular  opposition.  He  used  his 
prerogative  to  shorten  the  sessions  of  the  Legislature, 
and  delayed  and  refused  to  convene  it  at  the  request 
of  the  people.  But  the  spirit  of  resistance,  the  ex 
pression  of  which  was  prevented  under  legislative 
sanction,  found  utterance  in  another  mode.  The 
inhabitants  of  Boston  met  in  town  meeting,  and 
passed  a  series  of  resolutions  to  encourage  industry, 
economy,  and  domestic  manufactures,  and  thus  to 
defeat  the  Revenue  Act  by  putting  an  end  to  imports. 
Similar  measures  had  taken  place  in  Philadelphia, 
but  were  relaxed  on  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act. 
The  Boston  movement  had,  however,  a  more  formal 
and  public  character  than  any  of  the  same  nature 
which  preceded  it.  A  committee  was  appointed  at 
the  town  meeting  to  procure  subscriptions  to  an 
agreement  not  to  use  British  articles  or  superfluities 
of  any  description,  and  the  example  of  Boston  was 
followed  by  other  towns.  The  most  wealthy  and 
influential  families  made  a  pride  of  their  simplicity, 
and  the  general  and  united  resistance  of  the  Massa 
chusetts  people  caused  their  movement  to  assume,  in 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  395 

the  eyes  of  the  ministerial  party  in  England,  the  hue 
of  rebellion.  And  the  friends  of  America  in  Great 
Britain,  or  rather,  we  should  say,  the  opponents  of 
the  policy  of  the  Grenville  ministry,  were  sorely  push 
ed  by  the  newspapers.  Franklin  says,  in  a  letter 
dated  in  December,  1767,  "  The  newspapers  are  in 
full  cry  against  America.  You  can  not  conceive 
how  much  the  friends  of  America  are  run  upon  and 
hurt  by  them,  and  how  much  the  Grenvillians  tri 
umph."  And  again :  "  The  proceedings  in  Boston, 
as  the  news  came  just  upon  the  meeting  of  Parlia 
ment,  and  occasioned  great  clamor  here,  gave  me 
much  concern.  And,  as  every  offensive  thing  done 
in  America  is  charged  upon  all,  and  every  province, 
though  not  concerned  in  it,  suffers  in  its  interests 
through  the  general  disgust  given,  and  the  little  dis 
tinction  here  made,  it  became  necessary,  I  thought, 
to  palliate  the  matter  a  little  for  our  own  sakes,  and 
therefore  I  wrote  the  paper  which  you  have  proba 
bly  seen  in  the  Chronicle  of  January  7th,  signed 
'  F.  S.' " 

The  paper  referred  to,  entitled  "  Causes  of  Amer 
ican  Discontents  before  1768,"  is  written  in  Frank 
lin's  peculiarly  smooth  and  convincing  style,  with  the 
skill  for  which  he  was  remarkable  in  controversy. 
The  drift  of  it  was  to  show  that  the  ministry  had 
needlessly  exasperated  the  Americans,  who  readily 
and  cheerfully  gave  money  to  the  crown,  provided 
they  could  be  permitted  to  give  it  in  what  they  con 
sidered  a  constitutional  and  loyal  mode,  while  they 
resisted  all  attempts  to  force  taxation  upon  them  in 


396  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

any  manner  which  they  regarded  as  violating  the 
privileges  secured  to  them  as  subjects  by  Magna 
Charta.  At  the  close  of  the  paper,  after  quoting 
some  paragraphs  from  the  American  newspapers  and 
other  sources,  he  adroitly  adds,  "  These  are  the  wild 
ravings  of  the,  at  present,  half-distracted  Americans. 
To  be  sure  no  reasonable  man  in  England  can  ap 
prove  of  such  sentiments,  and,  as  I  said  before,  I  do 
not  pretend  to  support  or  justify  them ;  but  I  sin 
cerely  wish,  for  the  sake  of  the  manufactures  and 
commerce  of  Great  Britain,  and  for  the  sake  of  the 
strength  which  a  firm  union  with  our  growing  colo 
nies  would  give  us,  that  these  people  had  never  been 
thus  needlessly  driven  out  of  their  senses."  It  will 
be  perceived  that  this  paper  was  written  under  the 
disguise  of  an  Englishman,  an  allowable  artifice  to 
give  it  weight.  Franklin  complained  that  the  editor 
of  the  Chronicle,  "  one  Jones,  seems  a  Grenvilliari, 
or  is  very  cautious,  as  you  will  see  by  his  corrections 
and  omissions.  He  has  drawn  the  teeth  and  pared 
the  nails  of  my  paper,  so  that  it  can  neither  scratch 
nor  bite.  It  seems  only  to  paw  and  mumble."  One 
can  not  help  wishing  to  believe  that  the  paragraph 
just  quoted  passed  under  the  correcting  fingers  of 
"one  Jones,  a  Grenvillian,"  for  there  is  nothing  in 
the  "  sentiments"  quoted  by  Franklin  which  he  had 
not  in  other  publications  presented  as  his  own,  and 
called  upon  "  reasonable  men"  in  England  to  receive. 
In  the  same  letter  in  which  Franklin  tells  his  son 
that  he  had  written  the  paper  for  the  Chronicle,  he 
adds  the  following  sound  advice :  "  If  our  people 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  397 

should  follow  the  Boston  example,  in  entering  into 
resolutions  of  frugality  and  industry,yw//  as  necessary 
for  us  as  for  them,  I  hope  they  will,  among  other 
things,  give  this  reason,  that  it  is  to  enable  them  more 
speedily  and  effectually  to  discharge  their  debts  to 
Great  Britain.  This  will  soften  a  little,  and,  at  the 
same  time,  appear  honorable  and  like  ourselves." 

Dr.  Franklin  caused  the  republication  in  England 
of  John  Dickinson's  famous  "  Farmer's  Letters."  He 
contributed  to  the  volume  a  preface,  in  the  character 
of  an  Englishman,  in  which  he  expresses  the  hope 
that  the  publication  will  produce  "  a  full  answer,  if 
we  can  make  one."  It  would  be  an  interesting  point 
could  it  be  ascertained  how  far  or  how  well  the  doc 
tor  preserved  his  incognito  in  these  cases.  He  was 
unreserved,  in  his  American  correspondence,  in  ac 
knowledging  the  authorship  of  these  several  pieces 
to  his  friends ;  and  if  he  was  not  more  wary  in  his 
conversation,  the  purpose  of  his  assumption  of  a 
feigned  character  was  defeated. 

In  1768  there  was  a  change  in  the  British  minis 
try.  Lord  Hillsborongh  was  made  Secretary  of 
State  for  America,  a  new  bureau  then  first  establish 
ed.  Mr.  William  S.  Johnson,  the  agent  in  En 
gland  for  the  State  of  Connecticut,  wrote  respecting 
this  appointment,  "  All  American  affairs  will  now  be 
thrown  into  an  entire  new  channel ;  all  is  to  be 
gin  anew  with  Lord  Hillsborough ;  new  negotia 
tions  are  to  be  commenced,  new  connections  form 
ed,  which  is  an  unhappy  delay  to  all  who  have  affairs 
to  solicit."  Lord  Hillsborough  was  generally  court- 


398  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

ecus,  but  capricious,  opinionated,  and  unyielding, 
and  the  agents  of  the  colony  found  much  delay  and 
difficulty  in  their  official  intercourse  with  him,  as 
he  interposed  new  and  unexpected  forms  and  require 
ments,  from  some  of  which,  as  entirely  incompatible 
with  the  relations  and  duties  of  the  agents,  he  was 
compelled  to  recede  in  effect,  though  he  preserved 
his  self-complacency  by  a  nominal  adherence.  He 
seemed,  at  first,  disposed  to  receive  the  agents  of  the 
colonies  kindly,  but  afterward  established  the  rule 
that  no  agent  could  be  recognized  as  such  who  was 
not  appointed  by  regular  act  of  Assembly,  signed  by 
the  governor  of  the  colony.  Franklin  expostulated, 
but  in  vain.  The  agent  did  not  represent  the  gov 
ernor,  but  the  people  ;  and  to  give  the  governor,  and, 
through  him,  the  ministry,  the  appointment  of  agents, 
would  entirely  defeat  the  purposes  for  which  the  co 
lonial  legislatures  had  maintained  agents  abroad. 
Franklin,  when  Lord  Hillsborough  broached  this 
new  arrangement  to  him,  after  he  found  that  all  rea 
soning  upon  the  subject  was  vain,  bluntly  told  his 
lordship  that  he  perceived  that  it  was  of  little  conse 
quence  whether  the  appointment  of  agents  was  rec 
ognized  or  not ;  for,  as  the  affairs  of  the  colonies 
were  now  administered,  agents  could  be  of  little  ser 
vice.  Lord  Hillsborough  carried  out  his  policy  by- 
procuring  the  passage  of  a  resolution  by  the  Board 
of  Trade,  that  no  agents,  unless  qualified  as  before 
mentioned,  would  be  allowed  to  appear  before  that 
body.  Their  business  was,  during  Lord  Hillsbor- 
ough's  official  term,  conducted  by  written  applica- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  399 

tions,  and  indirect  influence  with  the  members ;  for 
the  colonial  legislatures  never  followed  the  plan  in 
dicated  by  his  lordship. 

Perhaps  there  was  more  than  a  little  personal  hos 
tility  on  the  part  of  Lord  Hillsborough  toward  Frank 
lin,  which  led  to  these  measures.  Doctor  Franklin 
had  been  very  active  in  opposing  certain  measures 
contemplated  by  Lord  Hillsborough,  who  of  all  men 
could  least  endure  contradiction.  As  the  personal 
passages  between  his  lordship  and  the  doctor  form 
quite  an  interesting  episode,  we  will  follow  them  out 
in  this  place,  though  to  the  anticipation  of  the  regu 
lar  narrative.  Lord  Hillsborough,  in  conversation 
respecting  Franklin,  after  the  interview  in  relation 
to  his  agency,  spoke  of  the  doctor  as  a  factious  fel 
low,  mischievous,  and  a  Republican.  His  industry, 
by  his  pen  and  in  every  other  mode,  to  put  the  pub 
lic  mind  right  in  relation  to  his  country,  and  his 
sturdy  opposition  of  facts  and  common  sense  to  the 
abstractions  and  theories  of  the  closet-politicians  of 
England,  made  him  particularly  disagreeable  to  min 
isters.  In  fact,  while  his  countrymen  at  home  were 
some  of  them  accusing  him  of  apathy  and  indiffer 
ence,  his  friends  in  England  were  surprised  at  his 
boldness,  and  all  admired  the  capital  prudence  with 
which  he  conducted  himself  in  his  very  trying  posi 
tion  of  umpire  between  the  mother  country  and  the 
colonies ;  and,  though  willing  to  accede  more  to 
the  ministry  than  his  heated  friends  in  the  colonies 
would  have  done,  he  still  so  warily  guarded  the 
principles  for  which  they  contended,  that  it  was  dis- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

• 

covered  that  nothing  could  be  made  of  him  but  an 
American. 

In  17"J1,  while  Dr.  Franklin  was  on  a  visit  to  Ire- 
land,  he  met  Lord  Hillsborough  at  the  lord-lieuten 
ant's  in  Dublin.  His  lordship  was  exceedingly  civil, 
and  pressed  Dr.  Franklin  so  earnestly  to  call  at  Hills- 
borough  during  his  contemplated  journey  northward, 
that  the  doctor  could  not,  without  rudeness,  refuse ; 
and  when,  in  acceptance  of  the  invitation  of  Lord 
Hillsborough,  Franklin  and  his  party  called  at  his 
lordship's  seat,  they  were  detained  four  days,  during 
which  time  the  party,  and  the  doctor  in  particular, 
were  overwhelmed  with  civilities.  "  In  short,"  says 
the  doctor,  "  he  seemed  extremely  anxious  to  impress 
me,  and  the  colonies  through  me,  with  a  good  opin 
ion  of  him  :  all  which  I  could  not  but  wonder  at, 
knowing  that  he  likes  neither  them  nor  me ;  and  I 
thought  it  inexplicable  but  on  the  supposition  that 
he  apprehended  an  approaching  storm,  and  was  de 
sirous  of  lessening,  beforehand,  the  number  of  ene 
mies  he  had  so  imprudently  created.  But  if  he  takes 
no  steps  toward  withdrawing  the  troops,  repealing 
the  duties,  restoring  the  castle,  or  recalling  the  offen 
sive  instructions,  I  shall  think  all  the  plausible  be 
havior  I  have  described  is  meant  only,  by  patting  and 
stroking  the  horse,  to  make  him  more  patient,  while 
the  reins  are  drawn  tighter,  and  the  spurs  set  deep 
er  into  his  sides." 

The  letter,  from  which  the  above  is  an  extract, 
was  addressed  to  Mr.  Gushing,  of  Massachusetts,  in 
1771,  and  the  troops  spoken  of  were  those  which 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  401 

had  been  sent  into  that  province  to  enforce  the  ob 
noxious  revenue  law.  Much  weight  is  undoubtedly 
due  to  the  doctor's  opinion,  that  Lord  Hillsborough 
wished  to  impress  him  favorably,  to  produce  an  in 
fluence  upon  the  public  business.  But  there  was  a 
matter  of  less  public  interest,  in  which  the  pride  of 
Lord  Hillsborough  was  deeply  interested,  and  in 
reference  to  which  we  may  well  suppose  his  per 
sonal  conduct  was  somewhat  guided.  He  had  con 
ceived  an  idea,  and  was  forming  the  plan,  of  abound^ 
ary  line  for  the  American  colonies,  to  be  drawn 
from  the  Hudson  River  to  the  Mississippi,  and  con 
fining  the  settlements  between  that  line  and  the 
ocean.  "  Walpole's  Grant,"  for  which  Franklin  was 
one  of  the  petitioners,  and  the  business  of  which  he 
managed  with  his  usual  discretion  and  indefatigabil- 
ity,  interfered  with  Lord  Hillsborough's. theory.  His 
lordship,  therefore,  earnestly  opposed  the  petition, 
and  labored  against  it  from  the  beginning.  As  some 
movement  was  made  by  the  petitioners  as  early  as 
1766,  it  is  not  assuming  too  much,  perhaps,  to  con 
clude  that  Lord  Hillsborough  had  some  eye  to  the 
frustration  of  Franklin  in  the  matter  of  the  Walpole 
Grant  when  he  procured  the  passage,  by  the  Board 
of  Trade,  of  the  regulation  respecting  colonial  agents. 
But,  in  the  indirect  prosecution  of  his  business  with, 
the  Board  of  Trade  by  written  applications,  Frank 
lin  was,  perhaps,  even  more  formidable  to  Lord  Hills- 
borough  than  before. 

Lord  Hillsborough,  as  President  of  the  Board  of 

Trade,  drew  up  a  report  against  the  petition,  which 

c  c 


402  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN 

was  submitted  to  the  king  in  council.  Dr.  Franklir 
answered  his  lordship's  report,  and  that  in  so  very 
able  a  manner  that  the  petition  was  granted.  Hills- 
borough  had  declared  that  if  the  petition  was  grant 
ed  he  would  resign  his  post  as  Secretary  of  State  for 
America ;  and  he  did  resign,  it  is  said,  for  that  rea 
son  only.  Perhaps,  as  Dr.  Franklin  intimates,  he 
thought  himself  of  so  much  consequence  that  the  pe 
tition  would  be  set  aside  rather  than  that  his  resig- 
pation  would  be  accepted.  The  event,  if  such  were 
his  expectations,  disappointed  him,  and  he  was  very 
much  chagrined. 

While  these  affairs  were  pending,  Dr.  Franklin 
waited  upon  Lord  Hillsborough  to  thank  him  for  his 
civility  in  Ireland,  and  was  told  that  his  lordship 
was  not  at  home.  He  met  the  same  repulse  upon 
three  more  visits,  the  last  being  under  circumstances 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  403 

of  peculiar  incivility.  It  was  on  a  levee  day,  when 
a  number  of  carriages  was  at  his  lordship's  door. 
Franklin's  coachman  drove  up,  alighted,  and  was 
opening  the  carriage,  when  the  porter  came  out  and 
surlily  chid  the  coachman  for  opening  the  door  be 
fore  he  had  inquired  whether  his  lordship  was  at 
home.  Then,  turning  to  Franklin,  he  said,  "My 
lord  is  not  at  home."  The  truth  was,  that  his  own 
rash  declaration,  and  Dr.  Franklin's  firmness,  cost 
him  his  place,  and  he  could  not  endure  the  doctor 
on  that  account.  Yet,  more  than  a  year  after  his 
resignation,  while  Dr.  Franklin  was  at  Oxford,  Lord 
Hillsborough  called  at  his  room,  and,  with  the  ut 
most  apparent  cordiality  and  friendship,  said,  "Dr. 
Franklin,  I  did  not  know  till  this  minute  that  yoa 
were  here,  and  I  am  come  to  make  you  my  bow.  I 
am  glad  to  see  you  at  Oxford,  and  that  you  look  so 
well."  The  conversation  continued  for  a  short  time, 
but  there  is  no  trace  of  any  further  intercourse.  This 
little  incident  is,  however,  in  perfect  keeping  with 
the  character  of  a  capricious  man,  whose  anger  had 
betrayed  him  into  a  weakness.  His  pride  afterward 
induced  him  to  endeavor  to  remove  the  impression 
which  his  caprice  had  left — that  his  opponent  had 
mortified  as  well  as  defeated  him. 

In  this  connection  we  insert  the  following  "  Rules 
for  Reducing  a  Great  Empire  to  a  Small  One."  This 
brochure  has  justly  been  regarded  as  among  Doctor 
Franklin's  happiest  political  writings,  and  it  is  the 
more  apropos  in  this  place,  as  it  purported  in  its  title 
to  have  been  "  presented  to  a  late  minister  when  he 


404  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

entered  upon  his  administration."  That  "late  min 
ister"  was  Hillsborough ;  and  the  "  Rules,"  published 
after  his  resignation,  as  presented  at  the  commence 
ment  of  his  term  of  office,  are  thereby  sarcastically 
made  to  appear  those  upon  which  his  administration 
of  the  affairs  of  the  colony  were  conducted.  The 
paper  was  widely  sought  and  read,  being  printed 
twice  in  The  Public  Advertiser,  in  which  it  first  ap 
peared,  and  widely  copied,  also,  into  other  journals. 
Dr.  Franklin,  in  a  letter  to  his  son,  remarks  concern 
ing  it,  "  Such  papers  may  seem  to  have  a  tendency  to 
increase  our  divisions  ;  but  I  intend  a  contrary  effect, 
and  hope,  by  comprising  in  a  little  room,  and  setting 
in  a  strong  light,  the  grievances  of  the  colonies,  more 
attention  will  be  paid  to  them  by  our  administration, 
and  that,  when  their  unreasonableness  is  generally 
seen,  some  of  them  will  be  removed,  to  the  restora 
tion  of  harmony  between  us." 

"An  ancient  sage  valued  himself  upon  this,  that 
though  he  could  not  fiddle,  he  knew  how  to  make  a 
great  city  of  a  little  one.  The  science  that  I,  a  mod 
ern  simpleton,  am  about  to  communicate,  is  the  very 
reverse. 

"I  address  myself  to  all  ministers  who  have  the 
management  of  extensive  dominions,  which  from 
their  very  greatness  have  become  troublesome  to 
govern,  because  the  multiplicity  of  their  affairs  leaves 
no  time  for  fiddling. 

"  1.  In  the  first  place,  gentlemen,  you  are  to  con 
sider,  that  a  great  empire,  like  a  great  cake,  is  most 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  405 

easily  diminished  at  the  edges.  Turn  jour  atten 
tion,  therefore,  first  to  your  remotest  provinces,  that, 
as  you  get  rid  of  them,  the  next  may  follow  in  order. 

"  2.  That  the  possibility  of  this  separation  may  al 
ways  exist,  take  special  care  the  provinces  are  never 
incorporated  with  the  mother  country ;  that  they  do 
not  enjoy  the  same  common  rights,  the  same  privi 
leges  in  commerce ;  and  that  they  are  governed  by 
severer  laws,  all  of  your  own  enacting,  without  al 
lowing  them  any  share  in  the  choice  of  the  legisla 
tors.  By  carefully  making  and  preserving  such  dis 
tinctions,  you  will  (to  keep  my  simile  of  the  cake) 
act  like  a  wise  gingerbread-baker,  who,  to  facili 
tate  a  division,  cuts  his  dough  half  through  in  those 
places  where,  when  baked,  he  would  have  it  broken 
to  pieces. 

"  3.  Those  remote  provinces  have  perhaps  been  ac 
quired,  purchased,  or  conquered,  at  the  sole  expense 
of  the  settlers  or  their  ancestors,  without  the  aid  of 
the  mother  country.  If  this  should  happen  to  in 
crease  her  strength,  by  their  growing  numbers,  ready 
to  join  in  her  wars ;  her  commerce,  by  their  grow 
ing  demand  for  her  manufactures ;  or  her  naval  pow 
er,  by  greater  employment  for  her  ships  and  seamen, 
they  may  probably  suppose  some  merit  in  this,  and 
that  it  entitles  them  to  some  favor;  you  are  there 
fore  to  forget  it  all,  or  resent  it,  as  if  they  had  done 
you  injury.  If  they  happen  to  be  zealous  Whigs, 
friends  of  liberty,  nurtured  in  revolution  principles, 
remember  all  that  to  their  prejudice,  and  contrive  to 
punish  it;  for  such  principles,  after  a  revolution  is 


406  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

thoroughly  established,  are  of  no  more  use  ;  they  are 
even  odious  and  abominable. 

"  4.  However  peaceably  your  colonies  have  sub 
mitted  to  your  government,  shown  their  affection  to 
your  interests,  and  patiently  borne  their  grievances  ; 
you  are  to  suppose  them  always  inclined  to  revolt, 
and  treat  them  accordingly.  Quarter  troops  among 
them,  who  by  their  insolence  may  provoke  the  rising 
of  mobs,  and  by  their  bullets  and  bayonets  suppress 
them.  By  this  means,  like  the  husband  who  uses 
his  wife  ill  from  suspicion,  you  may  in  time  convert 
your  suspicions  into  realities. 

"  5.  Remote  provinces  must  have  governors  and 
judges,  to  represent  the  royal  person,  and  execute 
every  where  the  delegated  parts  of  his  office  and 
authority.  You  ministers  know  that  much  of  the 
strength  of  government  depends  on  the  opinion  of 
the  people,  and  much  of  that  opinion  on  the  choice 
of  rulers  placed  immediately  over  them.  If  you  send 
them  wise  and  good  men  for  governors,  who  study 
the  interest  of  the  colonists,  and  advance  their  pros 
perity,  they  will  think  their  king  wise  and  good, 
and  that  he  wishes  the  welfare  of  his  subjects.  If 
you  send  them  learned  and  upright  men  for  judges, 
they  will  think  him  a  lover  of  justice.  This  may 
attach  your  provinces  more  to  his  government.  You 
are  therefore  to  be  careful  whom  you  recommend  to 
those  offices.  If  you  can  find  prodigals  who  have 
ruined  their  fortunes,  broken  gamesters,  or  stock 
jobbers,  these  may  do  well  as  governors;  for  they 
will  probably  be  rapacious,  and  provoke  the  people 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  407 

by  their  extortions.  Wrangling  proctors  and  petti 
fogging  lawyers,  too,  are  not  amiss ;  for  they  will  be 
forever  disputing  and  quarreling  with  their  little 
Parliaments.  If,  withal,  they  should  be  ignorant, 
wrongheaded,  and  insolent,  so  much  the  better.  At 
torney's  clerks  and  Newgate  solicitors  will  do  for 
chief  justices,  especially  if  they  hold  their  places  dur 
ing  your  pleasure ;  arid  all  will  contribute  to  impress 
those  ideas  of  your  government  that  are  proper  for 
a  people  you  would  wish  to  renounce  it. 

"6.  To  confirm  these  impressions,  and  strike  them 
deeper,  whenever  the  injured  come  to  the  capital 
with  complaints  of  mal-administration,  oppression,  or 
injustice,  punish  such  suitors  with  long  delay,  enor 
mous  expense,  and  a  final  judgment  in  favor  of  the 
oppressor.  This  will  have  an  admirable  effect  ev 
ery  way.  The  trouble  of  future  complaints  will  be 
prevented,  and  governors  and  judges  will  be  encour 
aged  to  further  acts  of  oppression  and  injustice ;  and 
thence  the  people  may  become  more  disaffected,  and 
at  length  desperate. 

"  7.  When  such  governors  have  crammed  their  cof 
fers,  and  made  themselves  so  odious  to  the  people 
that  they  can  no  longer  remain  among  them  with 
safety  to  their  persons,  recall  and  reward  them  with 
pensions.  You  may  make  them  baronets,  too,  if  that 
respectable  order  should  not  think  fit  to  resent  it. 
All  will  contribute  to  encourage  new  governors  in 
the  same  practice,  and  make  the  supreme  govern 
ment  detestable. 

"  8.  If,  when  you  are  engaged  in  war,  your  colonies 


408  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

should  vie  in  liberal  aids  of  men  and  money  against 
the  common  enemy,  upon  your  simple  requisition, 
and  give  far  beyond  their  abilities,  reflect  that  a  pen 
ny  taken  from  them  by  your  power  is  more  honora 
ble  to  you  than  a  pound  presented  by  their  benevo 
lence  ;  despise,  therefore,  their  voluntary  grants,  and 
resolve  to  harass  them  with  novel  taxes.  They  will 
probably  complain  to  your  Parliament  that  they  are 
taxed  by  a  body  in  which  they  have  no  representa 
tive,  and  that  this  is  contrary  to  common  right. 
They  will  petition  for  redress.  Let  the  Parliament 
flout  their  claims,  reject  their  petitions,  refuse  even 
to  suffer  the  reading  of  them,  and  treat  the  petition 
ers  with  the  utmost  contempt.  Nothing  can  have  a 
better  effect  in  producing  the  alienation  proposed ; 
for,  though  many  can  forgive  injuries,  none  ever  for 
gave  contempt. 

"  9.  In  laying  these  taxes,  never  regard  the  heavy 
burdens  those  remote  people  already  undergo  in  de 
fending  their  own  frontiers,  supporting  their  own 
provincial  government,  making  new  roads,  building 
bridges,  churches,  and  other  public  edifices,  which 
in  old  countries  have  been  done  to  your  hands  by 
your  ancestors,  but  which  occasion  constant  calls 
and  demands  on  the  purses  of  a  new  people.  For 
get  the  restraint  you  lay  on  their  trade  for  your  own 
benefit,  and  the  advantage  a  monopoly  of  this  trade 
.gives  your  exacting  merchants.  Think  nothing  of 
the  wealth  those  merchants  and  your  manufacturers 
acquire  by  the  colony  commerce ;  their  increased 
ability  thereby  to  pay  taxes  at  home;  their  accumu- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  409 

lating,  in  the  price  of  their  commodities,  most  of 
those  taxes,  and  so  levying  them  from  their  consum 
ing  customers ;  all  this,  and  the  employment  and 
support  of  thousands  of  your  poor  by  the  colonists, 
you  are  entirely  to  forget.  But  remember  to  make 
your  arbitrary  tax  more  grievous  to  your  provinces 
by  public  declarations  importing  that  your  power  of 
taxing  them  has  no  limits;  so  that,  when  you  take 
from  them  without  their  consent  a  shilling  in  the 
pound,  you  have  a  clear  right  to  the  other  nineteen. 
This  will  probably  weaken  every  idea  of  security  in 
their  property,  and  convince  them  that,  under  such 
a  government,  they  have  nothing  they  can  call  their 
own,  which  can  scarce  fail  of  producing  the  hap 
piest  consequences ! 

"  10.  Possibly,  indeed,  some  of  them  might  still 
comfort  themselves,  and  say,  *  Though  we  have  no 
property,  we  have  yet  something  left  that  is  valua 
ble  ;  we  have  constitutional  liberty,  both  of  person  and 
of  conscience.  This  King,  these  Lords,  and  these 
Commons,  who,  it  seems,  are  too  remote  from  us  to 
know  us  arid  feel  for  us,  can  not  take  from  us  our 
Habeas  Corpus  right,  or  our  right  of  trial  by  a  jury  of 
our  neighbors ;  they  can  not  deprive  us  of  the  exer 
cise  of  our  religion,  alter  our  ecclesiastical  constitu 
tion,  and  compel  us  to  be  Papists,  if  they  please,  or 
Mohammedans.'  To  annihilate  this  comfort,  begin 
by  laws  to  perplex  their  commerce  with  infinite  reg 
ulations,  impossible  to  be  remembered  and  observed  ; 
ordain  seizures  of  their  property  for  every  failure ; 
take  away  the  trial  of  such  property  by  jury,  and 


410  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

give  it  to  arbitrary  judges  of  your  own  appointing; 
and  of  the  lowest  characters  in  the  country,  whose 
salaries  and  emoluments  are  to  arise  out  of  the  du 
ties  or  condemnations,  and  whose  appointments  are 
during  pleasure.  Then  let  there  be  a  formal  dec 
laration  of  both  Houses  that  opposition  to  your 
edicts  is  treason,  and  that  persons  suspected  of  trea 
son  in  the  provinces  may,  according  to  some  obso 
lete  law,  be  seized  and  sent  to  the  metropolis  of  the 
empire  for  trial,  and  pass  an  act  that  those  there 
charged  with  certain  other  offenses  shall  be  sent 
away  in  chains  from  their  friends  and  country  to  be 
tried  in  the  same  manner  for  felony.  Then  erect  a 
new  court  of  Inquisition  among  them,  accompanied 
by  an  armed  force,  with  instructions  to  transport  all 
such  suspected  persons ;  to  be  ruined  by  the  expense 
if  they  bring  over  evidences  to  prove  their  innocence, 
or  be  found  guilty  and  hanged  if  they  can  not  afford 
it.  And,  lest  the  people  should  think  you  can  not 
possibly  go  any  further,  pass  another  solemn  declara 
tory  act, '  that  King,  Lords,  and  Commons  had,  have, 
and  of  right  ought  to  have,  full  power  and  authority 
to  make  statutes  of  sufficient  force  and  validity  to 
bind  the  unrepresented  provinces  in  all  cases  what 
soever!  This  will  include  spiritual  with  temporal, 
and,  taken  together,  must  operate  wonderfully  to 
your  purpose,  by  convincing  them  that  they  are,  at 
present,  under  a  power  something  like  that  spoken 
of  in  the  Scriptures,  which  can  not  only  kill  their 
bodies,  but  damn  their  souls  to  all  eternity,  by  com 
pelling  them,  if  it  pleases,  to  worship  the  devil. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  411 

"  11.  To  make  your  taxes  more  odious,  and  more 
likely  to  procure  resistance,  send  from  the  capital  a 
board  of  officers  to  superintend  the  collection,  com 
posed  of  the  most  indiscreet,  ill-bred,  and  insolent  you 
can  find.  Let  these  have  large  salaries  out  of  the 
extorted  revenue,  and  live  in  open,  grating  luxury 
upon  the  sweat  and  blood  of  the  industrious,  whom 
they  are  to  worry  continually  with  groundless  and 
expensive  prosecutions  before  the  above-mentioned 
arbitrary  revenue  judges ;  all  at  the  cost  of  the  party 
prosecuted,  though  acquitted,  because  the  king  is  to 
pay  no  costs.  Let  these  men,  by  your  order,  be  ex 
empted  from  all  the  common  taxes  and  burdens  of 
the  province,  though  they  and  their  property  are 
protected  by  its  laws.  If  any  revenue  officers  are 
suspected  of  the  least  tenderness  for  the  people,  dis 
card  them.  If  others  are  justly  complained  of,  pro 
tect  and  reward  them.  If  any  of  the  under  officers 
behave  so  as  to  provoke  the  people  to  drub  them, 
promote  those  to  better  offices;  this  will  encour 
age  others  to  procure  for  themselves  such  profitable 
drubbings,  by  multiplying  and  enlarging  such  prov 
ocations,  and  all  will  work  toward  the  end  you 
aim  at. 

"  12.  Another  way  to  make  your  tax  odious  is  to 
misapply  the  produce  of  it.  If  it  was  originally  ap 
propriated  for  the  defense  of  the  provinces,  and  the 
better  support  of  government,  and  the  administration 
of  justice,  where  it  may  be  necessary,  then  apply 
none  of  it  to  that  defense,  but  bestow  it  where  it 
is  not  necessary,  in  augmenting  salaries  or  pensions 


412  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

to  every  governor  who  has  distinguished  himself  by 
his  enmity  to  the  people,  and  by  calumniating  them 
to  their  sovereign.  This  will  make  them  pay  it 
more  unwillingly,  and  be  more  apt  to  quarrel  with 
those  that  collect  it  and  those  that  imposed  it,  who 
will  quarrel  again  with  them,  and  all  shall  contribute 
to  your  own  purpose  of  making  them  weary  of  your 
government. 

"  13.  If  the  people  of  any  province  have  been  ac 
customed  to  support  their  own  governors  and  judges 
to  satisfaction,  you  are  to  apprehend  that  such  gov 
ernors  and  judges  may  be  thereby  influenced  to  treat 
the  people  kindly,  and  to  do  them  justice.  This  is 
another  reason  for  applying  part  of  that  revenue  in 
larger  salaries  to  such  governors  and  judges,  given, 
as  their  commissions  are,  during  your  pleasure  only ; 
forbidding  them  to  take  any  salaries  from  their  prov 
inces,  that  thus  the  people  may  no  longer  hope  any 
kindness  from  their  governors,  or  (in  crown  cases) 
any  justice  from  their  judges.  And,  as  the  money 
thus  misapplied  in  one  province  is  extorted  from  all, 
probably  all  will  resent  the  misapplication. 

"  14.  If  the  Parliaments  of  your  provinces  should 
dare  to  claim  rights,  or  complain  of  your  administra 
tion,  order  them  to  be  harassed  with  repeated  dis 
solutions.  If  the  same  men  are  continually  returned 
by  new  elections,  adjourn  their  meetings  to  some 
country  village  where  they  can  not  be  accommoda 
ted,  and  here  keep  them  during  pleasure;  for  this, 
you  know,  is  your  prerogative,  and  an  excellent  one 
it  is,  as  you  may  manage  it  to  promote  discontents 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  413 

among  the  people,  diminish  their  respect,  and  in 
crease  their  disaffection. 

"15.  Convert  the  brave,  honest  officers  of  your 
navy  into  pimping  tide-waiters  and  colony  officers 
of  the  customs.  Let  those  who  in  time  of  war  fought 
gallantly  in  defense  of  the  commerce  of  their  coun 
trymen,  in  peace  be  taught  to  prey  upon  it.  Let 
them  learn  to  be  corrupted  by  great  and  real  smug 
glers  ;  but  (to  show  their  diligence)  scour  with  arm 
ed  boats  every  bay,  harbor,  river,  creek,  cove,  or 
nook  throughout  the  coast  of  your  colonies;  stop 
and  detain  every  coaster,  every  wood-boat,  every 
fisherman ;  tumble  their  cargoes,  and  even  their  bal 
last,  inside  out  and  upside  down,  and,  if  a  penny 
worth  of  pins  is  found  unentered,  let  the  whole  be 
seized  and  confiscated.  Thus  shall  the  trade  of 
your  colonists  suffer  more  from  their  friends  in  time 
of  peace  than  it  did  from  their  enemies  in  war. 
Then  let  those  boats'  crews  land  upon  every  farm  in 
their  way,  rob  their  orchards,  steal  their  pigs  and 
poultry,  and  insult  the  inhabitants.  If  the  injured 
and  exasperated  farmers,  unable  to  procure  other 
justice,  should  attack  the  aggressors,  drub  them,  and 
burn  their  boats,  you  are  to  call  this  high  treason 
and  rebellion,  order  fleets  and  armies  into  their  coun 
try,  and  threaten  to  carry  all  the  offenders  three  thou 
sand  miles  to  be  hanged;  drawn,  and  quartered.  Oh  ! 
this  will  work  admirably ! 

"  16.  If  you  are  told  of  discontents  in  your  colo 
nies,  never  believe  that  they  are  general,  or  that  you 
have  given  occasion  for  them ;  therefore  do  not  think 


414  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

of  applying  any  remedy,  or  of  changing  any  offen 
sive  measure.  Redress  no  grievance,  lest  they  should 
be  encouraged  to  demand  the  redress  of  some  other 
grievance.  Grant  no  request  that  is  just  and  reason 
able,  lest  they  should  make  another  that  is  unreason 
able.  Take  all  your  informations  of  the  state  of  the 
colonies  from  your  governors  and  officers  in  enmity 
with  them.  Encourage  and  reward  these  leasing- 
makers ;  secrete  their  lying  accusations,  lest  they 
should  be  confuted ;  but  act  upon  them  as  the  clear 
est  evidence,  and  believe  nothing  you  hear  from  the 
friends  of  the  people.  Suppose  all  their  complaints 
to  be  invented  and  promoted  by  a  few  factious  dem 
agogues,  whom  if  you  could  catch  and  hang  all  would 
be  quiet.  Catch  and  hang  a  few  of  them  accord 
ingly,  and  the  blood  of  the  martyrs  shall  work  mira 
cles  in  favor  of  your  purpose. 

"17.  If  you  see  rival  nations  rejoicing  at  the 
prospect  of  your  disunion  with  your  provinces,  and 
endeavoring  to  promote  it;  if  they  translate,  pub 
lish,  and  applaud  all  the  complaints  of  your  discon- 
.ented  colonists,  at  the  same  time  privately  stimu 
lating  you  to  severer  measures,  let  not  that  offend 
you.  Why  should  it,  since  you  all  mean  the  same 
thing  ? 

o 

"  18.  If  any  colony  should,  at  their  own  charge, 
erect  a  fortress  to  secure  their  port  against  the  fleets 
of  a  foieign  enemy,  get  your  governor  to  betray  that 
fortress  into  your  hands.  Never  think  of  paying 
what  it  cost  the  country,  for  that  would  look,  at  least, 
like  some  regard  for  justice ;  but  turn  it  into  a  cita- 


LIFE     OP     FRANKLIN.  415 

del  to  awe  the  inhabitants  and  curb  their  commerce. 
If  they  should  have  lodged  in  such  fortress  the  very 
arms  they  bought  and  used  to  aid  you  in  your  con 
quests,  seize  them  all ;  it  will  provoke,  like  ingrati 
tude  added  to  robbery.  One  admirable  effect  of 
these  operations  will  be,  to  discourage  every  other 
colony  from  erecting  such  defenses,  and'so  their  and 
your  enemies  may  more  easily  invade  them,  to  the 
great  disgrace  of  your  government,  and,  of  course, 
the  furtherance  of  your  project. 

"19.  Send  armies  into  their  country  under  pre 
tense  of  protecting  the  inhabitants ;  but,  instead  of 
garrisoning  the  forts  on  their  frontiers  with  those 
troops  to  prevent  incursions,  demolish  those  forts 
and  order  those  troops  into  the  heart  of  the  country, 
fhat  the  savages  may  be  encouraged  to  attack  the 
frontiers,  and  that  the  troops  may  be  protected  by 
the  inhabitants.  This  will  seem  to  proceed  from 
your  ill  will  or  your  ignorance,  and  contribute  fur 
ther  to  produce  and  strengthen  an  opinion  among 
them  that  you  are  no  longer  fit  to  govern  them. 

"  20.  Lastly,  invest  the  general  of  your  army  in 
the  provinces  with  great  and  unconstitutional  pow 
ers,  and  free  him  from  the  control  of  even  your  own 
civil  governors.  Let  him  have  troops  enough  un 
der  his  command,  with  all  the  fortresses  in  his  pos 
session  ;  and  who  knows  but  (like  some  provincial 
generals  in  the  Roman  Empire,  and  encouraged  by 
the  universal  discontent  you  have  produced)  he  may 
take  it  into  his  head  to  set  up  for  himself?  If  he 
should,  and  you  have  carefully  practiced  the  few  ex- 


416  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

cellent  rules  of  mine,  take  my  word  for  it,  all  the 
provinces  will  immediately  join  him,  and  you  will 
that  day  (if  you  have  not  done  it  sooner)  get  rid  of 
the  trouble  of  governing  them,  and  all  the  plagues 
attending  their  commerce  and  connection  from 
thenceforth  and  forever. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  417 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

ABOUT  this  period,  1768,  there  were  several  ru 
mors  concerning  proposed  appointments  to  be  ten 
dered  to  Dr.  Franklin,  which  resulted  in  nothing, 
however,  except  the  giving  of  new  pretexts  for  accu 
sation  to  his  enemies.  It  was  said  that  he  was  to 
be  appointed  under  secretary  to  Lord  Hillsborough, 
and  that  nobleman's  first  deportment  toward  him 
gave  color  to  the  report.  How  widely  they  after-, 
ward  separated  we  have  seen.  There  was  a  pro 
posal  made  to  him,  also,  of  transferring  him  from  the 
office  of  postmaster-general  of  the  colonies  to  some 
station  under  the  government ;  and  there  appeared  at 
one  time  so  much  probability  of  such  a  change,  that 
it  became  a  serious  matter  of  debate  with  Dr.  Frank 
lin  what  would  be  the  best  course  for  him  to  take 
in  the  matter.  There  is  no  evidence,  however,  that 
he  was  ever  put  to  the  necessity  of  returning  any 
positive  answer  to  the  overtures  of  the  government. 
Pie  was  probably  sounded,  and  as,  by  his  course  af 
ter  the  appointment  of  his  son  to  the  government  of 
New  Jersey,  and  by  his  openly  declared  opinions,  it 
appeared  that  he  was  not  a  man  to  be  silenced  by 
patronage,  the  plan  of  his  purchase  was  abandoned. 
His  famous  letter  to  Lord  Kames,  which  that  noble 
man  never  received,  and  which  was  probably  in  the 

^   D 


418  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

possession  of  the  British  government  at  this  time, 
may  have  had  its  influence.  In  that  letter,  written 
in  1767,  is  contained  an  epitome  of  the  opinions, 
arguments,  predictions,  and  views  of  Dr.  Franklin, 
with  which  the  reader  is  already  familiar.  There 
was  also  something  said  of  procuring  his  appoint 
ment  as  governor  of  Massachusetts ;  and  his  friends 
in  Pennsylvania,  who  were  looking  forward  to  the 
change  of  that  government  from  a  proprietary  to  a 
royal,  also  thought  of  Franklin  as  governor  under 
the  new  order  of  things.  But  he  saw  the  difficul 
ties  in  the  way  of  his  accepting  any  royal  appoint 
ment,  and  had  fully  determined  to  decline  had  it 
been  offered  him.  He  could  not  accept  the  govern 
ment  of  a  colony  with  such  instructions  as  he  knew, 
in  pursuance  of  the  ministerial  policy,  must  accom 
pany  it.  The  change  in  the  government  of  Penn 
sylvania  never  took  place,  nor  did  the  ministry  think 
Franklin  a  suitable  person  to  succeed  Governor  Ber 
nard  of  Massachusetts. 

Other  public  business,  however,  crowded  upon 
him.  In  1768  he  was  appointed  agent  for  Georgia. 
In  1769  he  was  chosen  agent  for  New  Jersey.  In 
J770  Massachusetts  paid  a  similar  compliment  to  his 
sagacity  and  patriotism.  His  Pennsylvania  agency 
was  continued,  and  thus,  at  the  well-advanced  age 
of  sixty-four,  he  had  the  agency  of  four  colonies,  in 
each  of  which  circumstances  of  peculiar  difficulty 
and  embarrassment  required  the  full  exercise  of  his 
wisdom  and  prudence.  Thus,  though  anxious  to 
return  home,  and  feeling  that  his  private  affairs  need- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  419 

eel  his  attention,  he  was  detained  abroad  by  the  con 
fidence  of  his  countrymen,  which,  while  it  must  nat 
urally  and  properly  have  gratified  his  self-love,  im 
posed  most  arduous  duties  upon  him.  And  his  per 
formance  of  these  was  not  limited  to  any  mere  offi 
cial  routine.  He  wras  influenced  by  higher  consid 
erations  than  the  literal  compliance  with  instructions. 
"Being,"  he  writes  to  a  friend,  "born  and  bred  in 
one  of  the  countries  now  at  variance,  and  having 
lived  long,  and  made  many  agreeable  connections 
of  friendship  in  the  other,  I  wish  all  prosperity  to 
both  ;  but  I  have  talked  and  written  so  much  and  so 
long  on  the  subject,  that  my  acquaintance  are  weary 
of  hearing,  and  the  public  of  reading  any  more  of  it, 
which  begins  to  make  me  weary  of  talking  and  writ 
ing,  especially  as  I  do  not  find  I  have  gained  any 
point  in  either  country  except  that  of  rendering  my 
self  suspected  by  my  impartiality,  in  England  of  be 
ing  too  much  an  American,  and  in  America  of  being 
too  much  an  Englishman." 

But,  as  events  ripened,  that  he  was  too  much  an 
American  for  the  purposes  of  the  English  ministry 
became  more  than  a  point  of  mere  suspicion.  As 
he  perceived  unmistakable  indications  that  the  mod 
eration  for  which  he  had  so  earnestly  contended  was 
likely  to  be  of  little  avail,  and  that  ministers  were 
resolved  to  persist  in  their  plan  of  coercion,  the  tone 
of  his  correspondence  with  his  American  friends 
grew  more  like  the  language  which  he  had  at  an  ear 
ly  period  disapproved  of  in  the  newspapers.  Many 
of  his  letters  were  written  to  friends  in  Massachu- 


420  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

setts,  particularly  to  the  Rev.  Dr.  Samuel  Cooper, 
who  was  an  active  advocate  for  popular  rights  and 
the  cause  of  the  colonies.  In  a  letter  to  Dr.  Cooper, 
dated  April,  1769,  he  says  :• "  The  Parliament  remain 
fixed  in  their  resolution  not  to  repeal  the  duty  acts 
this  session,  and  will  rise  next  Tuesday.  I  hope 
my  country  folks  will  remain  as  fixed  in  their  reso 
lutions  of  industry  and  frugality  till  these  acts  are 
repealed ;  and  if  I  could  be  sure  of  that,  I  should 
almost  wish  them  never  to  be  repealed,  being  per 
suaded  that  we  shall  reap  more  solid  and  extensive 
advantages  from  the  steady  practice  of  those  two 
great  virtues,  than  we  can  possibly  suffer  damage  from 
all  the  duties  the  Parliament  of  this  kingdom  can 
levy  on  us.  They  flatter  themselves  you  can  not 
long  subsist  without  their  manufactures.  They  be 
lieve  you  have  not  virtue  enough  to  persist  in  such 
agreements.  They  imagine  the  colonies  will  differ 
amoDg  themselves,  deceive  and  desert  one  another, 
and  quietly,  one  after  the  other,  submit  to  the  yoke, 
and  return  to  the  use  of  British  fineries.  They  think 
that,  though  the  men  may  be  contented  with  home 
spun  stuffs,  the  women  will  never  get  the  better  of 
their  vanity  and  fondness  for  English  modes  and 
gewgaws.  The  ministerial  people  all  talk  in  this 
strain,  and  even  many  of  the  merchants.  I  have 
ventured  to  assert  that  they  will  all  find  themselves 
mistaken ;  and  I  rely  so  much  on  the  spirit  of  my 
country  as  to  be  confident  I  shall  not  be  found  a 
false  prophet,  though  at  present  not  believed.  *  *  * 
The  advantages  of  your  perseverance  in  industry 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  421 

and  frugality  will  be  great  and  permanent.  Your 
debts  will  be  paid,  your  farms  will  be  better  improved 
and  yield  a  greater  produce,  your  real  wealth  will  in 
crease  in  a  plenty  of  ev£ry  useful  home  production, 
and  all  the  true  enjoyments  of  life,  even  though  no 
foreign  trade  should  be  allowed  you,  and  this  handi 
craft  shop-keeping  state  will,  for  its  own  sake,  learn 
to  behave  more  civilly  to  its  customers."  It  is  a  lit 
tle  amusing  to  note,  in  the  last  sentence,  the  appli 
cation  of  epithets  to  England  which  were  in  sub 
stance  afterward  repeated  by  Napoleon.  Franklin* 
wrote  in  the  same  strain  of  encouragement  to  others, 
individuals,  committees,  and  public  bodies.  The 
measures  which  he  once  thought  and  said  would  be 
better  carried  in  silence  than  with  the  parade  of 
meetings,  resolutions,  and  associations,  he  now  per 
ceived  could  be  best  promoted  by  the  very  steps 
which  he  had,  at  first,  hesitated  to  approve.  And  as 
Dr.  Franklin's  plans  and  views  were  eminently  prac 
tical,  he  took  a  great  interest  in  the  silk  culture,  sug 
gesting  to  his  correspondents  in  America  the  proba 
bility  of  exchanging  raw  silk  for  manufactures  in 
England,  and  thus  making  the  colonies  independent 
of  British  manufactures,  by  supplying  a  commod 
ity  in  exchange  much  easier  obtained  than  specie. 
"  When  once,"  he  says,  "  you  can  raise  plenty  of 
silk,  you  may  have  manufactures  enough  from  hence." 
And  the  experiment  was  very  successfully  prosecu 
ted  until  the  Revolutionary  troubles  put  a  period  to 
the  culture. 

In  April,  1770,  Parliament  altered  the  revenue 


422  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

law,  but  in  such  a  manner  as  to  make  it  more  offen 
sive  to  the  thinking  than  before.  The  duties  were 
removed  on  all  articles  except  tea,  in  the  expectation 
that  motives  of  self-interest  would  draw  the  colo 
nists  into  trade  again,  and  thus  enrich  the  British 
merchants  and  manufacturers,  while  the  retention  of 
the  duty  on  one  article  would  defend  and  maintain  the 
principle  which  was  in  dispute.  Meanwhile,  a  tragic 
al  affair  had  occurred  in  Boston,  in  the  collision  be 
tween  the  people  and  the  troops  quartered  in  that 
town  for  the  enforcement  of  the  measures  of  the  min 
istry.  This  event,  commonly  called  the  Boston  Mas 
sacre,  took  place  on  the  5th  of  March.  Through  the 
winter  the  discipline  of  the  soldiers  had  been  relaxed, 
and  they  were  permitted  to  wander,  in  parties  and 
singly,  about  the  streets.  Frequent  disputes  occur 
red  between  them  and  the  citizens  ;  the  soldiers  were 
accused  of  insolence  to  the  people,  and  some  of  them 
were  rude  in  their  deportment  toward  respectable 
females.  At  any  time,  or  for  any  cause,  the  pres 
ence  of  a  standing  army  in  Boston  would  have  been 
a  sore  grievance  ;  but  in  the  events  of  the  times,  there 
were  incidents  which  led  to  direct  collision. 

Governor  Bernard  had  sailed  for  England.  The 
people,  stung  by  his  arbitrary  measures  in  delaying 
and  refusing  to  convene  the  "  General  Court,"  as  the 
Legislature  of  that  province  was  styled,  and  more 
than  suspicious  that  he  was  acting  against  the  peo 
ple  in  person  in  Great  Britain,  as  he  had  strongly 
accused  them  in  his  correspondence,  were  in  a  con 
dition  of  great  exasperation.  The  citizens  renewed 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  423 

their  non-importation  agreement,  and,  as  some  of  the 
merchants  persisted  in  importing  British  goods,  they 
became  highly  obnoxious  to  the  people,  many  of 
whom  resorted  to  strong  methods  of  testifying  their 
dislike.  The  boys  partook  of  the  spirit  of  the  time, 
and  bore  about  the  streets  effigies  of  the  importing 
merchants.  A  notorious  spy,  or  informer,  became 
entangled  in  an  affray  with  certain  of  these  boys, 
who  followed  him  to  his  house  with  abusive  epi 
thets.  They  threw  snow  and  ice  against  the  build 
ing;  he  fired  from  the  window,  and  killed  one  of  the 
lads.  The  excitement  produced  by  this  event  was 
intense ;  the  funeral  of  the  boy  was  attended  by  an 
immense  concourse  of  people,  and  the  state  of  pub 
lic  feeling  which  it  engendered  led  to  continual  af 
frays  between  the  soldiers  and  the  populace ;  all, 
however,  without  the  use  of  any  other  arms  on  ei 
ther  side  than  bludgeons,  stones,  ice,  and  other  im 
promptu  missiles.  In  most  of  these  encounters,  as  is 
usually  the  case  in  such  affairs  between  soldiers  and 
citizens,  the  latter  were  victorious. 

On  the  night  of  the  5th  of  March,  a  sentinel  was 
assaulted  on  his  post,  near  the  Custom-house,  with 
ice  and  snow.  As  recent  events  had  exasperated 
the  people,  and  many  were  in  the  streets  from  a  fire- 
alarm,  a  great  crowd  pressed  upon  the  point  where 
the  collision  occurred.  A  sergeant  and  six  men 
were  dispatched  to  the  relief  of  the  sentinel,  and 
were  received  with  missiles  by  the  crowd.  The 
captain  of  the  guard,  who  had  followed,  ordered  them 
to  charge ;  the  people,  unintimidated,  persisted  in 


424 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


throwing  ice;  some  person  gave  the  word  "fire!" 
and  the  soldiers  discharged  their  pieces,  killing  three 
rf  the  crowd  outright,  and  wounding  two  mortally 


and  several  slightly.  The  soldiers  were  shortly  aft 
er  withdrawn  from  the  town  to  the  castle,  on  an  isl 
and  in  the  harbor.  The  guard  had  a  fair  and  im 
partial  trial,  and  were  acquitted ;  and  the  people  ac 
quiesced  in  the  legal  justice  of  the  verdict. 

These  events,  the  presence  of  Governor  Bernard 
in  England,  and  copies  of  the  letters  of  Franklin  to 
his  correspondents  in  America,  which  had  been  sur 
reptitiously  procured,  all  operated  against  the  inde 
fatigable  friend  of  his  countrymen.  It  was  his  for 
tune  to  be  held  in  some  measure  accountable  for  all 
that  transpired  in  the  colonies  in  opposition  to  the 
ministry.  Intimations  were  made  to  him  that  he 
would  be  dispossessed  of  his  office  of  postmaster- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  425 

general.  He  still  retained  his  office,  though  efforts 
were  made,  as  he  suspected,  to  provoke  him  to  a  res 
ignation  :  a  step  which  he  considered  would  have 
been  a  forfeiture  of  his  self-respect,  and  an  admission 
of  a  point  which  he  stoutly  denied,  to  wit,  that  he 
had  in  any  way  compromised  his  loyalty,  or  inter 
fered  with  his  duty  as  postmaster,  in  performing  that 
which  he  owed  to  his  country.  He  maintained  his 
right  to  discuss  the  measures  of  the  ministry,  and 
sought  neither  to  deny  nor  to  conceal  his  sentiments. 
In  his  autobiography  Dr.  Franklin  refers  with  grat 
ification  to  a  sort  of  prophecy  of  his  father's,  that  he 
should  stand  before  kings,  which  was  more  than  ful 
filled  by  his  standing  before  six  and  dining  with  one, 
the  King  of  Denmark,  in  London  ;  and  in  a  letter 
to  his  friend  Thomas  Gushing,  speaker  of  the  Mas 
sachusetts  House  of  Representatives,  the  doctor,  then 
65  years  of  age,  speaks  with  the  gratification  of  an 
old  man  of  the  honor  paid  him  in  1771  by  the  Irish 
Parliament.  He  had  just  returned  from  a  tour  in 
Scotland  and  Ireland,  and  was  describing  some  of 
the  occurrences.  "  Before  leaving  Ireland,  I  must 
mention  that,  being  desirous  of  seeing  some  of  the 
principal  patriots  there,  I  stayed  till  the  opening  of 
their  Parliament.  I  found  them  disposed  to  be 
friends  of  America,  in  which  I  endeavored  to  con 
firm  them,  with  the  expectation  that  our  growing 
weight  might  in  time  be  thrown  into  their  scale, 
and,  by  joining  our  interests  with  theirs,  a  more  equi 
table  treatment  from  this  nation  might  be  obtained 
for  them  as  well  as  for  us.  There  are  many  brave 


426  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

spirits  among  them.  The  gentry  are  a  very  sensi 
ble,  polite,  and  friendly  people.  Their  Parliament 
makes  a  most  respectable  figure,  with  a  number  of 
very  respectable  speakers  in  both  parties,  and  able 
men  of  business.  And  I  must  not  omit  acquainting 
you  that,  it  being  a  standing  rule  to  admit  members 
of  the  English  Parliament  to  sit  (though  they  do  not 
vote)  in  the  House  among  the  members,  my  fellow- 
traveler,  being  an  English  member,  was  accordingly 
admitted  as  such ;  but  I  supposed  I  must  go  to  the 
gallery,  when  the  speaker  stood  up  and  acquainted 
the  House  that  he  understood  there  was  in  town  an 
American  gentleman  of  (as  he  was  pleased  to  say) 
distinguished  character  and  merit,  a  member  or  del 
egate  of  some  of  the  Parliaments  of  that  country, 
who  was  desirous  of  being  present  at  the  debates  of 
the  House ;  that  there  wras  a  rule  of  the  House  for 
admitting  members  of  English  Parliaments,  and  that 
he  supposed  the  House  would  consider  the  Ameri 
can  Assemblies  as  English  Parliaments ;  but  as  this 
was  the  first  instance,  he  had  chosen  not  to  give  any 
order  in  it  without  first  receiving  their  directions. 
On  the  question,  the  House  gave  a  loud,  unanimous 
Ay,  when  two  members  came  without  the  bar,  led 
me  in  between  them,  and  placed  me  honorably  and 
commodiously." 

Such  a  reception  in  Ireland  must  have  been  ex 
ceedingly  gratifying  to  him  at  a  time  when  the  "lying 
representations,"  as  he  strongly  terms  them,  of  Gov 
ernor  Bernard,  identifying  him  with  the  Massachu 
setts  disturbances,  made  his  treatment  by  the  official 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  427 

personages  in  London  any  thing  but  courteous.  He 
had  been  grievously  insulted  by  Lord  Hillsborough, 
as  we  have  already  seen,  and  certain  of  the  news 
papers  were,  or  had  been,  in  full  cry  against  him. 
In  the  respite  from  public  labors  and  official  discom 
forts  which  he  enjoyed  during  this  tour  through  Ire 
land  and  Scotland,  the  sympathy  and  warm-hearted 
ness  of  the  Irish  patriots  were  not  the  only  circum 
stances  which  gave  him  comfort  and  solace.  He 
found  his  old  Scottish  friends,  with  some  new  ones, 
ready  to  receive  him  with  open  arms,  and  spent  sev 
eral  weeks  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  society  of  men, 
most  of  whom  had  no  particular  political  sympathy 
with  him,  while  their  esteem  for  him  as  a  man  and 
as  a  philosopher,  or,  in  other  words,  their  personal 
regard,  made  their  intercourse  with  him  most  de 
lightful. 

In  this  year  (177.1)  Dr.  Franklin  paid  two  visits 
to  Jonathan  Shipley,  bishop  of  St.  Asaph's — the 
"  good  bishop,"  as  he  styled  him.  To  this  prelate  Dr. 
Franklin  was  indebted  for  some  of  the  attention 
which  he  received  in  Ireland,  being  furnished  with 
letters  to  gentlemen  in  that  country.  As  an  evi 
dence  of  the  continual  remembrance  of  his  family, 
we  extract  the  following  from  a  letter  to  his  wife, 
written  August  14th,  1771.  The  last  clause  of  the 
extract  is  amusingly  characteristic :  "  I  spent  three 
weeks  in  Hampshire  at  my  friend  the  Bishop  of  St. 
Asaph's.  The  bishop's  lady  knows  what  children 
and  grandchildren  I  have,  and  their  ages ;  so,  when 
I  was  to  come  away  on  Monday,  the  12th,  in  the 


428  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

morning,  she  insisted  on  my  staying  that  one  day 
longer,  that  we  might  together  keep  my  grandson's 
birth-day.  At  dinner,  among  other  nice  things,  we 
had  a  floating  island,  which  they  always  particular 
ly  have  on  the  birth-days  of  any  of  their  own  six 
children,  who  were  all  but  one  at  table,  where  there 
was  also  a  clergyman's  widow,  now  above  one  hun 
dred  years  old.  The  chief  toast  of  the  day  was 
Master  Benjamin  Bache,  which  the  venerable  old 
lady  began  in  a  bumper  of  mountain.  The  bishop's 
lady  politely  added,  *  and  that  he  may  be  as  good  a 
man  as  his  grandfather.'  I  said  I  hoped  he  would 
be  much  better.  The  bishop,  still  more  complaisant 
than  his  lady,  said,  '  We  will  compound  the  matter, 
and  be  content  if  he  should  not  prove  quite  so  good! 
This  chit-chat  is  to  yourself  only,  in  return  for  some 
of  yours  about  your  grandson,  and  must  only  be  read 
to  Sally,  and  not  spoken  of  to  any  body  else ;  for 
you  know  how  people  add  and  alter  silly  stories  that 
they  hear,  and  make  them  appear  ten  times  more 
silly." 

In  the  letter  to  his  wife  which  contained  the  above, 
he  inclosed  also  a  letter  just  received  from  the  bish 
op.  Sure  that  his  wife  could  not  help  but  hear  what 
was  said  to  his  disadvantage,  he  was  ever  kindly 
anxious  that  she  should  know  what  pleasant  events 
he  encountered,  and  what  good  and  great  men  gave 
him  their  countenance.  It  was  during  his  visit  to 
the  bishop  that  he  commenced  his  autobiography, 
and  it  is  not  at  all  improbable  that  the  partiality  and 
kindness  of  this  hospitable  family  aided  no  little  in 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  429 

putting  him  in  the  good  humor  with  himself  which 
runs  so  pleasantly  through  that  performance. 

The  embarrassments  which  attended  the  transac 
tion  of  American  business,  and  his  increasing  infirm 
ities  of  age,  again  pressed  upon  Franklin  the  expe 
diency  of  returning  home,  and  he  expressed  the  de 
sire  very  strongly  in  his  letters  written  in  1772.  But 
his  correspondents  in  America  urged  him  to  remain, 
and  in  this  year  the  Massachusetts  affairs  again  en 
gaged  his  attention.  In  this  year,  too,  he  was  occu 
pied  with  the  Walpole  Grant  and  with  Lord  Hills- 
borough,  whose  resignation  took  place  about  the 
middle  of  the  year;  and  the  appointment  of  Lord 
Dartmouth  put  matters  on  a  better  footing,  as  the 
regulations  respecting  agents,  established  by  Lord 
Hillsborough,  were  set  aside.  It  has  been  supposed 
that  the  influence  of  Dr.  Franklin  had  some  weight 
in  the  appointment  of  Lord  Dartmouth.  That  no- 
blernan  was  an  opponent  of  the  Stamp  Act,  and  from 
his  general  principles  was  supposed  to  be  favorable 
to  the  interests  of  the  colonies.  It  is  said  that  Frank 
lin  was  sounded  while  the  successorship  to  Lord 
Hillsborough  was  mooted,  and  that  he  mentioned 
Lord  Dartmouth  as  one  who  would  be  acceptable 
to  the  Americans.  And  the  change  was  found  gen 
erally  very  acceptable. 

Dr.  Franklin's  first  official  business  with  Lord 
Dartmouth  was  the  presentation  of  a  petition  from 
the  Massachusetts  Legislature,  remonstrating  against 
the  payment  of  the  governor's  and  judges'  salaries  by 
the  crown.  Under  advice  from  Dartmouth,  whose 


430  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

good- will  to  the  provinces  was  not,  at  this  time,  ques 
tioned,  and  who,  perhaps,  would  never  have  been 
supposed  to  entertain  any  other  feelings  if  the  com 
mittal  of  the  ministry  to  a  bad  policy  had  not  com 
pelled  him  to  act  against  his  former  opinions,  Frank 
lin  consented  that  the  presentation  of  the  petition 
should  be  delayed.  Meanwhile,  orders  were  dis 
patched  to  America,  by  which  the  salaries  of  the 
governor  and  judges  were  to  be  paid  from  the  cus 
toms.  The  Legislature  tendered  the  governor  his 
salary,  and  he  declined  receiving  it;  but  he  asked 
that  the  Province  House  in  Boston  might  be  repair 
ed  for  his  residence.  The  Legislature  replied  that, 
as  he  chose  to  be  supported  by  the  British  govern 
ment,  they  did  not  feel  obliged  to  be  at  any  expense 
for  his  accommodation. 

In  the  autumn  of  1772,  two  meetings  were  held 
by  the  citizens  of  Boston  in  relation  to  this  subject 
of  salaries.  Messages  desiring  information  were  sent 
to  Governor  Hutchinson,  which  he  declined  to  an 
swer,  refusing  to  recognize  the  meeting,  and  brand 
ing  it  as  an  "  unlawful  assembly."  He  was  then  de 
sired  to  convene  the  General  Court,  which  he  re 
fused  to  do.  A  committee  was  appointed  to  make 
a  report  at  a  subsequent  meeting ;  and  this  report,  a 
most  able  document,  was  adopted  in  Boston,  and  dis 
patched  with  circular  letters  to  other  towns  in  the 
province.  In  most  of  the  towns  the  sentiments  of 
the  "  Statement  of  Rights"  were  cordially  responded 
to,  and  all  the  efforts  of  the  friends  of  the  governor 
to  awe  and  cajole  the  people  into  silence  were  inef- 


LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN.  431 

fectual.  James  Otis  and  Samuel  Adams  were  mem 
bers  of  the  committee  who  framed  this  report.  Al 
though  Governor  Hutchinson,  in  his  history,  says 
"  the  materials  of  the  report  were  prepared  for  them 
in  England  by  their  great  director,  whose  advice 
they  followed,  and  in  whose  wisdom  and  dexterity 
they  had  implicit  faith,"  yet  it  is  hardly  to  be  sup 
posed  that  the  Otises,.  Adamses,  and  other  leading 
patriots  of  New  England  needed  to  apply  for  mate 
rials  even  to  Dr.  Franklin.  The  legislative  proceed 
ings  of  that  period,  and  the  columns  of  the  public 
press,  give  evidences  of  union,  and  strength,  and  of 
political  wisdom,  which  indicated  no  dearth  of  abili 
ty  in  the  province.  Dr.  Franklin  caused  the  proceed 
ings  of  the  Bostonians  to  be  republished  in  London, 
with  a  temperate  preface  prefixed  by  himself.  Of 
course  it  was  published  anonymously.  In  this  case 
the  matter  of  the  pamphlet  needed  no  one  to  call  at 
tention  to  it,  and  Dr.  Franklin's  efforts  were  directed 
rather  to  obtain  a  fair  hearing  than  to  bespeak  readers. 
Little  occurred  in  1772—3  except  what  tended  to 
show  that  little  more  was  to  be  hoped  from  the  min 
istry  of  Lord  Dartmouth  than  from  that  of  Lord 
Hillsborough,  except  in  the  cheap  article  of  civility 
Ministers  were  determined  to  persist  in  their  policy, 
and  defend  "the  dignity  of  Parliament."  At  this 
period  Dr.  Franklin  published  the  "  Rules  for  Re 
ducing  a  Great  Empire  to  a  Small  One,"  which  we 
have  already  quoted,  as  also  the  following,  which 
even  exceeds  the  other  in  point  and  humor.  It  pur 
ports  to  be  "  An  Edict  by  the  King  of  Prussia:" 


432  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

"  Dantzic,  September  5th,  1773. 

"  WE  have  long  wondered  here  at  the  supineness 
of  the  English  nation  under  the  Prussian  imposi 
tions  upon  its  trade  entering  our  port.  We  did  not, 
till  lately,  know  the  claims,  ancient  and  modern,  that 
hang  over  that  nation,  and  therefore  could  not  sus 
pect  that  it  might  submit  to  those  impositions  from 
a  sense  of  duty  or  from  principles  of  equity.  The 
following  Edict,  just  made  public,  may,  if  serious, 
throw  some  light  upon  this  matter. 

"  '  FREDERIC,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  Prus 
sia,  &c.,  &c.,  &c.,  to  all  present  and  to  come  (a  torn 
prcsens  et  a  venir),  health.  The  peace  now  enjoyed 
throughout  our  dominions  having  afforded  us  leisure 
to  apply  ourselves  to  the  regulation  of  commerce,  the 
improvement  of  our  finances,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
the  easing  our  domestic  subjects  in  their  taxes ;  for 
these  causes,  and  other  good  considerations  us  there 
unto  moving,  we  hereby  make  known,  that,  after 
having  deliberated  these  affairs  in  our  council,  pres 
ent  our  dear  brothers  and  other  great  officers  of  the 
state,  members  of  the  same,  we,  of  our  certain  knowl 
edge,  full  power,  and  authority  royal,  have  made  and 
issued  this  present  Edict,  viz.: 

"  '  Whereas  it  is  well  known  to  all  the  world  that 
the  first  German  settlements  made  in  the  Island  of 
Britain  were  by  colonies  of  people  subject  to  our 
renowned  ducal  ancestors,  and  drawn  from  their  do 
minions  under  the  conduct  of  Hengist,  Horsa,  Hella, 
Ufifa,  C/,rclicus,  Ida,  and  others;  and  that  the  said 
colov/f  >  Lave  flourished  under  the  protection  of  our 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

august  house  for  ages  past;  have  never  been  eman 
cipated  therefrom,  and  yet  have  hitherto  yielded 
little  profit  to  the  same ;  and  whereas  we  ourself 
have  in  the  last  war  fought  for  and  defended  the  said 
colonies  against  the  power  of  France,  and  thereby 
enabled  them  to  make  conquests  from  the  said  pow 
er  in  America,  for  which  we  have  not  yet  received 
adequate  compensation ;  and  whereas  it  is  just  and 
expedient  that  a  revenue  should  be  raised  from  the 
said  colonies  in  Britain  toward  our  indemnification, 
and  that  those  who  are  descendants  of  our  ancient 
subjects,  and  thence  still  owe  us  due  obedience, 
should  contribute  to  the  replenishing  of  our  royal 
coffers  (as  they  must  have  done  had  their  ancestors 
remained  in  the  territories  now  to  us  appertaining), 
we  do  therefore  hereby  ordain  and  command,  that 
from  and  after  the  date  of  these  presents,  there  shall 
be  levied  and  paid  to  our  officers  of  the  customs,  on 
all  goods,  wares,  and  merchandises,  and  on  all  grain 
and  other  produce  of  the  earth,  exported  from  the 
said  Island  of  Britain,  and  on  all  goods  of  whatever 
kind  imported  into  the  same,  a  duty  of  four  and  a 
half  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  for  the  use  of  us  and  our 
successors.  And,  that  the  said  duty  may  more  effect 
ually  be  collected,  we  do  hereby  ordain  that  all  ships 
or  vessels  bound  froai  Great  Britain  to  any  other 
part  of  the  "world,  or  from  any  other  part  of  the  world 
to  Great  Britain,  shall  in  their  respective  Voyages 
touch  at  our  port  of  Koningsberg,  there  to  be  unla-* 
den,  searched,  and  charged  with  the  said  duties. 
"  '  And  whereas  there  hath  been  from  time  to  time 

E  E 


434  LIFE     OF     FRANKLIN. 

discovered  in  the  said  Island  of  Great  Britain,  by  our 
colonists  there,  many  mines  or  beds  of  iron-stone ; 
and  sundry  subjects  of  our  ancient  dominion,  skill 
ful  in  converting  the  said  stone  into  metal,  have  in 
time  past  transported  themselves  thither,  carrying 
with  them  and  communicating  that  art ;  and  the  in 
habitants  of  the  said  island,  presuming  that  they  had 
a  natural  right  to  make  the  best  use  they  could  of 
the  natural  productions  of  their  country  for  their 
own  benefit,  have  not  only  built  furnaces  for  smelt 
ing  the  said  stone  into  iron,  but  have  erected  plating- 
forges,  slitting-mills,  and  steel-furnaces,  for  the  more 
convenient  manufacturing  of  the  same,  thereby  en 
dangering  a  diminution  of  the  said  manufacture  in 
our  ancient  dominion :  We  do,  therefore,  farther  or 
dain,  that  from  and  after  the  date  hereof,  no  mill  or 
other  engine  for  slitting  or  rolling  of  iron,  or  any 
plating-forge  to  work  with  a  tilt-hammer,  or  any  fur 
nace  for  making  steel,  shall  be  erected  or  continued 
in  the  said  Island  of  Great  Britain.  And  the  lord- 
lieutenant  of  every  county  in  the  said  island  is  here 
by  commanded,  on  information  of  any  such  erection 
within  his  county,  to  order,  and  by  force  to  cause, 
the  same  to  be  abated  and  destroyed,  as  he  shall 
answer  the  neglect  thereof  to  us  at  his  peril.  But 
we  are  nevertheless  graciously  pleased  to  permit  the 
inhabitants  of  the  said  island  to  transport  their  iron 
into  Prussia,  there  to  be  manufactured,  and  to  them 
returned,  they  paying  our  Prussian  subjects  for  the 
workmanship,  with  all  the  costs  of  commission, 
freight,  and  risk,  coming  and  returning,  any  thing 
.herein  contained  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  435 

"  *  We  do  not,  however,  think  fit  to  extend  this 
our  indulgence  to  the  article  of  wool ;  but,  meaning 
to  encourage  not  only  the  manufacturing  of  woolen 
cloth,  but  also  the  raising  of  wool  in  our  ancient  do 
minions,  and  to  prevent  both,  as  much  as  may  be,  in 
our  said  island,  we  do  hereby  absolutely  forbid  the 
transportation  of  wool  from  thence,  even  to  the 
mother  country,  Prussia;  and,  that  those  islanders 
may  be  further  and  more  effectually  restrained  in 
making  any  advantage  of  their  own  wool  in  the  way 
of  manufacture,  we  command  that  none  shall  be  car 
ried  out  of  one  county  into  another ;  nor  shall  any 
worsted,  bay,  or  woolen  yarn,  cloth,  says,  bays,  ker 
seys,  serges,  frizes,  druggets,  cloth-serges,  shalloons, 
or  any  other  drapery  stuffs,  or  woolen  manufactures 
whatsoever,  made  up  or  mixed  with  wool,  in  any  of 
the  said  counties,  be  carried  into  any  other  county, 
or  be  water-borne  even  across  the  smallest  river  or 
creek,  on  penalty  of  forfeiture  of  the  same,  together 
with  the  boats,  carriages,  horses,  &c.,  that  shall  be 
employed  in  removing  them.  Nevertheless,  our  lov 
ing  subjects  there  are  hereby  permitted  (if  they  think 
proper)  to  use  all  their  wool  as  manure  for  the  im 
provement  of  their  lands. 

" '  And  whereas  the  art  and  mystery  of  making 
hats  hath  arrived  at  great  perfection  in  Prussia,  and 
the  making  of  hats  by  our  remoter  subjects  ought  to 
be  as  much  as  possible  restrained;  and  forasmuch 
as  the  islanders  before  mentioned,  being  in  posses 
sion  of  wool,  beaver,  and  other  furs,  have  presump 
tuously  conceived  they  had  a  right  to  make  some 


436  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

advantage  thereof,  by  manufacturing  the  same  into 
hats,  to  the  prejudice  of  our  domestic  manufacture, 
we  do,  therefore,  hereby  strictly  command  and  or 
dain,  that  no  hats  or  felts  whatsoever,  dyed  or  un- 
dyed,  finished  or  unfinished,  shall  be  loaded  or  put 
into  or  upon  any  vessel,  cart,  carriage,  or  horse,  to 
be  transported  or  conveyed  out  of  one  county  in  the 
said  island  into  another  county,  or  to  any  other  place 
whatsoever,  by  any  person  or  persons  whatsoever, 
on  pain  of  forfeiting  the  same,  with  a  penalty  of  five 
hundred  pounds  sterling  for  every  offense ;  nor 
shall  any  hat-maker,  in  any  of  the  said  counties,  em 
ploy  more  than  two  apprentices,  on  penalty  of  five 
pounds  sterling  per  month ;  \VQ  intending  hereby, 
that  such  hat-makers, ,  being  so  restrained  both  in 
the  production  and  sale  of  their  commodity,  may 
find  no  advantage  in  continuing  their  business.  But, 
lest  the  said  islanders  should  suffer  inconvenience 
by  the  want  of  hats,  we  are  further  graciously  pleased 
to  permit  them  to  send  their  beaver  furs  to  Prussia, 
and  we  also  permit  hats  made  thereof  to  be  export 
ed  from  Prussia  to*Britain,  the  people  thus  favored 
to  pay  all  costs  and  charges  of  manufacturing,  inter 
est,  commission  to  our  merchants,  insurance,  and 
freight  going  and  returning,  as  in  the  case  of  iron. 

" '  And,  lastly,  being  willing  further  to  favor  our 
said  colonies  in  Britain,  we  do  hereby  also  ordain 
and  command,  that  all  the  thieves,  highway  and 
street  robbers,  housebreakers,  forgerers,  murderers, 
s — d — tes,  and  villains  of  every  denomination,  who 
have  forfeited  their  lives  to  the  law  in  Prussia,  but 


LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN.  437 

whom  we,  in  our  great  clemency,  do  not  think  fit 
here  to  hang,  shall  be  emptied  out  of  our  jails  into 
the  said  Island  of  Great  Britain,  for  the  better  peo 
pling  of  that  country. 

"  *  We  flatter  ourselves  that  these  our  royal  regu 
lations  and  commands  will  be  thought  just  and  rea 
sonable  by  our  much-favored  colonists  in  England, 
the  said  regulations  being  copied  from  their  statutes 
of  10th  and  llth  William  III,  c.  10 ;  5th  George  II., 
c.  22 ;  23d  George  II,  c.  29 ;  4th  George  I,  c.  11, 
and  from  other  equitable  laws  made  by  their  Parlia 
ments,  or  from  instructions  given  by  their  princes, 
or  from  resolutions  of  both  Houses,  entered  into  for 
the  good  government  of  their  own  colonies  in  Ireland 
and  America. 

" '  And  all  persons  in  the  said  island  are  hereby 
cautioned  not  to  oppose  in  any  wise  the  execution 
of  this  our  Edict,  or  any  part  thereof,  such  opposi 
tion  being  high  treason,  of  which  all  who  are  sus 
pected  shall  be  transported  in  fetters  from  Britain  to 
Prussia,  there  to  be  tried  and  executed  according  to 
the  Prussian  law. 

" '  Such  is  our  pleasure. 
" '  Given  at  Potsdam,  this  twenty-fifth  day  of  the 

month  of  August,  one  thousand  seven  hundred 

and  seventy- three,  and  in  the  thirty-third  year  of 

our  reign. 

" '  By  the  king,  in  his  council. 

"  'RECHTMAESSIG,  Sec' 

"  Some  take  this  Edict  to  be  merely  one  of  the 


438  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

king's  jeux  c£  esprit ;  others  suppose  it  serious,  and 
that  he  means  a  quarrel  with  England ;  but  all  here 
think  the  assertion  it  concludes  with,  *  that  these 
regulations  are  copied  from  acts  of  the  English  Par 
liament  respecting  their  colonies/  a  very  injurious 
one,  it  being  impossible  to  believe  that  a  people 
distinguished  for  their  love  of  liberty,  a  nation  so 
wise,  so  liberal  in  its  sentiments,  so  just  and  equi 
table  toward  its  neighbors,  should,  from  mean  and 
injudicious  views  of  petty  immediate  profit,  treat 
its  own  children  in  a  manner  so  arbitrary  and  ty 
rannical  !" 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  439 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

IN  February,  1774,  Dr.  Franklin  was  dismissed 
from  his  office  of  postmaster-general  for  the  colo 
nies.  This  measure,  designed  by  the  ministry  to 
effect  the  ruin  of  his  influence  and  character,  was  so 
timed  that  its  occurrence  was  not  merely  the  mark 
of  political  disapproval :  it  was  aimed  at  his  per 
sonal  integrity ;  for  it  followed  upon  a  report  of  the 
privy  council,  in  such  a  way  that  it  would  appear 
that  the  result  of  a  hearing  by  that  board  was  the 
establishment  of  the  fact  that  Benjamin  Franklin  Jpy 
abuse  of  confidence  and  other  knavish  proceedings, 
had  shown  himself  unworthy  of  trust.  The  event, 
however,  was,  even  in  England,  the  reverse  of  what 
his  enemies  counted  upon.  Detraction  might,  by 
more  silent  and  quiet  measures,  have  injured  his 
fame ;  but  this  open  and  summary  persecution  caused 
the  public  to  investigate  circumstances  to  which  it 
might  otherwise  have  been  indifferent,  and  the  char 
acter  of  Franklin  stood  higher  than  before.  In 
America  his  dismissal  from  his  office  proved  the 
most  fortunate  event  for  him  that  his  friends  could 
have  desired.  It  relieved  him  at  once  from  his 
anomalous  position  as  the  holder  of  office  under  the 
British  government,  and  removed  the  suspicion  that 
his  enemies  entertained  and  encouraged,  that  he  was 


140  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

playing  a  double  part.  Upon  the  reception  of  the 
news,  Dr.  Rush  wrote  thus  to  Arthur  Lee  :  "  Dr. 
Franklin  is  a  very  popular  character  in  every  part 
of  America.  He  will  be  received  and  carried  in  tri 
umph  to  his  house  when  he  arrives  among  us.  It  is 
to  be  hoped  that  he  will  not  consent  to  hold  any  more 
offices  under  government.  No  step  bat  this  can 
prevent  his  being  handed  down  to  posterity  among 
the  first  and  greatest  characters  in  the  world." 

The  circumstances  which  preceded  the  removal 
of  Dr.  Franklin  from  the  post-office  were  as  follows  : 
In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1772,  while  in  conver 
sation  with  a  gentleman  in  London  who  was  versed 
in  state  affairs,  the  doctor  was  informed  that  all  the 
measures  of  which  he  and  other  Americans  com- 
pkined  were  not  originated  in  England,  but  were 
"  projected,  proposed  to  the  administration,  solicited, 
and  obtained  by  some  of  the  most  respectable  among 
the  Americans  themselves,  as  necessary  measures  for 
the  welfare  of  that  country."  In  proof  of  this,  the 
gentleman  placed  in  Franklin's  hands  a  large  bundle 
of  original  letters  from  Governor  Hutchinson,  Lieu 
tenant-governor  Oliver,  and  others,  in  which  the 
sending  of  troops  and  other  obnoxious  measures 
were  strongly  advised.  The  direction  of  these  let 
ters  was  erased,  but  it  subsequently  appeared  that 
the  person  to  whom  they  were  written  was  Mr. 
Thomas  Whately,  then  deceased.  Mr.  Whately 
had  been  a  member  of  Parliament,  and  at  one  time 
secretary  under  one  of  the  ministers.  It  is  stated 
that  three  persons  in  England  only  were  privy  to 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  44] 

this  transaction,  one  of  whom  was  Mr.  John  Tem 
ple.  Another  is  supposed  to  be  Mr.  Hartley,  a  mem 
ber  of  Parliament. 

Franklin  could  not,  of  course,  feel  it  otherwise 
than  his  duty  to  give  information  of  this  fact  to  his 
constituents  •  but  the  gentleman  in  whose  hands  the 
letters  were,  would  not  permit  copies  to  be  taken. 
Permission  was,  however,  obtained  to  transmit  the 
originals  to  America,  under  the  conditions  that  they 
should  not  be  printed,  that  copies  should  not  be  tak 
en,  and  that  they  should  be  carefully  returned.  Dr. 
Franklin  sent  them  to  Mr.  Thomas  Gushing,  speak 
er  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  chairman 
of  the  Committee  of  Correspondence.  Mr.  Gushing 
was  desirous  not  to  be  known  publicly  in  the  trans 
action,  and  therefore  concealed  the  manner  in  which 
they  came  into  his  hands,  as  to  mention  Dr.  Frank 
lin,  who  was,  as  agent  for  the  colony,  in  constant 
correspondence  with  himself,  would  at  once  have 
identified  him  with  the  matter.  One  of  the  first  per 
sons  in  whose  hands  Mr.  Gushing  placed  the  letters 
was  Mr.  John  Adams,  who  carried  them  round  with 
him  upon  a  judicial  circuit.  Dr.  Franklin  had  au 
thorized  him  to  show  them  to  several  gentlemen 
whom  he  designated.  He  afterward  wrote  to  Mr. 
Gushing  that  he  might  even  show  them  to  some  of 
the  governor's  party,  and  finally  took  off  all  restraint 
except  as  to  copying. 

These  documents,  having  been  freely  circulated, 
and  thus  become  the  topic  of  universal  conversation, 
came  before  the  Massachusetts  House  of  Represent- 


442  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

atives  in  June,  1773.  The  Assembly  sat  with  closed 
doors,  and  heard  the  letters,  copies  of  which  were 
also  produced  on  the  second  day  for  the  action  of 
the  Legislature.  It  was  said  that  these  copies  also 
came  from  England,  but  this,  of  course,  was  a  fiction 
and  an  evasion.  A  long  series  of  resolutions,  and  a 
petition  drawn  up  in  accordance  with  them,  were 
adopted  by  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the  15th 
of  June.  The  purport  of  the  resolutions,  as  sum 
med  by  Dr.  Franklin  in  his  account  of  the  matter, 
was  the  expression  of  the  opinion  of  the  Americans 
that  "  the  grievances  which  had  been  so  deeply  re 
sented  as  measures  of  the  mother  country,  were,  in 
fact,  the  measures  of  two  or  three  of  their  own  peo 
ple;  of  course,  all  that  resentment  was  withdrawn 
from  her,  and  fell,  where  it  was  proper  it  should  fall, 
on  the  heads  of  those  caitiffs  who  were  the  authors 
of  the  mischief."  *  *  *  "It  was  a  solemn  dec 
laration,  sent  over  from  the  province  most  aggrieved, 
in  which  they  acquitted  Britain  of  their  grievances, 
and  charged  them  all  upon  a  few  individuals  in  their 
own  country.  Upon  the  heads  of  these  very  mis 
chievous  men  they  deprecated  no  vengeance,  though 
that  of  the  whole  nation  was  justly  merited;  they 
considered  it  as  a  hard  thing  for  an  administration 
to  punish  a  governor  who  had  acted  from  orders, 
though  the  orders  had  been  procured  by  his  misrep 
resentations  and  calumnies ;  they  therefore  only  pe 
titioned  that  his  majesty  would  be  pleased  to  remove 
Thomas  Hutchinson,  Esq.,  and  Andrew  Oliver,  Esq., 
from  their  posts  in  the  government,  and  place  good 
and  faithful  men  in  their  stead." 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  443 

On  the  21st  of  August,  Franklin,  as  agent  for  the 
House  of  Representatives,  sent  the  petition  to  Lord 
Dartmouth,  secretary  of  state  for  the  colonies.  Near 
ly  six  months  intervened  between  the  presentation 
of  the  petition  and  the  occurrence  of  any  action  upon 
it.  In  the  mean  time,  the  letters,  printed  in  Boston, 
reached  England,  and  great  curiosity  was  excited  as 
to  who  had  sent  them  to  America.  The  gentleman 
who  had  handed  them  to  Dr.  Franklin  had  enjoined 
secrecy  on  his  own  account,  and  so  the  subject  was 
involved  in  as  much  mystery  on  one  side  of  the  At 
lantic  as  the  other.  The  newspapers  and  the  polit 
ical  circles  were  full  of  discussion.  Though  the  ad 
dress  was  erased  from  them,  it  was  well  understood 
to  whom  they  were  originally  written — Mr.  Thomas 
Whately.  His  brother,  Mr.  William  Whately,  into 
whose  hands,  as  executor,  the  papers  of  the  deceas 
ed  had  passed,  was  suspected  of  having  permitted 
the  letters  to  go  out  of  his  hands,  and  he,  in  turn, 
looked  to  Mr.  Temple,  a  gentleman  in  the  Customs, 
a  friend  of  his  brother's,  who  had  been  permitted  to 
examine  the  papers  of  the  deceased.  Mr.  Temple, 
in  explicit  terms,  denied  having  taken  the  letters,  01 
any  extract  from  them,  from  among  the  documents 
belonging  to  the  deceased.  Anonymous  accusations 
appeared  against  Mr.  Temple,  which  he  thought  Mr. 
Whately  should  have  contradicted,  and  as  he  did  not, 
an  altercation  ensued  :  Temple  challenged  Whately 
on  the  morning  of  the  llth  of  December,  and  in  the 
afternoon  the  duel  was  fought,  and  Mr.  Whately 
wounded.  As  Dr.  Franklin  understood  the  duel  to 


444  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

be  only  postponed  until  Mr.  Whatelj  recovered,  he 
interfered,  and  published  a  card  in  the  Public  Ad 
vertiser,  in  which  he  declared  himself  to  have  been 
the  person  who  procured  and  transmitted  the  letters 
to  America,  and  that,  as  they  were  not  among  Mr. 
Thomas  Whately's  papers  when  those  documents 
passed  into  the  hands  of  his  brother,  Mr.  Temple 
could  not  have  taken  them  from  thence.  Dr.  Frank 
lin  was  now  blamed  for  not  having  prevented  the 
duel ;  but  it  is  a  sufficient  vindication  of  him  in  this 
respect,  that  he  knew7  nothing  of  it  until  after  it  had 
occurred.  He  was  also  attacked  for  having  trans 
mitted  the  letters  to  America;  but  to  this  he  an 
swered,  that  "they  were  not  of  the  nature  of  private 
letters.  They  were  written  by  public  officers  to  per 
sons  in  public  stations,  on  public  affairs,  and  intend 
ed  to  promote  public  measures ;  they  were,  there 
fore,  handed  to  other  public  persons,  who  might  be 
influenced  by  them  to  produce  those  measures.'7  It 
is  now  understood  that  Mr.  Temple,  afterward  Sir 
John  Temple,  came  into  possession  of  the  papers 
before  Mr.  Whately's  death,  and  that  he  sent  them 
to  Dr.  Franklin  by  the  hands  of  a  third  person.  Dr. 
Franklin  might  have  known  this  or  not ;  his  card  is 
ambiguous.  He  says  that  Mr.  Temple  could  not 
have  taken  them  from  Mr.  William  Whately,  be 
cause  they  were  never  in  that  gentleman's  pos 
session. 

Now  Mr.  Whately  turned  upon  Dr.  Franklin,  and 
commenced  a  chancery  suit  against  him,  founded  on 
the  far-fetched  declaration  that  Franklin  had  print- 


LIFE    OF    FRAMvLirs.  44^ 

ed  great  numbers  of  copies  of  the  letters,  and  he,  the 
complainant,  prayed  that  Franklin  might  be  com 
pelled  to  account  for  the  profits,  and  discover  how  he 
came  by  the  letters,  &c.  Pending  the  chancery 
suit,  which  appears  never  to  have  been  carried  fur 
ther  than  filing  the  complainant's  bill  .and  receiving 
the  respondent's  answer,  Dr.  Franklin  was  notified 
that  the  king  had  referred  the  petition  of  the  Assem 
bly  to  the  privy  council.  On  the  llth  of  January, 
the  doctor  accordingly  appeared  before  the  council, 
with  Mr.  Bollan,  the  agent  for  the  council  of  the 
province  of  Massachusetts.  The  evident  purpose 
of  this  hearing  was  to  make  the  occasion  one  of  per 
sonal  attack  upon  Dr.  Franklin.  Mr.  Israel  Maudit 
petitioned  that  he  might  be  heard  by  counsel  in  be 
half  of  the  governor  and  lieutenant-governor  of  Mas 
sachusetts,  and  Mr.  Wedderbern,  afterward  Lord 
Loughborough,  appeared  as  their  counsel.  Mr.  Bol 
lan  was  not  allowed  to  speak,  because  he  was  not 
the  agent  of  the  House  of  Representatives ;  and  Dr. 
Franklin,  finding  the  other  party  provided  with  coun 
sel,  embraced  the  same  privilege,  and  the  hearing  was 
adjourned  three  weeks  to  enable  him  to  make  prep 
arations. 

On  Saturday,  the  29th  of  January,  1773,  the  hear 
ing  took  place.  Thirty-five  lords  of  the  council  were 
present,  and  many  other  persons,  a  larger  number 
than  had  ever  attended  on  any  previous  occasion. 
It  was  well  understood  what  would  be  the  course 
pursued.  After  the  previous  meeting,  which  was 
held  only  to  adjourn,  rumors  were  circulated  about 


446  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

the  city  that  Dr.  Franklin  had  been  soundly  casti 
gated  by  Wedderbern,  removed  from  his  office,  &c. 
These  rumors  only  indicated  a  foregone  conclusion ; 
for  such  was  precisely  the  course  which  matters  took 
on  the  examination.  Mr.  Panning  and  Mr.  John 
Lee,  two  eminent  barristers,  engaged  by  Dr.  Frank- 
Jin,  appeared  as  counsel  for  the  Massachusetts  House 
of  Representatives,  producing  and  reading  copies  of 
the  famous  letters  in  support  of  the  petition.  Mr. 
Wedderbern  followed  in  an  eloquent,  artful,  and 
sarcastic  speech,  bitterly  abusing  Dr.  Franklin,  who 
stood  consciously  erect  and  bore  it  all,  apparently 
unmoved.  On  this  occasion  he  was  dressed  in  a 
full  suit  of  Manchester  spotted  velvet — a  circum 
stance  which,  of  no  consequence  in  itself,  has  been 
noted,  because  he  preserved  the  same  suit,  and  wore 
it  when  he  signed  the  treaties  of  commerce  and  al 
liance  with  France,  thus  indicating  that  he  felt  more 
than  he  permitted  himself  to  betray,  and  that  he  saw 
more  events  in  the  future  than  he  allowed  himself  to 
predict.  As  Wedderbern  proceeded,  the  members 
of  the  council  frequently  laughed  outright,  and  so  far 
forgot  decorum  as  to  cry  "  Hear  !  hear  !"  At  no  time 
in  his  life  was  he  more  bitterly  and  cruelly  insult 
ed.  He  remarked  to  a  friend  the  next  day  that  "  he 
had  never  before  been  so  sensible  of  the  power  of  a 
good  conscience ;  for  that  if  he  had  not  considered 
the  thing  for  which  he  had  been  so  much  insulted  as 
one  of  the  best  actions  of  his  life,  and  what  he  should 
certainly  do  again  in  the  like  circumstances,  he  could 
not  have  supported  it."  The  petition  of  the  Assem- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  447 

bly  of  Massachusetts  for  the  dismissal  of  the  gov 
ernor  and  lieutenant-governor  was  dismissed  as 
"groundless,  vexatious,  and  scandalous,  and  calcu 
lated  only  for  the  seditious  purpose  of  keeping  up  a 
spirit  of  clamor  and  discontent  in  the  said  province." 
On  the  Monday  morning  following,  Dr.  Franklin  re 
ceived  his  notice  of  removal  from  the  office  of  post 
master  in  the  provinces.  This  he  had  looked  for; 
but  not  for  the  artful  mode  in  which  it  was  made  to 
appear  a  personal  disgrace,  and  an  endorsement  of 
the  malice  of  his  enemies.  He  had  been  injured, 
also,  in  his  resources  by  an  order  from  the  ministry 
to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts,  to  sign  no  war 
rant  on  the  colonial  treasury  for  his  expenses  as 
agent.  How  Dr.  Franklin  viewed  the  course  of  the 
ministry  toward  him  is  shown  in  the  following  squib, 
published  by  him  anonymously  in  the  Public  Ad 
vertiser  : 

"  SIR  :  Your  correspondent  Britannicus  inveighs 
violently  against  Dr.  Franklin  for  his  ingratitude  to 
the  ministry  of  this  nation,  who  have  conferred  upon 
him  so  many  favors.  They  gave  him  the  post-office 
of  America ;  they  made  his  son  a  governor ;  and 
they  offered  him  a  post  of  five  hundred  a  year  in  the 
Salt-office,  if  he  would  relinquish  the  interests  of  his 
country ;  but  he  had  the  wickedness  to  continue  true 
to  it,  and  is  as  much  an  American  as  ever.  As  it  is 
a  settled  point  in  government  here  that  every  man 
has  his  price,  it  is  plain  that  they  are  bunglers  in 
their  business,  and  have  not  offered  him  enough. 


448  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

Their  master  has  as  much  reason  to  be  angry  with 
them  as  Rodrigue  in  the  play  with  his  apothecary, 
for  not  effectually  poisoning  Panclolpho,  and  they 
must  probably  make  use  of  the  apothecary's  justifi 
cation,  viz. : 

"  *  Rodrigue.  You  promised  to  have  this  Pan- 
dblpho  upon  his  bier  in  less  than  a  week ;  'tis  now 
more  than  a  month  since,  and  he  still  walks  and 
stares  me  in  the  face. 

" '  Fell.  True ;  and  yet  I  have  done  my  best  en 
deavors.  In  various  ways  I  have  given  the  mis 
creant  as  much  poison  as  would  have  killed  an  ele 
phant.  He  has  swallowed  dose  after  dose ;  far  from 
hurting  him,  he  seems  the  better  for  it.  He  hath  a 
wonderful  strong  constitution.  I  find  I  can  not  kill 
him  but  by  cutting  his.  throat,  and  that,  I  take  it,  is 
not  my  business. 

"  '  Rodrigue.  Then  it  must  be  mine.'  " 

There  is  a  singular  aptness  in  the  above,  when 
Dr.  Franklin  is  known  as  the  author.  It  lets  us  into 
the  light  in  which  he  regarded  ministerial  overtures 
and 'favors.  ^What  he  did  accept  would  have  been 
poison  indeefl,  and  effectual  poison,  to  almost <any  ' 
man  efse ;  and  that  his  influence  and  character  were  » 
not  effectually  destroyed  with  his  countrymen  by -his 
relations  to  the  British  government  was  not  through 
any  forbearance  of  his  enemies.  But  he  survived  it 
all ;  and  what  was  designed  to  be  the  final  blow,  his 
removal  from  the  post-office,  with  its  intended  igno 
miny,  only  produced  the  effect  already  described  at 


LIFE     OF     FRANKLIN.  449 

the  opening  of  this  chapter.  His  situation  now  had 
become  more  critical  in  another  light.  He  kept 
away  from  the  ministerial  levees,  and  virtually  re 
signed  his  post  as  agent  of  Massachusetts,  putting 
his  papers  into  the  hands  of  Mr.  Arthur  Lee,  who 
was  designated  as  his  successor;  but  he  resumed 
the  business  of  the  agency  during  Mr.  Lee's  absence 
on  the  Continent. 

The  famous  "  tea  party"  occurred  in  Boston  Har 
bor  while  the  ministry  in  England  were  busy  with 
Dr.  Franklin.  An  act  had  been  passed  allowing  a 
drawback  on  teas  sent  from  England  to  America,  of 
which  the  effect  was  to  make  the  article,  even  with 
the  imposition  of  the  colonial  duty,  actually  cheap 
er  in  America  than  in  England.  But  the  colonists, 
far  from  swallowing  this  gilded  pill,  were  exaspera 
ted  at  the  attempt  to  bribe  them  into  a  surrender  of 
principle.  The  views  of  the  proceedings  in  Amer 
ica,  the  return  of  the  tea  from  some  ports,  and  its 
destruction  in  Boston,  familiarized  the  public  mind 
to  the  expectation  that  blows  might  result  between 
the  mother  country  and  the  colonies.  The  Hutch- 
inson  Letters,  and  the  proceedings  thereupon,  had 
brought  him  into  a  more  prominent  position  than 
ever,  and  caused  him  to  be  fully  identified  with  the 
proceedings  in  America.  The  ministerial  party  par 
ticularly  charged  this  upon  him  ;  and  his  friends, 
who  saw  in  the  accusation  only  a  triumphant  refu 
tat)  m  of  the  want  of  patriotism  with  which  his  Amer 
icm  enemies  had  charged  him,  were  far  from  en 
deavoring  to  disprove  the  ministerial  allegations.  He 

F  F 


450  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

had  now  become  anxious  to  return  home,  having 
been  absent  ten  years.  But  a  Continental  Congress 
was  called  to  meet  in  September,  1774,  and  Dr. 
Franklin  decided  to  wait  until  the  spring  of  1775 
before  his  return  home. 

Before  the  arrival  of  that  time,  his  desire  to  revisit 
America  was  abated  by  the  afflicting  intelligence  of 
the  death  of  his  wife.  They  had  been  married  for 
ty-four  years.  Much  of  that  time  he  had  been  sep 
arated  from  her  by  his  public  duties ;  but  in  his  ab 
sence  he  might  almost  be  said  to  be  present  in  his 
household,  by  the  minute,  familiar,  and  affectionate 
correspondence,  specimens  of  which  we  have  given. 
In  his  autobiography  he  bears  testimony  to  her  worth 
and  good  qualities,  and  in  his  letters  before  her  death 
and  after  he  makes  frequent  and  affectionate  men 
tion  of  her.  While  in  the  society  of  the  great  and 
wise  in  Europe,  his  wife  and  family  were  frequent 
subjects  of  conversation  with  him ;  and  he  seemed 
to  strive  always  while  she  lived  to  make  her,  in  some 
sense,  the  sharer  of  the  social  pleasures  which  he 
found  in  the  families  of  his  European  friends.  Those 
friends  bear  accidental  but  honorable  testimony  to 
his  affection  as  a  husband  and  a  father,  in  the  to 
kens  of  their  remembrance  which  they  commission 
ed  him  to  send  his  family  from  persons  who  loved 
those  connected  with  their  honored  guest.  While 
the  husband  was  absent,  the  wife  was  his  competent 
and  judicious  agent.  She  died  December  19th,  1774, 
and  was  buried  in  the  cemetery  of  Christ  Church,  in 
the  corner  bounded  by  Arch  and  Fifth  streets. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  451 

In  December  Franklin  received  the  first  petition 
of  the  Continental  Congress,  which,  accompanied 
by  Messrs.  Bollan  and  Lee,  he  carried  to  Lord  Dart 
mouth.  It  was  presented  to  the  king,  and  by  him 
laid  before  Parliament,  but  without  any  allusion  be 
ing  made  to  it  in  the  royal  speech.  After  a  heated 
debate,  it  was  rejected  in  the  House  of  Commons 
by  a  majority  which  indicated  that  all  hope  for  a 
peaceful  termination  of  the  difficulties  between  the 
two  countries  was  at  an  end.  The  rejection  of  the 
petition  might  have  been  inferred  from  the  refusal 
of  the  House  to  permit  the  agents  of  the  colonies  to 
appear  at  the  bar  of  the  House  in  support  of  it ;  but 
the  violent  language  in  which  certain  members  spolre 
of  reducing  the  colonists  to  obedience  at  all  events, 
and  by  force,  should  force  prove  necessary,  argued  a 
spirit  of  contemptuous  prejudice  which  prevented  a 
just  view  of  the  character  of  the  colonists,  or  their 
capacity  for  resistance.  There  were  gentlemen, 
however,  high  in  standing,  who  feared  the  results  of 
the  policy  of  the  administration.  Among  these  was 
Lord  Chatham.  He  sought  the  counsel  of  Frank 
lin  upon  American  affairs,  having,  as  it  subsequently 
appeared,  a  scheme  in  view  for  the  reconciliation  of 
the  difficulties  between  Great  Britain  and  the  colo 
nies.  In  his  conversation  with  Franklin,  Lord  Chat 
ham  condemned  the  late  laws  against  Massachu 
setts,  closing  the  port  of  Boston,  and  other  oppress 
ive  measures,  and  expressed  the  hope  that  the  Amer 
icans  would  continue  firm,  and  defend,  by  all  prac 
ticable  and  legal  means,  their  constitutional  rights. 


452 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


He  alluded  to  an  opinion  prevalent  in  England  thai 
the  Americans  were  aiming  to  set  up  an  independ 
ent  state.  Dr.  Franklin  assured  him  that  he  had 
traveled  from  one  end  of  the  Continent  to  the  oth 
er,  and  had  never  heard  such  an  intention  expressed. 
But  it  was  well  understood,  and  probably  Lord 
Chatham  knew,  that  Franklin,  and  others  best  con 
versant  with  the  character  of  America,  believed  and 
said  that  pursuance  of  the  ministerial  policy  would 
inevitably  bring  about  a  rupture.  Up  to  this  date, 
and  beyond  it,  the  colonists  had  only  aimed  at  a  re 
dress  of  grievances. 

On  the  20th  of  January,  1775,  Franklin  was  pres 
ent,  by  Lord  Chatham's  desire,  in  the  House  of 
Lords,  when  that  nobleman  made  his  motion  for  the 
withdrawal  of  the  troops  from  Boston.  The  motion 
was  ably  sustained  by  speeches  from  Lords  Chat 
ham  and  Camden,  but  was  lost  by  a  large  majority. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  453 

Lord  Chatham  stated  that  this  motion  was  prepar 
atory  to  a  general  plan  of  reconciliation  which  he 
proposed  to  lay  before  Parliament.  And,  notwith 
standing  the  defeat  of  the  preparatory  motion,  Lord 
Chatham  brought  forward  his  plan,  in  the  form  of  a 
bill,  on  the  1st  of  February.  In  the  mean  time,  Lord 
Chatham  and  Franklin  had  several  conferences  upon 
the  plan,  which  Chatham  drew  up  and  submitted  to 
the  doctor.  A  great  deal  of  interest  was  felt  in  the 
subject,  and  the  friends  of  peace  hoped  every  thing 
from  the  talents  of  Lord  Chatham.  But  the  minis 
terial  party  bent  all  their  strength  against  it.  It  was 
not  even  permitted  to  remain  as  the  basis  of  any 
proceedings,  or  suffered  to  lie  upon  the  table,  but 
was  rejected  by  a  majority  of  two  to  one.  Lord 
Sandwich,  in  his  speech  in  opposition,  said  that  this 
bill  could  not  be  the  work  of  a  British  peer,  but 
would  seem  to  be  the  work  of  some  American.  "  He 
fancied  that  he  had  in  his  eye  the  person  who  drew 
it  up,  one  of  the  bitterest  and  most  mischievous  en 
emies  the  country  had  ever  known." 

As  Lord  Sandwich  uttered  this,  he  turned  toward 
Franklin.  Lord  Chatham,  in  reply,  declared  that 
the  bill  was  entirely  his  own — a  declaration  he  felt 
the  more  constrained  to  make,  since  many  of  their 
lordships  had  so  mean  an  opinion  of  it.  "  But,"  he 
added,  "  he  made  no  scruple  to  declare  that,  if  he 
were  the  first  minister  of  this  country,  and  had  the 
charge  of  this  momentous  business,  he  should  not  be 
ashamed  of  publicly  calling  to  his  assistance  a  per 
son  so  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  whole  of  Amer- 


454  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

lean  affairs  as  the  gentleman  alluded  to,  and  so  in 
juriously  reflected  on ;  one,  he  was  pleased  to  say, 
whom  all  Europe  held  in  high  estimation  for  his 
knowledge  and  wisdom,  and  ranked  with  our  Boyles 
and  Newtons ;  who  was  an  honor,  not  to  the  En 
glish  nation  only,  but  to  human  nature !" 

Such  eulogy  from  Lord  Chatham  was  more  than 
an  answer  to  the  abuse  of  Mr.  Wedderbern  ;  and  this 
public  praise  in  the  House  of  Lords  was  a  triumph 
ant  vindication  from  the  abuse  which  Franklin  re 
ceived  for  doing  what  he  considered  his  duty  before 
the  privy  council. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

DR.  FRANKLIN  was  a  great  admirer  of  chess.  He 
has  left  among  his  writings  a  paper  called  "  The 
Morals  of  Chess,"  in  which,  with  his  usual  cheerful 
shrewdness,  he  lays  down  rules  which  will  answer 
for  the  game  of  life  as  well  as  for  the  game  of  chess ; 
and  the  directions  which  he  prescribes  for  the  con 
duct  of  the  players  might  well  be  carried  into  all  in 
tercourse.  The  character  of  his  calm  and  philo 
sophical  mind  is  stamped  upon  this  production  ;  and 
in  it  we  see  the  maxim  by  which  the  sagacious  di 
plomatist  guided  his  conduct  through  duties  as  ardu 
ous  as  those  which  fell  to  the  share  of  any  patriot 
of  the  Revolution.  Against  all  unfairness  and  lack 
of  courtesy,  all  unreasonable  and  insulting  triumph 
the  philosophical  chess-player  is  rationally  earnest. 
An  interesting  parallel  might  be  drawn  between  his 
chess-maxims  and  his  political  advice  to  his  coun 
trymen  ;  and  it  is  hardly  exaggeration  to  say  that  a 
complete  code  of  the  minor  morals,  and  an  instruct 
ive  homily  on  that  true  politeness  whose  foundation 
is  kindness,  are  contained  in  the  doctor's  discourse 
on  this  fascinating  amusement.  "Moderate,"  says 
Franklin,  in  conclusion,  "your  desire  of  victory  over 
your  adversary,  and  be  pleased  with  one  over  your 
self.  Snatch  not  eagerly  at  every  advantage  offered 


456  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

by  his  unskillfulness  or  inattention,  but  point  out  to 
him  kindly  that,  by  such  a  move,  he  places  or  leaves 
a  piece  in  danger  and  unsupported ;  that  by  another 
he  will  put  his  king  in  a  perilous  situation,  &c.  By 
this  generous  civility,  you  may,  indeed,  happen  to  lose 
the  game  to  your  opponent,  but  you  will  win  what 
is  better,  his  esteem,  his  respect,  and  his  affection, 
together  with  the  silent  approbation  and  good-will 
of  all  impartial  spectators." 

During  the  intercourse  between  Franklin  and 
Lord  Chatham,  advances  were  made  from  another 
quarter,  or  quarters,  to  sound  the  American  relative 
to  the  possibility  of  an  adjustment  of  the  difficulties 
between  Great  Britain  and  her  colonies.  No  high 
er  compliment  could  have  been  paid  him  than  in 
these  proceedings,  which  at  once  recognized  his  in 
timate  knowledge  of  the  subject,  and  his  influence 
with  his  countrymen,  and  virtually  condemned  the 
injustice  which  had  been  done  him  in  the  insult  at 
the  council-board.  It  may  be  cited,  among  the  ro 
mance  of  modern  history,  that  an  individual  was 
thus  tacitly  reputed  to  hold  the  destinies  of  the  world 
in  his  hands ;  and  it  is  in  the  highest  degree  credit 
able  to  Franklin's  patriotism  and  good  sense  that 
he  did  not  make  shipwreck  of  his  character  for  pru 
dence  and  patriotism  in  a  position  which  would  have 
overthrown  a  common  man. 

The  first  move  in  these  negotiations  was  on  the 
chess-board.  The  well-known  skill  of  the  doctor  in 
the  game  was  made  the  pretext  for  introducing  him 
to  "  a  certain  lady  who  had  a  desire  of  playing  with 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  457 

him  at  chess,  fancying  she  could  beat  him."  The 
lady  proved  to  he  a  sister  of  Lord  Howe,  and  Dr. 
Franklin,  finding  her  of  "very  sensible  conversation 
and  pleasing  behavior,"  agreed  readily  to  renewed 
appointments  to  try  her  skill  at  chess,  though  at  this 


time,  he  says,  he  "  had  not  the  least  apprehension 
that  any  political  business  could  have  any  connec 
tion  with  this  new  acquaintance."  At  the  second 
meeting  with  the  lady,  which  occurred  in  Decem 
ber,  1774,  she  found  a  new  avenue  to  the  philos 
opher's  good  opinion  by  conversing  with  him  on  a 
mathematical  problem.  Then  the  conversation  turn 
ed  from  Mathematics  to  the  Parliament  just  assem 
bled.  "  What,"  said  Mrs.  Howe,  "  is  to  be  done  with 
this  dispute  between  Great  Britain  and  the  colonies ! 
I  hope  we  are  not  to  have  civil  war."  "  They  ought 
to  kiss  and  be  friends,"  said  the  doctor;  "what  can 


458  LIFE     OF     FRANKLIN. 

they  do  better?  Quarreling  can  be  of  service  to 
neither,  but  is  ruin  to  both."  "  I  have  said,"  replied 
she,  "  that  I  wished  government  would  employ  you 
to  settle  the  dispute  for  them  ;  I  am  sure  nobody 
could  do  it  so  well.  Do  not  you  think  the  thing  is 
practicable  V  "  Undoubtedly,  madam,  if  the  parties 
are  disposed  to  reconciliation ;  for  the  two  coun 
tries  have  really  no  clashing  interests  to  differ  about. 
It  is  rather  a  matter  of  punctilio,  which  two  or  three 
reasonable  people  might  settle  in  half  an  hour.  ] 
thank  you  for  the  good  opinion  you  are  pleased  to 
express  of  me,  but  the  ministry  will  never  think  of 
employing  me  in  that  good  work ;  they  rather  choose 
to  abuse  me."  "  Ay,"  said  she,  "  they  have  behaved 
shamefully  to  you.  And,  indeed,  some  of  them  are 
now  ashamed  of  it  themselves."  Still,  so  much  was 
Dr.  Franklin  in  the  habit  of  conversing  with  differ 
ent  persons  about  America  and  its  affairs,  he  thought 
this  but  an  incidental  conversation.  At  the  next 
interview,  which  was  on  Christmas  evening,  Mrs. 
Howe  desired  permission  of  him  to  send  for  her 
brother,  Lord  Howe,  who,  she  stated,  desired  his  ac 
quaintance,  adding  that  "  he  was  just  by."  The 
doctor's  eyes  must,  by  this  time,  have  been  opened 
to  these  designed  accidents,  particularly  when,  af 
ter  a  long  conversation  on  American  affairs,  Lord 
Howe  desired  him  to  draw  up  some  propositions, 
imbodying  the  terms  on  which  he  conceived  a  good 
understanding  betweentthe  countries  might  be  ob 
tained  and  established.  These  propositions,  Lord 
Howe  said,  they  might  meet  to  consider  either  at  his 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  459 

house,  or  at  Franklin's,  or  at  where  the  doctor  pleas 
ed.  But  as  Franklin's  visiting  Lord  Howe,  or  Lord 
Howe's  visiting  Franklin  might,  Lord  Howe  thought, 
occasion  some  speculation,  it  was  concluded  to  be 
best  to  meet  at  his  sister's,  where  there  was  a  good 
pretense  with  her  family  and  friends  for  his  being 
often  seen,  as  it  was  known  they  played  together  at 
chess.  She  "  readily  offered  her  house  for  that  pur 
pose."  It  is  evident,  from  the  circumstances,  that 
such  was  the  intention  from  the  beginning.  Ladies 
have  often  lent  their  houses  for  political  purposes — 
none  appear  to  have  done  it  with  better  motives  than 
the  Hon.  Mrs.  Howe.  Franklin  has  left  this  record 
of  her,  that  he  would  have  no  secrets  in  a  business 
of  the  nature  of  that  in  which  he  was  engaged,  which 
he  would  not  confide  to  her  prudence;  for  he  "had 
never  conceived  a  higher  opinion  of  the  discretion 
and  excellent  understanding  of  any  woman  on  so 
short  an  acquaintance."  And  her  residence  was  ac 
cordingly  used  as  the  place  of  conference  while  the 
consultations  with  Lord  Howe  continued.  The  mes 
sages  of  Franklin  and  of  Lord  Howe,  when  written, 
passed  through  her  hands,  and,  when  verbal,  were 
communicated  by  her. 

Dr.  Franklin  was,  at  this  period,  the  negotiator 
with  several  different  parties,  nor  did  he,  until  some 
time  a'fter,  discover  that  there  was  any  concert  among 
them.  All  consulted  him  separately.  Lord  Chat 
ham,  as  related  in  the  previous  chapter,  was  seeking 
his  advice ;  Lord  Howe  was  conferring  with  him ; 
and  two  of  his  friends,  Mr.  David  Barclay  and  Dr. 


460  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

Fothergil],  were  consulting  him  also,  in  the  hope  of 
concocting  a  plan  which  might  be  the  basis  of  a  rec 
onciliation  between  the  countries.  These  gentle 
men  possessed  the  means  of  reaching  the  ear  of  a 
portion  of  the  ministry.  Ex-governor  Pownall  also 
dined  and  sounded  him,  wishing  to  be  dispatched  as 
an  envoy  to  America,  with  Dr.  Franklin  as  his  col 
league  or  secretary.  Such  was  his  consequence 
with  politicians ;  and  with  the  public  his  movements 
were  deemed  of  so  much  moment,  that  merchants  of 
standing  applied  to  him  to  verify  or  disprove  the  ru 
mors  by  which  stocks  rose,  as  he  was  said  to  have 
procured  the  amicable  settlement  of  "  all  the  disputes 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  American  colonies, 
through  his  application  and  influence  with  Lord 
North." 

The  general  tenor  of  the  propositions  which 
Franklin  submitted  in  these  various  conversations 
required  that  the  colonies  should  be  placed  on  the 
same  footing  which  they  stood  before  the  difficulties; 
their  officers  to  be  paid  from  the  colonial  treasuries 
instead  of  by  the  crown;  duties  arising  under  the 
acts  of  Parliament  to  be  paid  into  the  colonial  treas 
uries,  and  thence  disbursed ;  and  the  claim  to  the  right 
of  taxation  by  Parliament,  or  of  legislation  in  the 
colonies,  to  be  relinquished.  The  several  obnoxious 
acts  restraining  manufactures,  closing  the  port  of 
Boston,  forbidding  the  prosecution  of  the  fisheries  by 
the  colonists,  imposing  a  duty  on  tea,  &c.,  he  insist 
ed  should  be  repealed,  and  that  the  appointment  of 
officers  in  the  customs  should  be  vested  in  the  colo- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  4  6  J 

nial  governors,  and  that  the  customs  laws  should 
be  enacted  or  revised  by  the  colonial  Legislatures, 
He  required  that  no  troops  should  enter  the  prov 
inces  without  the  consent  of  the  Legislatures,  and  no 
requisition  be  made  upon  the  provinces  in  time  of 
peace.  On  the  part  of  the  provinces,  he  engaged  that 
the  tea  destroyed  in  Boston  Harbor  should  be  paid 
for,  and  that  the  colonies,  left  to  their  own  loyalty, 
would  do  their  full  share  in  the  support  of  govern 
ment.  He  stipulated,  however,  that  the  duties  al 
ready  paid  under  the  Tea  Act  should  be  refunded  to 
the  colonies  in  which  it  had  been  collected. 

While  Franklin  was  conversing  with  Dr.  Fother- 
gill  and  Mr.  Barclay,  from  time  to  time,  upon  these 
propositions,  they  conferring  with  the  ministry,  and 
while  he  was  consulting  with  Lord  Howe  also,  it  at 
length  appeared,  by  his  lordship's  producing  a  copy 
of  the  memorandum  of  "  Hints"  with  which  Frank 
lin  had  furnished  Mr.  Barclay,  that  there  was  an  un 
derstanding  between  them.  Hitherto  Franklin  had 
supposed  that  his  share  in  the  negotiation  was  to  be 
kept  secret ;  but  he  now  proceeded  with  more  open 
ness,  directly  addressing  the  ministry.  Lord  Howe 
admitted  that  he  had  moved  with  their  privity  in  the 
matter,  and  semi-officially  proposed  to  Dr.  Franklin 
the  plan  of  sending  a  commissioner  to  America. 
Franklin  replied  that  a  person  of  rank  and  dignity, 
who  had  a  character  of  candor,  integrity,  and  wis 
dom,  might  possibly  be  of  great  use.  And  after  this 
conversation,  in  which  Mrs.  Howe  participated,  it 
was  no  secret  to  Franklin  that  Lord  Howe  desired 


462  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

to  be  named  this  commissioner,  and  to  have  his  as 
sistance  as  secretary  or  colleague.  It  would  occupy 
too  much  space  to  detail  all  the  conversations  with 
these  various  parties,  the  exceptions  and  concessions 
on  both  sides,  the  debates,  difficulties,  and  discus 
sions.  Meanwhile,  the  petition  from  the  Congress 
was  received,  and  its  tone  and  character  produced  a 
very  favorable  effect  in  England.  Although  it  had 
been  given  out,  beforehand,  that  the  government 
would  not  recognize  the  existence  of  an  "  illegal  as 
sembly"  by  receiving  its  petition,  yet  Lord  Dart 
mouth,  after  perusing  it,  pronounced  it  "  a  decent 
and  proper  petition,"  and  cheerfully  undertook  to 
present  it  to  the  king.  It  was  hoped  that  it  would 
form  the  basis  of  some  measures  of  conciliation. 
Lord  Chatham  declared  that  Congress  had  acted 
with  "  so  much  temper,  moderation,  and  wisdom,  that 
he  thought  it  the  most  honorable  assembly  of  states 
men  since  those  of  the  ancient  Greeks  and  Romans, 
in  the  most  virtuous  times."  Under  all  these  flatter 
ing  indications  from  the  ministry,  from  the  opposi 
tion,  and  from  the  people,  Franklin  was  encouraged 
to  persevere  in  his  efforts  for  the  production  of  a 
plan  which  should  be  acceptable  in  both  countries. 
But  the  first  opportunity  which  was  afforded  for  the 
expression  of  the  Parliamentary  mind,  as  recorded  in 
our  last  chapter,  dashed  his  hopes,  and  induced  him 
to  express  that  opinion  of  the  Houses  of  Lords  and 
Commons,  which  is  amusingly  remarkable  as  an  an 
tithesis  to  what  Chatham  said  of  the  American  Con 
gress  :  "  Hereditary  legislators  !  thought  I.  There 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN  463 

would  be  more  propriety,  because  less  hazard  of  mis 
chief,  in  having,  as  in  some  university  in  Germany, 
hereditary  professors  of  Mathematics  /  But  this  was 
a  hasty  reflection;  for  the  elected  House  of  Com 
mons  is  no  better,  nor  ever  will  be  while  the  elect 
ors  receive  money  for  their  votes,  and  pay  money 
wherewith  ministers  may  bribe  their  representatives 
when  chosen." 

As  the  conversations  proceeded,  it  appeared  that 
Lord  Hyde,  of  the  ministry,  was  one  of  the  parties 
to  whom  Messrs.  Fothergill  and  Barclay  had  access, 
and  that  his  lordship  was  also  in  conference  with 
Lord  Howe.  Lord  Howe  told  Franklin  that  he 
should  not  expect  assistance  without  rendering  a 
proper  consideration :  that  he  (Lord  Howe),  if  he 
undertook  the  business,  should  insist  on  being  en 
abled  to  make  generous  and  ample  appointments  for 
those  he  took  with  him,  particularly  for  Franklin,  as 
well  as  a  firm  promise  of  subsequent  rewards.  "  And," 
said  he,  "  that  the  ministry  may  have  an  opportunity 
of  showing  their  good  disposition  toward  yourself, 
will  you  give  me  leave,  Mr.  Franklin,  to  procure  for 
you,  previously,  some  mark  of  it — suppose  the  pay 
ment  here  of  the  arrears  of  your  salary  as  agent  for 
New  England,  which  I  understand  they  have  stop 
ped  for  some  time  past  ?"  Franklin  replied,  that  if 
the  propositions  of  the  ministry  were  reasonable  ones 
in  themselves,  possibly  he  might  be  able  to  make 
them  appear  so  to  his  countrymen,  and  he  should 
deem  it  a  great  honor  to  be  joined  with  his  lordship 
in  so  good  a  work.  If  they  were  otherwise  than 


4f)4  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

reasonable,  he  doubted  whether  any  man  could  make 
them  acceptable ;  certainly  he  should  not  undertake 
it.  But,"  he  added,  "if  you  hope  service  from  any 
influence  I  may  be  supposed  to  have,  drop  any  pur 
pose  of  procuring  me  any  previous  favors  from  min 
isters  ;  my  accepting  them  would  destroy  the  very 
influence  you  propose  to  make  use  of;  they  would 
be  considered  so  many  bribes  to  betray  the  interest 
of  my  country ;  but  only  let  me  see  the  propositions, 
and,  if  I  approve  of  them,  I  shall  not  hesitate  a  mo 
ment,  but  will  hold  myself  ready  to  accompany  your 
lordship  at  a  moment's  warning." 

Lord  Hyde,  with  whom,  at  Lord  Howe's  repeat 
ed  suggestions,  Franklin  had  at  length  a  personal 
interview,  said  to  him,  "  That  the  administration  had 
a  sincere  desire  of  restoring  harmony  with  America, 
and  that  it  was  thought  if  he  (Franklin)  would  co 
operate  with  them,  the  business  would  be  easy ; 
that  he  hoped  he  was  above  retaining  resentment 
against  them  for  what  nobody  now  approved,  and  for 
which  satisfaction  might  be  made  him  ;  that  he  was. 
as  he  (Lord  Hyde)  understood,  in  high  esteem  with 
the  Americans;  that  if  he  would  bring  about  a  rec 
onciliation  on  terms  suitable  to  the  dignity  of  gov 
ernment,  he  might  be  as  highly  esteemed  in  Britain, 
and  be  honored  and  rewarded,  perhaps,  beyond  his 
expectation!1  What  "nobody  now  approved,"  re 
ferred,  as  the  reader  will  readily  understand,  to  the 
proceedings  at  the  council-board,  and  the  removal 
of  Franklin  from  the  post-office.  On  the  same  sub 
ject,  it  will  be  recollected,  Mrs.  Howe  had  said  to 


LIFE    OF   FRANKLIN.  465 

aim  that  he  "had  been  treated  shamefully!"  Lord 
Howe,  in  his  first  interview,  remarked,  that  he  was 
sensible  that  Franklin  had  been  very  ill  treated  by 
the  ministry ;  that  some  of  them,  he  was  sure,  were 
ashamed  of  it,  and  sorry  it  had  happened;  and  that 
he  was  sure  ample  satisfaction  would  one  day  or 
other  be  made  him.  To  both  Lord  Howe  and  Lord 
Hyde,  Franklin  said  that  it  was  his  fixed  rule  not  to 
mix  his  private  affairs  with  those  of  the  public.  He 
declared  that  the  injuries  done  to  his  country  were 
so  much  the  greater,  that  he  did  not  think  his  own 
worth  mentioning.  He  said,  on  another  occasion, 
when  conversing  with  Messrs.  Barclay  and  Pother-- 
gill,  and  with  a  full  understanding  that  what  he  said 
would  be  reported  to  the  ministry,  that  while  Parlia 
ment  claimed  and  exercised  a  power  of  altering  our 
Constitutions  at  pleasure,  there  could  be  no  agree 
ment  ;  for  we  were  rendered  insecure  in  every  privi 
lege  we  had  a  right  to,  and  were  secure  in  nothing. 
And  it  being  hinted  how  necessary  an  agreement 
was  for  America,  since  it  was  so  easy  for  Britain  to 
burn  all  our  seaport  towns,  he  grew  warm,  and  said, 
as  he  informs  us,  "  The  chief  part  of  my  little  prop 
erty  consists  of  houses  in  those  towns.  They  might 
make  bonfires  of  them  whenever  they  pleased:  the 
fear  of  losing  them  would  never  alter  my  resolution 
to  resist  to  the  last  that  claim  of  Parliament ;  and 
that  it  behooved  Britain  to  take  care  what  mischief 
it  did  us,  for  that,  sooner  or  later,  it  would  certain 
ly  be  obliged  to  make  good  all  damages,  with  inter 
est."  Through  the  whole  of  these  interviews,  which 


466  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN 

were  continued  from  the  1st  of  September,  1774,  to 
the  middle  of  March,  1775,  Dr.  Franklin  exhibited 
a  steady  regard  for  the  interest  and  honor  of  his 
country,  which  no  personal  considerations  could 
shake.  His  quick  perceptions  of  consequences  and 
results  put  him  on  his  guard  against  any  admissions 
which  would  either  in  themselves  infringe  upon  the 
principles  which  he  laid  down,  or  leave  the  door  open 
for  future  interference.  He  desired,  if  any  thing 
were  done,  to  make  it  permanent,  thorough,  and  sat 
isfactory.  He  was  placed,  in  the  business,  in  a  po- 
siti  n  of  singular  responsibility.  It  is  evident,  that 
if  he  would  have  accepted  a  connection  with  an 
embassy  or  commission  such  as  Lord  Howe  de 
sired,  the  measure  would  have  been  attempted ;  but 
he  would  not  undertake  to  procure  from  his  coun 
trymen  concessions  which  he  thought  they  would 
not,  or  they  should  not  make.  A  mere  politician, 
seeking  personal  aggrandizement  or  profit,  would 
rather  have  labored  to  procure  the  appointment  than 
to  convince  ministers  that,  without  compliance  with 
the  terms  which  he  designated,  it  would  be  useless. 
Lord  Hyde  asked  him,  in  direct  terms,  his  opinion  of 
the  proposed  commission,  and  his  answer,  given  in 
terms  similar  to  those  in  which  he  had  expressed 
himself  to  Lord  Howe,  caused  the  plan  to  be  aban 
doned.  Thus  did  he  sacrifice  his  personal  ambition 
to  the  public  good,  and  show  himself,  as  he  was  tru 
ly  styled,  "  at  heart  an  American."  And  yet,  that 
he  was  not  indifferent  to  personal  considerations, 
where  honor  to  himself  could  be  received  without 


LIFE     OP     FRANKLIN.  467 

prejudice  to  the  public,  is  evident  from  the  notice  he 
has  left  of  the  visit  of  Lord  Chatham  to  his  lodgings. 
"  He  stayed  with  me  near  two  hours,  his  equipage 
waiting  at  the  door;  and  being  there  while  people 
were  coming  from  church,  it  was  much  taken  notice 
of  and  talked  of,  as,  at  that  time,  was  every  little  cir 
cumstance  that  men  thought  might  possibly  any  way 
affect  American  affairs.  Such  a  visit,  from  so  great 
a  man,  on  so  important  a  business,  flattered  not  a  lit 
tle  my  vanity  ;  and  the  honor  of  it  gave  me  the  more 
pleasure,  as  it  happened  on  the  very  day  twelve 
months  that  the  ministry  had  taken  so  much  pains 
to  disgrace  me  before  the  privy  council/'  It  is  cred 
itable  to  Dr.  Franklin's  estimate  of  the  value  of  opin 
ion,  that  he  was  more  gratified  with  the  attentions 
of  Lord  Chatham,  in  the  opposition,  than  with  all 
the  studied  compliments  of  the  party  in  power. 

The  account  which  we  have  given  of  the  nego 
tiations  of  Franklin  in  London,  is  compiled  from  a 
narrative  written  on  his  passage  to  America,  for  his 
son,  and  first  published  in  W.  T.  Franklin's  edition 
of  his  works.  The  account  has  all  the  colloquial 
ease  of  his  autobiography.  We  learn,  furthermore, 
from  it,  that  these  long-continued  evasions  and  de 
lays  wearied  out  even  Franklin's  patience,  which 
was  at  last  thoroughly  spent  by  listening  to  a  debate 
in  the  House  of  Lords,  in  which  the  Americans  were 
stigmatized  as  knaves,  who  sought  a  dispute  only  to 
avoid  payment  of  their  debts.  Under  the  irritation 
which  he  felt,  he  drew  up  the  following  petition,  to 
present  to  Lord  Dartmouth  before  his  departure : 


468  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

"  A  Memorial  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  Agent  of  the 
Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay. 

"  Whereas  an  injury  done  can  only  give  the  party 
injured  a  right  to  full  reparation,  or,  in  case  that  be 
refused,  a  right  to  return  an  equal  injury ;  and  where 
as  the  blockade  of  Boston,  now  continued  nine 
months,  hath,  every  week  of  its  continuance,  done 
damage  to  that  town  equal  to  what  was  suffered 
there  by  the  India  Company,  it  follows  that  such  ex 
ceeding  damage  is  an  injury  done  by  this  govern 
ment  for  which  reparation  ought  to  be  made ;  and 
whereas  reparation  of  injuries  ought  always  (agree 
ably  to  the  custom  of  all  nations,  savage  as  well  as 
civilized)  to  be  first  required  before  satisfaction  is 
taken  by  a  return  of  damage  to  the  aggressors,  which 
was  not  done  by  Great  Britain  in  the  instance  above 
mentioned,  I,  the  underwritten,  do  therefore,  as  their 
agent,  in  the  behalf  of  my  country,  and  the  said  town 
of  Boston,  protest  against  the  continuance  of  the 
said  blockade ;  and  I  do  hereby  solemnly  demand 
satisfaction  for  the  accumulated  injury  done  them 
beyond  the  value  of  the  India  Company's  tea  de 
stroyed. 

"And  whereas  the  conquest  of  the  Gulf  of  St. 
Lawrence,  the  coasts  of  Labrador  and  Nova  Scotia, 
and  the  fisheries  possessed  by  the  French  there,  and 
on  the  Banks  of  Newfoundland,  as  far  as  they  were 
more  extended  than  at  present,  was  made  by  the 
joint  forces  of  Great  Britain  and  the  colonies,  the 
latter  having  nearly  an  equal  number  of  men  in  that 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  469 

service  with  the  former,  it  follows  that  the  colonies 
have  an  equitable  and  just  right  to  participate  in  the 
advantages  of  those  fisheries ;  I  do  therefore,  in  the 
behalf  of  the  colony  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  pro 
test  against  the  act  now  under  consideration  in  Par 
liament  for  depriving  that  province,  with  others,  of 
that  fishery  (on  the  pretense  of  their  refusing  to  pur 
chase  British  Commodities),  as  an  act  highly  unjust 
and  injurious ;  and  I  give  notice  that  satisfaction  will 
probably  one  day  be  demanded  for  all  the  injury  that 
may  be  done  and  suffered  in  the  execution  of  such 
act;  and  that  the  injustice  of  the  proceeding  is  like 
ly  to  give  such  umbrage  to  all  the  colonies,  that  in 
no  future  war,  wherein  other  conquests  may  be  med 
itated,  either  a  man  or  a  shilling  will  be  obtained 
from  any  of  them  to  aid  such  conquests  till  full  sat 
isfaction  be  made  as  aforesaid/' 

This  document  he  signed  as  Agent  of  the  Prov 
ince.  Before  presenting  it,  however,  he  handed  il 
for  perusal  to  his  friend,  Mr.  Thomas  Walpole,  and 
asked  his  advice  upon  it.  Franklin's  description  of 
this  interview  is  quite  amusing.  The  philosopher, 
on  the  point  of  departure  for  America,  was  bustling 
about  in  his  room,  packing  up.  The  banker,  to 
whom  he  had  submitted  this  bellicose  manifesto, 
stood  in  dumb  amazement,  looking  alternately  at  the 
paper  and  at  the  writer,  as  if  he  doubted  whether 
Franklin  was  quite  in  his  senses.  Franklin,  who 
perhaps  began  now  to  have  his  own  doubts  about 
the  wisdom  of  such  a  measure,  desired  his  friend  to 


470  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

put  it  in  his  pocket,  and  consult  another  friend  upon 
it.  On  the  next  day  Walpole  returned  him  the  me 
morial,  with  a  note,  objecting  to  it  as  likely  to  be  at 
tended  with  dangerous  consequences  to  himself,  and 
to  contribute  to  exasperate  the  nation.  He  after 
ward  called  upon  him  and  more  fully  stated  his  ob 
jections.  "I  had  no  desire,"  says  Franklin,  "to 
make  matters  worse,  and,  being  grown  cooler,  took 
the  advice  so  kindly  given  me." 

Lord  Howe  had  told  Franklin  that  his  views  of  a 
mission  were  at  present  at  an  end,  and  that  he  hoped, 
if  all  things  should  still  take  a  more  favorable  turn, 
he  might  hope  for  the  doctor's  co-operation.  Thus 
ended  that  matter.  And  the  result  of  the  efforts  of 
Dr.  Fothergill  and  David  Barclay  is  thus  summed  in 
a  note  which  Franklin  received  from  Dr.  Fothergill 
on  the  evening  before  he  left  England.  In  that  note 
Dr.  Fothergill  desired  Franklin  to  assemble  certain 
friends  whom  he  designated,  and  others,  "and  in 
form  them,  that  whatever  specious  pretenses  are  of 
fered,  they  are  all  hollow,  and  that  to  get  a  larger 
field  on  which  to  fatten  a  herd  of  worthless  parasites 
is  all  that  is  regarded.  Perhaps,"  continues  the  note, 
"  it  may  be  proper  to  acquaint  them  with  David  Bar 
clay's  and  our  united  endeavors,  and  the  effects. 
They  will  stun,  at  least,  if  not  convince  the  most 
worthy,  that  nothing  favorable  is  intended,  if  more 
unfavorable  articles  can  not  be  obtained."  Some 
thing  is  to  be  allowed  for  the  mortification  of  defeat 
in  the  language  of  this  note ;  but  it  is  evident  from 
it  that  the  writer  felt  that  he  and  his  friends  had 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  471 

been  employed  and  amused  with  no  higher  aims,  on 
the  part  of  the  ministry,  than  to  provide  employment 
for  some  of  their  political  friends.  If  so,  Franklin 
had  proved  an  impracticable  man  for  the  purposes  of 
truckling  politicians.  The  promise  of  office,  the  ten 
der  even  of  justice  in  the  payment  of  moneys  prop 
erly  his  due,  the  eclat  of  an  important  mission,  the 
apologies,  almost  direct,  of  the  ministry  which  had 
injured  and  insulted  him,  all  proved  unavailing.  His 
course,  in  those  transactions,  places  him  in  proud 
contrast  with  such  men  as  Pownall,  for  instance,  who 
was  eagerly  striving  to  buy  into  the  favor  of  the  min 
istry,  and  laboring  with  might  and  main  to  procure 
such  an  appointment  as  Franklin  was  in  vain  solicit 
ed  to  accept. 

Franklin  had  watched  with  observant  eyes  the 
condition  of  the  dispute,  and  the  character  of  the 
parties  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  He  knew  in 
what  ideas  of  government  and  of  right  his  country 
men  had  been  educated,  and  he  was  a  full  sharer,  not 
from  enthusiasm,  but  from  conviction,  in  the  polit 
ical  views  of  his  countrymen.  In  the  early  stages 
of  the  controversy,  while  there  was  yet  hope  that 
expostulation  and  remonstrance  would  avail,  and  that 
the  administration  of  the  mother  country  might  be 
induced  to  respect  the  rights  which  the  British  Con 
stitution  guaranteed  to  the  subjects  of  the  crown  in 
America,  his  moderation  seemed,  perhaps,  too  great 
to  the  more  ardent  of  his  countrymen.  But  as  he 
discovered  the  inveteracy  with  which  Parliament 
clung  to  opinions  and  political  axioms  at  war  with 


472  LIFE     OF     FRANKLIN. 

justice  and  opposed  to  right,  and  as  he  became 
convinced  of  the  impossibility  of  removing  the  prej 
udices  and  misconceptions  which,  while  they  existed, 
effectually  barred  out  the  hope  of  accommodation 
without  the  sacrifice  of  principles  dear  to  the  Amer 
icans  as  their  lives,  he  came  out  of  the  cloud  which 
a  misunderstanding  of  his  character  and  motives  on 
the  part  of  those  more  zealous  than  he  had  raised 
around  him.  Calm  in  the  sense  of  his  own  integri 
ty,  he  had  labored  for  the  best  good  of  his  country 
men,  till  circumstances  had,  at  last,  fully  vindicated 
him  from  all  accusations  except  that  of  being  "too 
much  an  American."  No  private  individual  could 
have  commanded  a  "  higher  price"  than  he,  if  he 
would  but  have  consented  to  allow  himself  to  be  re 
garded  "as  in  the  market;"  no  prince,  with  noth 
ing  to  desire,  could  have  more  firmly  rejected  every 
thing  which  looked  like  compromise  of  principle 
or  betrayal  of  trust. 

The  ten  years  which  he  spent  at  this  time  in  En 
gland  were,  in  effect,  ten  years  of  negotiation.  His 
business  was  not  restricted  to  the  levees  of  ministers, 
to  audiences  of  the  great,  or  to  the  common  though 
less  public  avenues  of  diplomacy.  While  in  all 
these  he  was  assiduous  and  laborious,  he  made  a 
party  to  himself  among  the  learned  and  ingenious. 
His  scientific  attainments  were  a  password — and  not 
merely  a  password,  but  a  warrant — to  the  society  of 
the  most  enlightened  men  of  Europe,  and  his  writ 
ings  were  his  avants  couriers  to  the  new  scenes 
which  he  was  soon  to  visit.  In  addition  tb  all  these 


LIFE 'OF    FRANKLIN.  473 

means  of  influence,  the  people  were  appealed  to 
through  the  press,  in  the  political  and  common-sense 
productions  with  which,  anonymously,  confessedly, 
or  under  allowable  disguises,  he  was  constantly  ar 
resting  the  public  eye  and  agitating  the  public  mind. 
From  a  portion  of  these  we  have  made  extracts, 
since  to  pass  them  over  would  be  to  do  injustice  to 
his  character,  and  would  leave  the  reader  without  an 
adequate  conception  of  the  arduous  labors  of  his  res 
idence  in  England.  The  value  of  his  influence  on 
the  public  mind  is  attested  by  the  efforts  made  by 
ministers  to  purchase  him;  and  while  the  popular 
ear  of  his  countrymen  is  more  frequently  appealed  to 
by  the  tale  of  the  deeds  in  arms  of  his  compatriots 
of  the  Revolution,  the  no  less  efficient,  though  less 
public  and  striking  service  of  Benjamin  Franklin  is 
held  in  grateful  remembrance  by  the  calm  and  re 
flecting. 


474  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

FRANKLIN  arrived  at  Philadelphia  on  the  5th  oi 
May,  1775 ;  but  it  was  not  to  attend  to  the  private 
business  from  which  he  had  been  so  long  absent,  or 
to  cherish  that  attention  to  his  personal  ease  and 
comfort  which  a  man  might  be  supposed  to  desire 
whose  years  had  run  to  the  allotted  amount  of  three 
score  and  ten.  On  the  next  day  after  his  arrival  the 
Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  elected  him  to  the  Conti 
nental  Congress,  which  was  summoned  to  meet  on 
the  10th  of  the  month.  He  was  also  appointed  by 
the  Assembly  a  member  of  the  "  Committee  of  Safe 
ty,"  and  in  the  arduous  duties  of  both  these  public 
bodies  his  time  was  incessantly  employed.  The 
high  reputation  which  a  long  life  of  service  had  ob 
tained  for  him,  and  the  singular  discretion  and  abil 
ity  which  he  had  exhibited  under  most  trying  cir 
cumstances,  made  men  turn  to  him  in  these  times  of 
danger  and  excitement  as  to  one  whose  counsel  and 
advice  could  not  be  dispensed  with.  Other  patri 
ots  went  into  the  work  of  the  Revolution  young,  or 
at  middle  age ;  Franklin,  the  septuagenarian,  united 
to  the  experience  of  years  the  sanguine  hope  and 
the  activity  of  youth.  He  had  been,  by  the  pecu 
liarity  of  his  position,  a  "  spy  in  the  enemy's  camp ;" 
for  an  enemy  Britain,  by  the  blood  shed  at  Lexington 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  475 

and  Concord,  had  now  become.  He  knew  the  dis 
position  of  the  British  ministry  and  nation,  and  his 
countrymen  rightly  judged  that  such  knowledge  and 
experience  as  his  were  at  this  crisis  invaluable.  And 
he  applied  his  powers  with  no  stint  or  hesitation. 
He  spared  himself  no  labor ;  and  when  we  read,  in 
the  Congressional  records,  in  the  local  history  of 
Philadelphia,  and  in  the  annals  of  the  Revolutionary 
army,  now  just  organizing,  the  evidences  of  his  in 
dustry,  we  are  fain  to  forget,  or  to  deem  it  impossi 
ble,  that  this  was  the  man  who,  ten  years  before, 
professed  himself  to  have  arrived  at  the  time  of  life 
when  he  should  retire  from  active  life.  The  post- 
office  was  reorganized,  and  Franklin  was  placed  at 
its  head  by  Congress ;  he  was  at  the  head  of  the 
Indian  bureau ;  he  was  placed  upon  the  secret  com 
mittees  for  correspondence  abroad,  and  for  procuring 
munitions  of  war ;  and  of  almost  every  committee 
of  importance  he  was  a  member.  Indeed,  as  if  with 
one  consent,  in  all  the  various  duties  and  details 
which  demanded  the  attention  of  Congress,  it  was 
deemed  necessary  to  have  the  advantage  of  his  sa 
gacity  and  experience.  The  army  in  Massachusetts 
was  to  be  organized — Benjamin  Franklin  was  de 
puted  a  member  to  confer  with  the  commander-in- 
chief.  On  his  return  from  this  duty,  he  learned  that 
he  had  been  elected  to  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylva 
nia.  While  at  Cambridge  he  had  the  pleasure  of 
putting  in  the  hands  of  a  committee  of  the  Massa 
chusetts  Assembly  one  hundred  pounds,  remitted  to 
him  from  friends  in  England  for  the  sufferers  at  Con- 


476  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

cord  and  Lexington,  and  their  connections.  Ways 
and  means  were  to  be  provided — Franklin  was  con 
sulted.  The  marine  service  was  to  be  regulated — 
Franklin  again  was  in  request.  Even  upon  the  de 
vice  of  a  national  seal  he  was  engaged.  While  thus 
employed,  how  must  the  old  patriot's  thoughts  have 
carried  him  back  to  the  time  when,  fifty  years  be 
fore,  he  was  contriving  ornaments  for  the  New  Jer 
sey  paper  money,  and  to  the  devices  and  mottoes 
which  he  furnished  for  the  Philadelphia  Volunteers 
thirty  years  before  this  period  !  His  early  publica 
tions  on  paper  money  must  also  have  recurred  to 
him  while  he  was  engaged  in  the  details  of  the 
Continental  paper  money  issue.  It  is  to  be  noted 
that,  in  the  emission  of  the  money,  which  afterward 
so  sadly  depreciated,  the  advice  of  Franklin  was  not 
followed.  He  proposed  that  the  bills  should  bear 
interest ;  but  other  counsel  ruled,  and  this  proposal 
was  not  adopted.  He  also  recommended,  after  the 
first  emission,  the  borrowing  of  the  bills  already  is 
sued,  instead  of  the  emission  of  a  further  sum.  He 
advised,  further,  the  payment  of  the  interest  in  sil 
ver.  Neither  of  these  suggestions  were  adopted  un 
til  too  late  to  check  the  evil  which  they  were  intend 
ed  to  obviate. 

Among  the  results  of  his  labors  in  committees 
which  have  been  preserved,  is  a  "Vindication  and 
Offer  from  Congress  to  Parliament."  In  this  report 
all  the  charges  which  the  Parliamentary  enemies  of 
the  colonies  had  brought  against  them  are  refuted, 
and  the  offer  of  one  hundred  thousand  pounds  per 


LIFE     OF     FRANKLIN.  477 

annum  is  made  to  Great  Britain,  over  and  above  the 
usual  aids  in  time  of  war,  conditioned  on  certain 
privileges  of  trade  to  be  accorded  to  the  colonies, 
and  supposing,  of  course,  the  removal  of  the  griev 
ances  under  which  they  labored.  This  proposition 
was  never  acted  upon,  and  does  not  appear  on  the 
public  records ;  for  the  course  of  Parliament  at  this 
time  demonstrated  how  futile  were  such  efforts  at 
reconciliation.  How  much  Franklin  had  caught  of 
the  fire  of  Lexington  and  Concord  may  be  gathered 
from  a  preamble  to  a  resolution  which  the  doctor 
drew  up  about  this  time.  In  this  preamble  he  de 
clares  that  "  the  British  nation,  through  great  corrup 
tion  of  manners,  and  extreme  dissipation  and  profu 
sion,  both  public  and  private,  have  found  all  honest 
resources  insufficient  to  supply  their  excessive  lux 
ury  and  prodigality,  and  thereby  have  been  driven 
to  the  practice  of  every  injustice  which  avarice  could 
dictate  or  rapacity  execute ;  that,  not  satisfied  with 
the  immense  plunder  of  the  East,  obtained  by  sacri 
ficing  millions  of  the  human  species,  they  have  late 
ly  turned  their  eyes  to  the  West,  and,  grudging  us 
the  peaceable  enjoyment  of  the  fruits  of  our  hard  la 
bor  and  virtuous  industry,  have  for  years  past  been 
endeavoring  to  extort  the  same  from  us,  under  color 
of  laws  regulating  trade,  and  have  actually  succeed 
ed  in  draining  us  of  large  sums,  to  our  great  loss  and 
detriment ;  and,  impatient  to  seize  the  whole,  they 
have  at  length  proceeded  to  open  robbery,  declaring 
by  a  solemn  act  of  Parliament  that  all  our  estates 
are  theirs,  and  all  our  property  found  upon  the  seas 


478  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

divisible  among  such  of  their  armed  plunderers  as 
shall  take  the  same ;  and  have  even  dared,  in  the 
same  act,  to  declare,  that  all  the  spellings,  thefts, 
burnings  of  houses  and  towns,  and  murders  of  inno 
cent  people,  perpetrated  by  their  wicked  and  inhu 
man  corsairs  upon  our  coasts,  previous  to  any  war 
declared  against  us,  were  just  actions,  and  shall  be 
so  deemed,  contrary  to  several  of  the  command 
ments  of  God  (which  by  this  act  they  presume  to 
repeal),  and  to  all  the  principles  of  right,  and  all  the 
ideas  of  justice,  entertained  heretofore  by  every  oth 
er  nation,  savage  as  well  as  civilized,  thereby  mani 
festing  themselves  to  be  hostes  humani  generis?  No 
document,  and  no  speech  of  the  period,  breathes 
more  earnest  and  determined  opposition  than  this, 
or  places  the  duty  of  resistance  on  broader  grounds ; 
for  the  resolution  to  which  this  was  a  preamble  de 
clared  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  colonies  to  make  re 
prisals  upon  their  oppressors.  The  first  act  which 
Congress  performed  upon  its  assembling  was  to  de 
clare  that  hostilities  had  commenced  on  the  part  of 
Great  Britain,  and  to  resolve  that  the  colonies  should 
therefore  be  immediately  put  in  a  state  of  defense. 
Even  after  this,  a  petition,  at  the  desire  of  the  mod 
erate  party,  was  moved  and  carried,  which  Franklin 
speaks  of  as  "  another  humble  petition  to  the  crown, 
to  give  Great  Britain  one  more  chance,  one  oppor 
tunity  more,  of  recovering  the  friendship  of  the  col 
onies."  He  had,  however,  no  hope  that  it  would 
produce  any  such  result,  for  he  was  too  well  aware 
of  the  disposition  of  the  British  ministry;  and  he 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  479 

gave  way  to  the  motion  from  a  desire  to  conciliate 
and  unite  the  members  of  Congress. 

During  all  the  time  that  communication  between 
the  two  countries  was  open,  he  kept  up  his  corre 
spondence  with  his  friends  in  England,  and  resumed 
it  when  he  afterward  resided  in  France.  In  a  letter 
from  David  Hartley  to  Dr.  Franklin,  we  find  excep 
tions  taken  to  the  charge  that  the  people  of  England 
were  "dissipated  and  corrupt,"  which  was  brought 
against  them  in  an  address  from  Congress  to  the  As 
sembly  of  Jamaica.  Probably  the  same  pen  from 
which  came  the  preamble  above  quoted,  appeared  in 
the  address.  Franklin,  though  too  ingenuous  to 
condemn  a  whole  nation  for  the  acts  of  the  ministry, 
could  not,  at  a  time  like  that  of  '76,  preserve  all  the 
nice  distinctions  which  friendship  for  many  of  the 
people  of  England  would  dictate  ;  nor  could  he  for 
get  that  the  ministry  represented  the  people.  In  a 
letter  written  in  the  autumn  of  1775  to  a  friend  in 
England,  he  says,  as  if  in  answer  to  that  friend,  and 
assenting  to  his  opinion,  "  I  am  persuaded  that  the 
body  of  the  British  people  are  our  friends ;  but  they 
are  changeable,  and  by  your  lying  gazettes  may  soon 
be  made  our  enemies.  Our  respect  for  them  will 
proportionally  diminish,  and  I  see  clearly  that  we 
are  on  the  high  road  to  mutual  family  hatred  and 
detestation." 

In  July,  1775,  Dr.  Franklin,  in  his  individual  ca 
pacity,  reported  in  Congress  a  plan  of  confederation. 
It  was  more  perfect  than  the  one  that  received  the 
sanction  of  Congress  when  that  body  acted  upon 


480  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

the  subject,  particularly  in  regard  to  representation, 
as  it  provided  for  proportioning  the  representatives 
to  the  number  of  inhabitants,  and  gave  each  individ 
ual  vote  its  weight.     When,  in  1776,  the  plan  of 
confederation  was  adopted,  the  same  principle  upon 
which  the   votes  of  Congress   had  been  counted, 
namely,  one  vote  for  each  colony,  was  preserved. 
Franklin  opposed  it  earnestly,  and  even  prepared  a 
protest  against  it,  designed  to  be  presented  as  the 
voice  of  the  Convention  of  Pennsylvania,  then  in 
session  ;  but  he  was  induced  to  withdraw  his  op 
position  in  consideration  of  the  necessity  of  harmo 
ny.     In  some  other  respects  in  which  his  plan  of 
confederation  differed    from  that  which   Congress 
adopted,  the  wisdom  of  Franklin  was  acknowledged 
by  the  adoption  of  the  present  Constitution,  which 
Franklin's  plan  resembles  in  many  particulars.    The 
doctor,  in  one  of  his  articles,  provided  that  Ireland, 
as  well  as  the  provinces  on  this  Continent,  and  the 
West  India  Islands,  might  join  the  confederacy :  a 
circumstance  which  was  debated  upon  with  no  small 
artillery  of  words  in  Great  Britain,  where,  when 
published,  it  was  cited  as  a  proof  of  the  design  of 
the  Americans  to  separate  finally  from  Great  Brit 
ain:  a  design  which,  in  all  their  official  acts,  they 
denied  until  the  Declaration  of  Independence;  and 
which,  after  that  solemn  act,  they  neither  denied  nor 
permitted  to   be  questioned.     Franklin's  plan  was 
proposed  to  be  adhered  to  until  a  reconciliation  took 
place  with  Great  Britain;  and,  in  event  of  the  failure 
of  a  reconciliation,  was  to  be  perpetual.     As  the  plan 


LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN.  481 

adopted  by  Congress  was  not  acted  upon  until  after 
the  formal  severance  from  the  mother  country,  no 
such  contingent  clause  was  necessary. 

In  March,  1776,  a  commission,  consisting  of  Dr. 
Franklin,  Samuel  Chase,  and  Charles  Carroll,  was 
appointed  to  go  to  Canada  to  regulate  the  opera 
tions  of  the  American  army  in  that  province,  to  as 
sist  the  Canadians  in  organizing  a  government,  to  in 
vite  Canada  into  the  Union,  and  to  pledge  the  sup 
port  of  the  other  colonies.  Rev.  John  Carroll,  after 
ward  Roman  Catholic  Bishop  of  Baltimore,  and 
M.  Mesplet,  a  French  printer,  also  accompanied  the 
mission.  From  the  first  gentleman*much  was  hoped, 
from  the  circumstances  of  his  religious  faith,  and  his 
having  been  educated  in  France.  With  the  aid  of 
the  latter  a  printing-press  was  to  be  established ;  for 
the  patriots  of  the  Revolution  knew  the  full  power 
of  the  press,  and  where  Franklin  was  an  adviser,  its 
aid  was  never  left  untried.  To  Charles  W.  F.  Du 
mas,  who  was,  on  Franklin's  recommendation,  ap 
pointed  agent  of  the  United  States  at  the  Hague, 
Dr.  Franklin  wrote  in  December,  1775  :  "  The  short 
Expose  of  what  has  passed  between  the  court  of 
Britain  and  the  colonies,  being  a  very  concise  and 
clear  statement  of  facts,  will  be  reprinted  here  for 
the  use  of  our  new  friends  in  Canada."  This  " Ex- 
post"  was  one  of  a  number  of  works,  including  an 
edition  of  Vattel,  which  Dr.  Franklin  had  received 
from  M.  Dumas ;  and  perhaps  the  receipt  of  it  sug 
gested  the  idea  of  a  press  in  the  sister  province. 

But  press,  commissioners,  and  encouragement  came 

H  H 


482  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

too  late.  Canada  had  a  memory  of  what  she  had 
suffered  from  the  colonies,  as  allies  and  dependencies 
of  Great  Britain,  too  keen  to  make  her  readily  co 
alesce  with  them  in  any  movement.  In  the  British 
colonies  the  press  had  preceded  the  taking  up  of 
arms,  as  well  as  supported  it.  Canada  had  not  pos 
sessed  that  advantage ;  nor  were  the  body  of  the 
people  ripe  for  any  change.  The  commissioners 
found  the  American  army  in  full  retreat  from  Que 
bec.  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Carroll  returned  from 
Montreal  after  a  very  short  stay,  and  the  other  com 
missioners  came  away  with  the  army  at  the  evacua 
tion  of  the  city. 

The  commissioners,  leaving  Philadelphia  on  the 
20th  of  March,  did  not  arrive  in  Montreal  till  near 
the  end  of  April.  It  was  a  most  arduous  journey 
to  a  man  of  Franklin's  age  ;  and,  while  on  hi.s 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  483 

way,  he  wrote  from  Saratoga  to  Josiah  Quincy :  "  I 
begin  to  apprehend  that  I  have  undertaken  a  fatigue 
that,  at  my  time  of  life,  may  prove  too  much  for  me; 
so  I  sit  down  to  write  to  a  few  friends  by  way  of 
farewelll'  And  yet,  while  the  infirmities  of  age  thus 
weighed  upon  him  that  he  declared  himself  "  at  the 
same  time  oppressed  with  years  and  business,"  we 
find  in  his  letters  all  the  stern  resolution  of  a  man 
upon  whom  age  nor  difficulty  could  operate  to  the 
defeat  of  courage,  and  whom  no  present  cloud  could 
blind  to  future  hope.  He  arrived  in  Philadelphia,  on 
his  return,  in  June,  grateful  to  the  friends  who  had 
made  his  return  passage  less  irksome  by  their  kind 
ness,  and  in  some  degree  refreshed  in  mind  by  the 
renewal  of  intercourse  with  old  companions.  But 
he  was  admonished  now,  by  increasing  infirmity, 
to  decline,  for  the  first  time  in  his  life,  posts  to  which 
the  confidence  of  his  fellow-citizens  had  elected 
him,  and  begged  leave  to  resign  his  appointment  to 
the  Committee  of  Safety,  and  his  election  to  the  As 
sembly  of  Pennsylvania.  He  had  retired  from  both 
these  posts  previous  to  his  journey  to  Canada,  and 
had  been  reappointed  in  his  absence. 

On  the  7th  of  June,  1776,  Richard  Henry  Lee, 
seconded  by  John  Adams,  moved  the  resolution  de 
claring  the  independence  of  the  colonies.  It  was 
referred  to  a  committee,  who  reported  it  in  the  fol 
lowing  terms  :  "  Resolved,  that  these  united  colonies 
are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent 
states ;  and  that  all  political  connection  between  them 
and  the  State  of  Great  Britain  is,  and  of  right  ought 


484  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

to  be,  totally  dissolved."  This  resolution  was  de 
bated  in  committee  of  the  whole  on  Saturday  the 
8th,  and  Monday  the  10th  of  June ;  but  it  appearing 
that  the  delegates  from  some  of  the  provinces  were 
riot  ripe  for  the  measure,  the  debate  was  postponed 
to  the  1st  of  July.  In  the  mean  time,  a  committee, 
consisting  of  Jefferson,  John  Adams,  Franklin,  Roger 
Sherman,  and  R.  R.  Livingston,  were  appointed  to 
draw  up  a  declaration.  Richard  Henry  Lee,  whose 
fervid  eloquence  had  urged  the  measure,  was  called 
from  Congress  by  the  illness  of  one  of  his  family, 
and  for  this  reason  was  not  appointed  on  the  com 
mittee.  The  Declaration,  substantially  as  Jefferson 
drafted  it,  was  reported  on  the  28th  of  June.  On 
the  1st  of  July,  the  original  resolution  was  carried  by 
nine  of  the  thirteen  colonies,  Pennsylvania  and 
South  Carolina  voting  against  it,  Delaware  being  di 
vided,  and  New  York  being  permitted  to  withdraw 
on  account  of  the  character  of  the  instructions  of  the 
delegates,  dated  twelve  months  before,  which  enjoin 
ed  them  to  do  nothing  to  impede  reconciliation  with 
the  mother  country.  The  votes  of  the  members,  it 
will  be  recollected,  were  taken  by  colonies,  each 
colony  having  one  vote.  All  the  colonies  came  into 
the  measure  by  the  adoption  of  the  Declaration,  and 
all  the  members  present  on  the  4th  of  July  signed 
the  Declaration,  except  John  Dickinson.  He  re 
tired  from  public  life  for  two  years,  when  he  resumed 
his  place  in  Congress,  and  was  distinguished  for  his 
zeal,  as  he  had  ever  been  respected  for  his  integrity. 
His  was  a  mind  the  scruples  of  which  were  to  be 


5" 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  487 

respected,  as  his  conduct  was  ever  guided  by  the 
purest  of  motives.  An  amusing  instance  of  Frank 
lin's  humor  is  preserved  in  connection  with  the  sig 
nature.  "  We  must  be  unanimous,"  said  Hancock ; 
"  we  must  all  hang  together."  "  Yes,"  answered 
Franklin,  "  or  most  assuredly  we  shall  all  hang  sep 
arately."  Jefferson's  draft,  which  received  in  com 
mittee  only  a  few  verbal  alterations,  in  the  course 
of  the  debate  in  Congress  was  amended  in  very  many, 
and  some  essential  particulars,  as  may  be  perceived 
by  the  original  draft  as  preserved  in  his  Correspond 
ence.  Franklin,  who  saw  his  uneasiness  under  the 
criticisms  of  his  colleagues,  consoled  and  amused 
him  with  an  anecdote  of  a  hatter,  \vhose  inscription 
for  a  sign,  "John  Thompson,  Hatter,  makes  and 
sells  hats  for  ready  money/'  was  reduced  by  the  criti 
cisms  of  friends  to  plain  John  Thompson,  with  the 
figure  of  a  hat  subjoined. 

Dr.  Franklin  had  a  remarkable  aptness  in  the  re 
lation  of  anecdotes,  and  the  application  of  parallels 
to  carry  conviction,  or  illustrate  a  point.  When  the 
qualifications  for  suffrage  were  on  one  occasion  under 
discussion,  he  said,  "  Suppose  you  place  the  property 
qualification  at  the  price  of  an  ass.  The  voter, 
while  riding  to  the  polls,  is  disabled  by  the  death  of 
die  beast,  which  happens  to  be  his  whole  property. 
T!K!  man  is  disfranchised.  Now,  in  whom  was  the 
right  ta  yote — in  the  citizen,  or  his  donkey  T  In  the 
Convenn^n  which  met  to  frame  a  Constitution  for 
Pennsylvania  in  1776,  of  which,  of  course,  Frank 
lin  was  a  member,  he  brought  forward  and  carried 
a  favorite  theory— that  there  should  be  but  one  body 


488  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

in  a  Republican  Legislature.  He  compared  a  Leg 
islature  with  two  branches  to  a  wagon  with  horses 
at  each  end  pulling  different  ways ;  and  to  a  snake 
with  two  heads,  the  heads  choosing  opposite  sides 
of  a  twig,  and  the  body  perishing  of  hunger  and 
thirst  while  its  heads  debated  the  matter.  The  doc 
tor's  plan,  one  of  the  few  political  errors  of  his  life, 
was  adopted,  but  expunged  from  the  Constitution 
upon  its  revision  after  the  close  of  the  Revolutionary 
War.  As  an  instance  of  his  aptness  at  parallels,  an 
essay  written  after  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Con 
stitution  is  worthy  of  remark.  A  public  speaker  had 
said  "  that  the  repugnance  of  a  great  part  of  man 
kind  to  good  government  was  such,  that  he  believed 
that  if  an  angel  from  heaven  was  to  bring  down  ;i 
Constitution  formed  there  for  our  use,  it  would,  never 
theless,  meet  with  violent  opposition."  He  was  re 
proved  for  the  supposed  extravagance,  says  Frank 
lin,  and  did  not  justify  it.  "Probably  it  might  not 
have  immediately  occurred  to  him  that  the  experi 
ment  had  been  tried,  and  that  the  event  was  record 
ed  in  that  most  faithful  of  all  histories,  the  Holy 
Bible  ;  otherwise  he  might,  as  it  seems  to  me,  have 
supported  his  opinion  by  that  unexceptionable  au 
thority."  The  doctor  then  proceeded  to  relate  the 
history  of  Korah,  Dathan,  and  Abiram  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  furnish  a  simple,  but  very  neat  a»d  in 
structive  commentary  on  the  scripture  history,  while 
he  showed  that  it  furnished  precisely  ?^ch  an  in 
stance  as  the  orator  had  supposed. 

The  contingency  to  which  Lord  Howe  had  re 
ferred  in  his  last  conversation  with  Franklin  in  Lon- 


LIFE    OF    FRAN  KLIN.  489 

don,  that  he  might  be  sent  to  America  in  order  to 
effect  a  reconciliation,  occurred  in  1776,  and  his 
lordship  lost  no  time  in  addressing  Franklin,  between 
whom  and  himself  there  appears  to  have  existed  a 
sincere  friendship.  But,  unfortunately,  the  charac 
ter  of  Lord  Howe's  powers  only,  as  Franklin  ex 
pressed  it,  made  the  business  "hopeless"  on  which 
he  was  sent  so  far.  "  Directing  pardons  to  be  offered 
to  the  colonies,  who  are  the  very  parties  injured," 
says  Franklin,  "expresses,  indeed,  that  opinion  of 
our  ignorance,  baseness,  and  insensibility,  which 
your  uninformed  and  proud  nation  has  long  been 
pleased  to  entertain  of  us ;  but  it  can  have  no  other 
effect  than  that  of  increasing  our  resentment.  It  is 
impossible,  we  should  think,  of  submission  to  a  gov 
ernment  that  has,  with  the  most  wanton  barbarity  and 
cruelty,  burned  our  defenseless  towns  in  the  midst 
of  winter,  excited  the  savages  to  massacre  our  farm 
ers,  and  our  slaves  to  murder  their  masters,  and  is 
even  now  bringing  mercenaries  to  deluge  our  settle 
ments  with  blood."  Franklin  refers  with  feeling  to 
the  efforts  which  he  had  made  to  prevent  the  "  break 
ing  of  that  pure  and  noble  vase,  the  British  Empire/' 
and  to  the  tears  of  joy  which  wet  his  cheek  when 
Lord  Howe  gave  him  hopes  in  London  that  "  a  re 
conciliation  might  soon  take  place."  He  concludes 
as  follows :  "  I  know  your  great  motive  in  coining 
hither  was  the  hope  of  being  instrumental  in  a  re 
conciliation  ;  and  I  believe,  when  you  find  that  im 
possible  on  any  terms  given  you  to  propose,  you  will 
relinquish  so  odious  a  command,  and  return  to  a 
more  honorable  private  station." 


490  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

The  correspondence,  so  far  as  tfie  two  friends 
were  concerned,  resulted  in  nothing  bat  the  exchange 
of  assurances  that  the  relation  in  which  they  were 
now  placed  to  each  other  did  not  abate  their  per 
sonal  amity.  In  a  national  point  of  view,  nothing 
was  effected  Nor  did  the  interview  which  after 
ward  took  place  between  Lord  Howe  on  the  one 
part,  and  Franklin,  John  Adams,  and  Edward  Rut- 
ledge,  a  committee  of  Congress,  on  the  other,  effect 
any  thing,  except  to  convince  all  Americans  but 
those  who  were  averse  to  all  resistance,  that  the  only 
hope  now  left  to  them  was  in  the  maintenance  of 
the  position  which  they  had  assumed,  by  force  of 
arms.  And  now  the  attention  of  Congress  was 
turned  to  the  seeking  of  foreign  alliances.  While 
any  hope,  however  dim,  remained  of  obtaining  jus 
tice  from  the  magnanimity  of  Great  Britain,  to  seek 
foreign-'aid  would  have  been  to  impede  negotiations  ; 
but  as  they  had  been  forced  to  the  last  alternative, 
nothing  now  remained  for  the  States  but  to  strength 
en  themselves  in  their  hostile  position. 

On  the  26th  of  September  Franklin  was  appoint 
ed  a  commissioner,  to  join  Silas  Deane  and  Arthur 
Lee,  already  in  Europe,  and  "transact  the  business 
of  the  United  States  at  the  court  of  France."  He 
embarked  on  the  27th  of  October,  at  Chester,  with 
two  of  his  grandsons,  on  board  of  the  Continental 
sloop-of-war  Reprisal,  Captain  Wickes.  Previous 
to  his  leaving  Philadelphia,  he  gave  a  noble  instance 
of  his  patriotism  by  placing  all  the  money  he  could 
command,  nearly  four  thousand  pounds,  at  the  dis 
posal  of  Congress,  as  a  loan.  He  gave,  also,  evidence 


LI  FE    OF    FRANKLIN.  491 

of  his  courage,  and  fortitude  under  insult,  by  propo 
sing  to  the  secret  committee  that  he  should  be  sent 
to  England  instead  of  France.  The  manner  in 
which  he  proposed  this  should  be  effected  was  by 
drawing  up  the  sketch  of  a  proposition  for  peace. 
Among  the  reasons  for  such  a  step,  he  said  that 
"  the  having  such  propositions  in  charge  will,  by  the 
law  of  nations,  be  some  protection  to  the  commis 
sioners  or  ambassadors,  if  they  should  be  taken," 
This  sentence  may  have  had  some  reference  to  the 
dangers  of  the  sea.  In  another  paragraph  he  says : 
"  As  the  having  such  propositions  to  make,  or  any 
powers  to  treat  of  peace,  will  furnish  a  pretense  for 
B.  F.'s  going  to  England,  where  he  has  many  friends 
and  acquaintance,  particularly  among  the  best  writers 
and  the  ablest  speakers  in  both  houses  of  Parlia 
ment,  he  thinks  he  shall  be  able,  when  there;  if  the 
terms  are  not  accepted,  to  work  up  such  a  division 
of  sentiments  in  the  nation  as  greatly  to  weaken  it£ 
exertions  against  the  United  States,  and  lessen  its 
credit  in  foreign  countries." 

These  propositions  were  not  acted  upon.  If 
Franklin  hoped  that  they  would  have  been  during 
the  period  which  elapsed  after  his  appointment  and 
before  his  departure,  he  does  not  in  any  of  his  cor 
respondence  betray  chagrin  or  disappointment.  He 
was  ever  ready  to  defer  in  minor  matters  to  the 
opinions  of  others,  and  was  too  patriotic  to  sacrifice 
the  advantage  of  his  country  to  his  own  private 
views,  as  he  showed  in  numerous  instances  in  his 
public  career. 


492  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

FRANKLIN  arrived  in  Paris  on  the  21st  of  Decem 
ber,  1776.  The  ocean  passage  occupied  thirty  days, 
from  the  Capes  of  the  Delaware  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Loire.  Contrary  winds  preventing  the  Reprisal 
from  proceeding  to  Nantes,  Franklin  disembarked 
at  Auray,  whence  he  traveled  to  Nantes,  and  thence 
to  Paris.  His  appointment  had  been  kept  secret ; 
and  he  even  held  it  unannounced  after  his  arrival, 
waiting  for  events  to  show  in  what  manner  it  would 
be  most  prudent  to  conduct  himself;  for  as  yet  it 
was  to  be  ascertained  whether  France  would  receive 
a  credited  commissioner  from  the  United  States,  and 
thus  acknowledge  the  existence  of  the  new  govern 
ment. 

But  Benjamin  Franklin  could  no  longer  travel 
unheralded  or  unattended.  His  name  and  fame  had 
long  been  familiar  to  "  all  sorts  of  people,"  and  he 
had  won  "golden  opinions"  from  them  all.  In  the 
cottage — the  humble  abode  of  the  peasant  and  the  ar 
tisan — his  lessons  of  life  were  oracles ;  received,  not 
as  the  condescension  of  some  hereditary  millionnaire, 
who  could  well  afford  to  teach  lessons  of  economy 
which  he  had  never  had  occasion  to  observe,  and 
to  talk  of  self-denial  of  which  he  knew  nothing  in 
practice,  but  as  the  lessons  which  the  teacher  had 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  493 

learned  in  his  own  experience.  He  was  one  of  the 
people,  elevated  by  the  force  of  his  own  character 
to  a  prouder  position  than  the  accident  of  birth  could 
confer.  In  the  ]ibrary,  the  laboratory,  and  the  uni 
versity,  he  was  known  as  one  who  had  touched 
nothing  in  practical  science  and  philosophy  but  to 
elucidate  it ;  whose  discoveries  had  resolved  doubts 
which  had  perplexed  men  for  ages ;  and  whose  prac 
tical  experiments  had  exploded  the  theories  which 
had  amused  with  inconsistencies  those  who  chose 
rather  to  imagine  than  to  test — to  theorize  than  to 
observe.  Politicians  and  diplomatists  knew  him  too, 
as  one  whose  tongue  and  pen  had  sustained  the 
cause  of  the  weak  against  the  strong,  and  defended 
the  New  World  against  the  assumptions  of  the  Old. 
His  personal  appearance  aided  in  inspiring  the 
people  with  enthusiasm,  and  awing  the  proud  into 
respect.  His  capacity  for  adapting  himself  to  the 
place  and  the  time  made  him  at  home  in  the  salons 
of  the  gay,  and  amid  the  formalities  of  the  court; 
agreeable  in  a  tete-a-tete,  and  the  attraction  of  the 
drawing-room.  He  could  receive  popular  applause 
without  betraying  elation  or  condescension,  and  ob 
serve  the  nicest  points  of  etiquette  without  suffering 
it  to  be  forgotten  that  he  was  a  Republican  and  an 
American. 

France — for  Paris  then  was  France  even  more 
emphatically  than  it  now  is — was  delighted  with 
Franklin.  Pictures,  busts,  medallions  of  the  illus 
trious  American  were  met  on  every  hand.  His  ven 
erable  aspect  left  the  admirers  of  the  picturesqm 


494  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

as  all  Frenchmen  are — nothing  to  desire.  The  ac 
tual  corresponded  with  the  ideal ;  Franklin  looked 
the  sage  that  the  mind  had  pictured  him.  He  was 
Said  to  "join  to  the  demeanor  of  Phocion  the  spirit 
of  Socrates ;"  and  the  imaginative  Frenchman  saw 
in  the  venerable  philosopher  "  a  sage  of  antiquity 
come  back  to  give  austere  lessons  and  generous  ex 
amples  to  the  moderns."  It  was  more  than  a  year 
after  the  arrival  of  Franklin  in  France  before  the 
United  States  were  formally  recognized  by  the  ad 
mission  of  their  commissioners  to  audience  of  the 
king.  While  prudence  rendered  this  public  reserve 
not  only  advisable,  but  imperative,  substantial  assist 
ance  was  rendered  to  the  American  cause  by  the 
advance  of  two  millions  of  livres  as  a  loan  from 
"generous  individuals,"  and  one  million  from  the 
farmers-general  on  account  of  tobacco  to  be  shipped. 
The  celebrated  Beaumarchais  had  already,  with  the 
advice  of  Mr.  Deane,  shipped  large  quantities  of 
inunitions  of  war  to  the  United  States,  whether  upon 
his  own  account,  or  with  money  advanced  by  the 
government,  is  still  a  moot  point.  His  heirs  have 
frequently  presented  claims  to  Congress  for  these 
advances,  but  the  claims  have  been  met  by  the  alle 
gation  that  he  acted  only  as  the  disbursing  agent  of 
the  French  government.  The  money  advanced  to 
Franklin  proved  to  have  been  drawn  from  the  king's 

treasury. 

»/ 

The  commissioners  were  authorized  to  contract 
with  France  a  treaty  of  commerce  ;  to  procure  from 
the  French  government  eight  line  of  battle  ships ;  to 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  495 

borrow  money  and  forward  military  stores,  and  to 
obtain  other  alliances,  if  possible,  with  the  European 
powers.  On  the  very  next  day  after  Franklin's  ar 
rival,  he  held  a  consultation  with  his  colleagues,  and 
on  the  28th  of  December,  the  French  minister  of 
foreign  affairs  admitted  them  to  an  audience.  At 

o 

his  suggestion,  they  drew  up  a  memoir  relating  the 
situation  of  affairs  in  the  United  States,  and  stating 
their  mission;  but  no  answer  was  received  to  it. 
Meanwhile,  the  money,  as  already  stated,  was  ad 
vanced,  and  they  were  assured  of  protection  while 
they  remained  in  France,  and  that  all  privileged 
would  be  accorded  to  American  commerce  compati 
ble  with  treaties  with  England.  In  this  slate  of  un 
recognized  friendship  or  toleration,  Dr.  Franklin  and 
his  colleagues  labored  for  about  a  year  in  the  pros 
ecution  of  their  delicate  and  somewhat  complicated 
mission.  They  purchased  and  forwarded  warlike 
stores,  and  built  two  frigates,  one  at  Amsterdam  and 
another  at  Nantes ;  but,  notwithstanding  that  every 
thing  was  done  with  as  much  caution  as  possible, 
they  were  frequently  interrupted.  The  British  am 
bassador  was,  of  course,  aware  of  the  actual  state  of 
things,  and  his  vigilance,  through  the  agency  of  spies, 
was  employed,  not  so  much  in  ascertaining  what 
was  going  on,  as  in  detecting  facts  upon  which  he 
could  make  representations  of  complaint.  In  this 
he  was  often  successful,  and  the  French  govern 
ment  was  compelled  several  times  to  make  a  formal 
interference  with  the  doings  of  the  commissioners. 
This  assumed  disapproval  of  their  doings,  while  it 


496  LiFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

sometimes  impeded  and  delayed  the  commission 
ers,  did  not  change  their  course,  since  they  very  well 
understood  what  were  the  real  sentiments  of  the 
French  government.  And  the  peculiar  character 
of  Franklin  stood  him  at  this  time  in  great  stead. 
He  was  admitted  to  circles,  and  enjoyed  intercourse, 
as  the  philosopher,  which  gave  him  most  important 
facilities;  but  to  which,  as  commissioner  of  the 
United  States,  he  could  not  have  obtained  admit 
tance.  While  the  duties  of  the  commissioners  in 
reference  to  supplies  was  so  effectually  performed, 
m  the  seeking  of  foreign  alliances  they  were  less 
successful.  Indeed,  Franklin  disapproved  of  this 
portion  of  his  instructions  from  the  beginning ;  and 
although  he  early  received  power  to  treat  with  Spain, 
he  declined  the  performance  of  that  commission,  and 
gave  Congress  such  satisfactory  reasons  for  his  con 
duct  that  they  deferred  to  his  opinion. 

But  while  the  commissioners  were  unrecognized 

o 

by  friendly  powers,  they  did  not  hesitate  to  address 
themselves  to  the  British  minister  in  France  as 
American  commissioners.  Lord  Stormont,  in  an 
swer  to  one  of  their  notes,  a  second  time  dispatched, 
made  answer,  "  The  king's  ambassador  receives  no 
applications  from  rebels,  unless  they  corne  to  implore 
his  majesty's  mercy."  As  the  note  to  which  this 
haughty  answer  was  returned  w.is  an  application  for 
exchange  of  prisoners,  the  commissioners  sent  back 
his  lordship's  paper  with  the  remark,  "  In  answer  to 
a  letter  which  concerns  some  of  the  most  material 
interests  of  humanity,  and  of  the  two  nations  Great 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  497 

Britain  and  the  United  States,  we  received  the  fol 
lowing  indecent  paper,  which  we  return  for  your 
lordship's  more  mature  consideration."  The  time 
at  length  arrived  when  the  government  which  thus 
repulsed  the  commissioners  as  rebels,  found  it  their 
policy  to  make  friendly,  though  indirect  overtures  to 
the  same  commissioners ;  and  the  recognition  of 
American  prisoners  as  human  beings  was  forced 
upon  Great  Britain  by  the  number  of  British  pris 
oners  taken,  upon  whom  retaliation,  according  to 
the  usages  of  war,  might  be  practiced. 

At  length,  in  February,  1778,  a  formal  treaty  of 
commerce  was  signed  between  the  American  com 
missioners  on  the  one  part,  and  the  Count  de  Ver- 
gennes  and  M.  Gerard  on  the  other.  The  capture 
of  the  army  of  Burgoyne,  and  the  general  good  con 
duct  of  the  American  troops ;  the  union  and  firm 
ness  which  were  manifested  in  the  counsels  of  the 
Americans,  and  the  resolution  of  the  people  to  de 
fend  the  high  and  noble  ground  they  had  taken,  had 
satisfied  the  French  government  that  the  war  in 
America  would  prove  something  more  than  a  mere 
temporary  revolt,  to  be  crushed  by  the  power  of 
Great  Britain,  or  defeated  by  the  defection  of  the 
colonies,  or  any  of  them.  The  treaty  was  based  on 
the  most  magnanimous  principles  of  reciprocity,  no 
advantages  being  taken  of  the  weak  state  of  the 
Americans.  Some  little  delay  occurred  in  the  sign 
ing,  to  give  time  for  consultation  with  the  Spanish 
court,  as  was  required  by  the  relations  between  the 
two  monarchies ;  but  as  Spain  declined  to  be  a  party 


498  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

France  entered  alone  into  a  treaty  of  arnity  and 
commerce  with  the  United  States.  The  draft  of  a 
treaty  of  alliance  was  also  produced  by  the  French 
minister,  and  agreed  to,  its  ratification  being  contin 
gent  upon  the  declaration  of  war  against  France  by 
Great  Britain. 

On  the  20th  of  March,  1778,  the  American  com 
missioners,  now  the  acknowledged  agents  of  an  in 
dependent  power,  were  formally  received  by  the 
French  monarch.  It  was  an  event  in  the  life  of 
Franklin  which  rewarded  him  for  all  past  discour 
agements,  inasmuch  as,  in  its  consequences,  he  could 
not  but  perceive  it  involved  the  almost  certain  suc 
cess  of  his  country.  Aj)owerful  government  was 
now  pledged  to  defend  the  American  claim  to  ex 
istence  as  a  separate  nation  ;  for  the  rupture  between 
Great  Britain  and  France  was  weighed  in  the  ne 
gotiation  as  a  sure  event.  He  had  also  the  gratifi 
cation  to  find  the  act  of  the  government  endorsed 
by  the  people,  for  on  his  way  to  Versailles,- ami  on 
his  return,  he  was  greeted  with  the  most  enthusias 
tic  popular  acclamations ;  and  whenever  he  appeared 
in  Paris,  a  similar  enthusiasm  exhibited  the  popular 
feeling.  This  favorable  disposition  toward  his  coun 
try  he  knew  was  in  no  small  degree  to  be  attributed  to 
his  own  personal  efforts  and  character.  JHereditary 
hatred  to  Great  Britain,  and  the  consciousness  that 
in  the  last  treaty  with  that  power  concessions  had 
been  made  which  were  humiliating  to  the  pride  of 
France,  made  both  government  and  people  disposed 
to  befriend  America ;  and  the  hope  of  disabling  by 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  501 

dismemberment  a  powerful  rival  was  all  the  advan 
tage  that  the  government  counted  upon.  Butjhis 
reason  would..liave-5ii£fieed  only  to  make  war  toler 
able  to  a  people  already  tax-ridden.  Franklin  made 
it  popular.  His  pen  and  his  tongue  liacTaTso  made 
the  cause  of  the  United  States  to  appear  not  only  just, 
but  likely  to  be  successful  with  those  to  whom  the 
most  powerful  of  tests  was  to  be  applied — demands 
for  money  and  credit. 

Testimonies  to  his  personal  influence  came  from 
every  quarter.  In  a  previous  part  of  this  work  we 
have  detailed  the  efforts  made  to  negotiate  with  or 
through  him  in  London.  If  the  British  ministry 
then  esteemed  him  a  man  whom  it  was  worth  their 
while  to  secure,  subsequent  events  had  not  abated 
their  belief  in  his  importance.  He  had  so  accurately 
informed  those  who  consulted  him  upon  the  state  of 
the  public  mind  in  America,  and  so  truly  represent 
ed  the  claims  and  opinions  of  his  countrymen,  as 
events  had  shown,  that  it  is  no  matter  of  surprise 
that  continual  advances  were  made  to  him,  infor 
mally,  during  the  whole  time  of  his  residence  in 
France.  The  British  ambassador  had  not  with 
drawn  from  Paris  before  a  secret  agent  of  the  Brit 
ish  government  called  upon  Franklin.  He  was  an 
old  English  friend  of  Dr.  Franklin,  and  aimed  to  ob 
tain  from  him  some  hints  on  which  propositions 
could  be  based  from  Great  Britain  to  her  revolted 
colonies.  But  Franklin  had  experience  enough  of 
the  futility  of  such  conversations,  and  replied  that 
he  had  authority  to  listen  to  terms,  but  none  to  sug- 


502  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN, 

gest  them.  In  answer  to  a  letter  written  from  Lon 
don,  by  the  same  friend,  Mr.  James  Hutton,  Erank- 
lin  wrote  that  peace  might  be  obtained  by  Great 
Britain's  dropping  all  pretension  to  govern  America, 
and  friendship  might  be  secured  by  granting  such 
terms  in  the  treaty  as  would  show  generosity  and 
^ood-will ;  such  as  indemnification  for  the  American 
towns  burned,  and  the  disgrace,  instead  of  reward, 
of  the  abettors  of  war.  He  said,  however,  that  he 
had  no  idea  that  his  advice  would  be  regarded,  "  for 
none  but  God  can  give  good  counsel,  and  wisdom 
to  follow  it."  To  Mr.  William  Pulteney,  who,  under 
the  assumed  name  of  Williams,  next  appeared  in 
Paris,  with  the  understood  sanction  of  Lord  North, 
Franklin  was  equally  firm.  Mr.  Pulteney  offered 
the  basis  of  a  treaty,  to  which  Franklin  replied,  that 
no  voluntary  return  to  British  allegiance  would  be 
thought  of  by  the  Americans,  and  that  to  acknowl 
edge  the  independence  of  the  United  States  was  the 
proper  means  to  open  any  negotiation. 

Next  followed  Mr.  David  Hartley,  a  personal  friend 
of  Dr.  Franklin's,  and  a  man  who  sincerely  desired 
peace,  and  had  opposed  in  his  place  in  Parliament, 
and  in  other  methods,  the  measures  of  the  Brit 
ish  ministry  which  had  led  to  the  estrangement  of 
the  colonies.  Mr.  Hartley,  in  his  correspondence, 
strongly  appealed  to  Franklin  against  the  alliance 
with  France,  and  even  begged  that  he  would  use 
his  influence  to  prevent  its  ratification  by  Congress. 
In  his  personal  interview  he  made  nearer  approaches 
to  terms  than  the  others  had  done,  by  inquiring 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN,  503 

whether  superior  advantages,  commercial  and  other 
wise,  and  an  alliance  offensive  and  defensive,  could 
be  obtained  by  a  treaty  with  America.  The  pur 
port  of  the  message  seemed  to  be  to  discover  whether 
America  could  not  be  brought  into  neutrality,  at  least 
while  Great  Britain  prosecuted  the  war  with  France. 
The  answer  was.  of  course,  a  decided  negative.  To 
the  other  inquiries,  in  tenor  similar  to  those  pro 
pounded  by  former  agents,  Franklin  returned  an 
swers  similar  to  what  he  had  expressed  to  them. 
Mr.  Hartley  continued  his  correspondence,  appa 
rently  with  the  sanction  of  Lord  North,  until  the 
subject  of  peace  was  brought  forward  in  Parliament ; 
and  through  the  whole  there  was  a  continued  effort 
to  sunder  the  union  between  France  and  the  United 
States.  He  represented  the  alliance  with  France 
as  a  stumbling-block  and  impediment  in  the  way  of 
a  treaty ;  and,  in  fact,  advised  what  Franklin  con 
sidered  perfidy  in  the  matter.  The  doctor  attribu 
ted  his  advancing  such  a  proposition  to  a  "mist 
thrown  before  his  eyes"  by  his  love  of  peace,  and 
fear  of  the  destruction  of  America.  Another  cir 
cumstance  which  blinded  the  worthy  philanthropist 
— for  such  Mr.  Hartley  showed  himself  when  na 
tional  prejudices  were  not  in  the  way — was  the 
abomination  in  which  an  Englishman  of  the  last 
century  held  the  French.  His  last  proposition  was, 
that  the  Americans  should  agree  to  a  truce  for  ten 
years,  during  which  Great  Britain  might  continue 
her  war  with  France,  or  not;  a  proposal  which  it  is 
hardly  necessary  to  say  was  rejected  by  Franklin  in 


504  LIFE    OP    FRANKLIN. 

terms  which  marked  his  opinion  of  the  perfidy  and 
folly  of  such  a  course.  Mr.  Hartley  at  one  time 
cautioned  him  to  "  take  care  of  his  own  safety." 
Franklin  answered  this  hint  in  a  brief  and  charac 
teristic  manner :  "  I  thank  you  for  your  kind  cau 
tion,  but,  having  nearly  finished  a  long  life,  I  set  but 
little  value  upon  what  remains  of  it.  Like  a  draper 
when  one  chaffers  with  him  for  a  remnant,  I  am 
ready  to  say, '  As  it  is  only  a  fag  end,  I  will  not  differ 
with  you  about  it :  take  it  for  what  you  please.'  Per 
haps  the  best  use  such  an  old  fellow  can  be  put  to 
is  to  make  a  martyr  of  him."  The  intention  of  this 
warning  was  to  make  Dr.  Franklin  jealous  and  sus 
picious  of  the  French  government ;  for  which  pur 
pose  he  was  mysteriously  advised  that  he  was  con 
stantly  under  French  espionage.  This  he  said  he 
cared  nothing  about,  as  he  had  nothing  to  conceal. 
The  English  government  gave  pretty  good  evidence 
that  Franklin's  steps  had  been  watched  in  England, 
for  the  agents  sent  to  Paris  were,  many  of  them,  men 
who  had  formerly  been  his  friends.  To  Mr.  Hut- 
ton  and  Mr.  Hartley,  Mr.  (afterward  Sir  William) 
Jones  was  added. 

Even  the  opposition  in  England  sent  their  emis 
saries  to  Paris.  The  alliance  with  France  had  in 
creased  the  American  difficulties  into  an  affair  too 
serious  for  any  means  to  be  left  untried  to  avert  its 
mischiefs.  And  while  Franklin  was  plied,  efforts 
were  also  made  to  tamper  with  the  French  court  in 
order  that  the  alliance  might  be  defeated,  and  one 
or  both  of  the  parties  induced  to  betray  the  other. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  505 

Both,  however,  remained  firm  to  the  last;  and  the 
only  thing  which  we  have  to  regret  in  the  history 
of  the  relations  between  the  allies  is,  that  jealousy 
was  at  length  excited,  though  at  a  period  too  late  to 
do  any  other  mischief  than  to  occasion  a  breach  of 
courtesy. 

Franklin  kept  the  French  court  advised  of  the  ad 
vances  made  to  him,  and  a  similar  comity  was  ob 
served  by  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  Copies  of  a 
curious  letter  and  manly  answer  are  preserved  in 
the  Foreign  Archives  in  Paris,  which  were  transmit 
ted  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes  by  Franklin.  Mr. 
Sparks  obtained  an  abstract  of  one  and  a  copy  of 
the  other,  and  has  presented  them  to  the  American 
public  in  his  edition  of  Franklin's  writings.  The 
letter,  signed  Charles  de  Weissenstein,  was  dated  at 
Brussels.  Dr.  Franklin  probably  knew  more  of  the 
writer  than  he  has  left  any  record  of;  and,  in  his 
answer,  assumed  that  he  was  in  Paris  instead  of 
Brussels,  and  that  he  was  an  agent  of  the  British 
government.  De  Weissenstein  wrote  with  an  ex- 

F) 

cess  of  artifice  which  defeated  itself.  He  affected  a 
great  deal  of  impartiality,  freely  condemning  the 
measures  of  the  British  ministry,  and  proposing  to 
forward  Dr.  Franklin's  answer  directly  to  the  king, 
without  the  intervention  of  those  ministers.  He  la 
bors  to  impress  Franklin  with  a  bad  opinion  of 
French  faith ;  declares  the  impossibility  that  Eng 
land  should  ever  assent  to  the  independence  of 
America,  and  threatens  that,  though  Parliament 
should  accede  to  it,  the  people  would  not  submit ; 


506  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

and  that  the  British  title  to  the  empire  of  America 
would  be  asserted  by  the  successors  of  the  men  then 
in  power,  even  though  temporarily  yielded  to  "  re 
cover  breath."  He  offers  peerages  to  Franklin, 
Washington,  and  others,  or  pensions,  at  their  op 
tion,  and  propounds  a  plan  of  government,  tolera 
bly  specious  at  the  first  glance,  but  which  Franklin 
characterizes  in  his  answer  as  a  proposition  for  the 
Americans  to  deliver  themselves  "  bound  and  gagged, 
ready  for  hanging,  without  ever  a  right  to  complain, 
and  without  a  friend  to  be  found  afterward  among 
all  mankind." 

The  reply  to  his  letter  M.  de  Weissenstein  de 
sired  Franklin  to  give  to,  or  drop  for  a  stranger, 
whom  he  would  find  the  next  Monday  in  the  Church 
of  Notre  Dame,  to  be  known  by  a  rose  in  his  hat 
Franklin  says,  "  I  think  I  can  convey  my  answer  in 
a  less  mysterious  manner,  and  guess  it  may  come  to 
your  hands.  *  *  I  may  be  indiscreet  enough  in  many 
things ;  but  certainly,  if  I  were  disposed  to  make 
propositions,  which  I  can  not  do,  having  none  com 
mitted  to  me  to  make,  I  should  never  think  of  de 
livering  them  to  the  Lord  knows  who,  to  be  carried 
to  the  Lord  knows  where,  to  serve  no  one  knows 
what  purposes.  Being  at  this  time  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  figures  in  Paris,  even  my  appearance  in 
the  Church  of  Notre  Dame,  where  I  can  not  have 
any  conceivable  business,  and  especially  being  seen 
to  leave  or  drop  any  letter  to  any  person  there, 
would  be  a  matter  of  some  speculation,  and  might, 
from  the  suspicions  it  must  naturally  give,  have  very 


LIFE    OF    FRANKI  f  N.  507 

mischievous  consequences  to  our  credit  here."  Of. 
the  offer  of  places  and  peerage,  Franklin  says,  "  This 
offer  to  corrupt  us,  sir,  is  with  me  your  credential, 
and  convinces  me  that  you  are  not  a  private  vol 
unteer  in  your  application.  It  bears  the  stamp  of 
British  court  character.  It  is  even  the  signature  of 
your  king."  And  thus,  with  contemptuous  disdain, 
Franklin  dismissed  the  promises  of  the  anonymous 
writer,  as  with  calm  courage  he  had  met  his  threats. 
The  official  and  semi-official  correspondence  of 
Franklin  during  his  residence  in  France  would  of 
itself  have  furnished  employment  sufficient  for  a 
man  of  ordinary  habits  of  application ;  and  yet  he 
found  leisure  for  much  besides,  in  his  agreeable  per 
sonal  intercourse  and  in  philosophical  pursuits.  A 
great  source  of  annoyance  to  him  was  the  repeated 
and  incessant  demand  for  letters  of  introduction  to 
the  commander-in-chief  in  America,  or  to  Congress, 
the  idea  having  become  prevalent  that  he  was  sent 
to  France  to  engage  officers.  He  writes,  in  relation 
to  this  subject,  to  a  friend,  with  some  tartness,  though 
relieved  by  a  to.uch  of  pleasantry.  "  I  am  worried 
from  morning  till  night.  The  noise  of  every  coach 
now  that  enters  my  court  terrifies  me.  I  am  afraid 
to  accept  an  invitation  to  dine  abroad,  being  almost 
sure  to  meet  with  some  officer  or  officer's  friend, 
who,  as  soon  as  I  am  put  in  good  humor  by  a  glass 
or  two  of  Champaign,  begins  his  attack  upon  me. 
Luckily,  I  do  not  in  my  sleep  dream  of  these  vexa 
tious  situations,  or  I  should  be  afraid  of  what  are 
now  my  only  hours  of  comfort.  If,  therefore,  you 


508  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

have  the  least  remaining  kindness  for  me — if  you 
would  not  help  to  drive  me  out  of  France,  let  this, 
your  twenty-third  application,  be  your  last." 

To  such  a  pitch  did  the  evil  grow,  that  the  witty 
doctor  actually  prepared  a  form,  which  William 
Temple  Franklin  states  that  he  certainly  used  in 
some  instances,  to  shame  applicants  out  of  their  im 
portunity,  of  whom  he  could  get  rid  in  no  other 
way :  "  The  bearer  of  this  presses  me  to  give  him  a 
letter  of  recommendation,  though  I  know  nothing  of 
Jiim,  not  even  his  name.  I  must  refer  you  to  him 
self  for  his  character  and  merits,  with  which  he  is 
certainly  better  acquainted  than  I  can  possibly  be." 
One  can  imagine  the  blank  looks  of  an  applicant 
upon  reading  a  testimonial  couched  in  the  usual 
forms,  with  such  a  declaration  and  reference  as  the 
above  for  its  pith.  Too  complaisant  listening  to  ap 
plications  for  employment  in  the  army  of  the  United 
States  was  the  cause  of  Mr.  Deane's  being  recalled 
by  Congress.  He  left,  on  his  return,  in  April,  1778, 
a,nd  was  succeeded  by  Mr.  John  Adams.  He  had 
made  agreements  with  French  officers  which  Con 
gress  found  it  impossible  to  confirm.  Franklin 
wrote  more  than  once  in  exculpation  and  vindica 
tion  of  his  colleague  in  this  particular;  for  it  was 
exceedingly  difficult,  and  in  many  cases  would  have 
been  impolitic,  to  refuse  applications  in  which  the 
powerful  were  interested.  Franklin  and  Deane 
united  in  the  recommendation  of  Lafayette;  and 
we  need  remind  no  American  reader  that  their 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


eulogy  in  this  case  was  merited,  and  their  judgment 
fully  vindicated. 

Mr.  Adams  remained  in  Paris  as  commissionei 
only  until  the  autumn  of  the  year  in  which  he  ar 
rived.  The  commission  was  dissolved,  and  Dr. 
Franklin  was  appointed  minister  plenipotentiary 
Mr.  Arthur  Lee,  the  other  commissioner,  had  an  ap 
pointment  to  Spain,  but  remained  in  Paris.  From 
Mr.  Lee,  and  from  Mr.  Ralph  Izard,  Dr.  Franklin 
experienced  a  great  deal  of  annoyance — and  enmity. 
The  first  was  exhibited  in  captious  differences  about 
the  public  business,  and  the  personal  and  official  re 
lations  of  the  commissioners ;  and  the  latter  was  ex 
cited  in  letters  to  America,  making  charges  and  in 
sinuations  of  a  weighty  character  against  Franklin. 
Mr.  Lee's  unhappy  temper  toward  the  doctor  was 
exhibited  in  England  while  they  were  in  that  coun 
try  together.  He  quarreled  with  his  other  colleague 
in  France,  Mr.  Deane,  before  Franklin's  arrival ;  and 
ke  labored  to  procure  the  sending  of  Mr.  Deane  to 


510  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

one  court  and  Dr.  Franklin  to  another,  leaving  him 
self  in  France,  that  he  might  have  an  opportunity  to 
call  upon  them  for  their  accounts,  which  he  thus 
darkly  intimated  needed  examination ;  an  object 
which  he  said  could  thus  be  reached  without  an  ap 
pearance  of  intention,  and  thus,  he  says,  "  save  both 
the  public  and  me."  We  have  not  space,  nor  is  it 
necessary,  to  go  into  a  circumstantial  account  of  all 
the  intrigues  to  which  Dr.  Franklin's  enemies  re 
sorted,  and  the  littlenesses"  (an  awkward  word, 
but  expressive)  of  which  they  were  capable.  Frank 
lin  was  not  unadvised  of  any  part  of  their  proceed 
ings.  While  he  did  not  permit  the  public  business 
to  be  injured  by  differences  between  the  agents  of 
the  United  States  abroad,  he  replied  with  sufficient 
directness  and  spirit  to  direct  insults ;  but,  proud  in 
his  conscious  integrity,  he  did  not  attempt  to  meet 
or  reply  to  the  charges  against  him  which  were  sent 
to  America,  not,  be  it  understood,  formally  and  offi 
cially,  but  to  operate  on  individual  minds,  and  thus 
procure  his  injury  in  Congress  without  giving  him 
an  opportunity  to  vindicate  himself.  He  expressed 
his  confidence  that  such  injustice  would  not  be  done 
him ;  and  that  confidence  was  well  founded.  Al 
though  some  of  the  members,  and  other  influential 
men  in  America,  of  correct  minds  and  pure  patriot 
ism,  were  to  some  extent  swayed  by  the  efforts,  in 
cessant  and  artful,  to  injure  Franklin,  and  to  make 
the  foreign  affairs  of  the  United  States  appear  as  if 
in  a  desperate  condition  through  his  remissness  and 
mismanagement,  the  truth  prevailed.  Facts,  and  the 


LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN.  511 

unsought  testimony  of  the  disinterested,  showed  that 
Franklin  had  effected,  and  was  effecting  with  the 
court  of  France,  what  no  other  man  could.  It  is 
related  of  Jefferson,  that  when  he  succeeded  Dr. 
Franklin  as  minister  to  France,  and  some  one  said 
to  him,  "  You  have  come  to  fill  Dr.  Franklin's  place," 
he  replied,  "  Oh  no,  sir ;  no  man  living  can  do  that ; 
but  I  am  appointed  to  succeed  him."  By  repeat 
ed  proofs  of  confidence,  Congress  showed  that  this 
opinion  was  not  peculiar  to  Mr.  Jefferson.  The 
verdict  of  posterity  has  endorsed  that  opinion ;  and 
if  the  assailants  of  Dr.  Franklin  are  remembered,  it 
will  be  from  the  character  and  eminence  of  the  man 
they  attacked,  not  for  any  credit  that  their  allega 
tions  against  him  possessed. 


t>l2  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

AFTER  the  dissolution  of  the  commission,  and  the 
appointment  of  Dr.  Franklin  as  minister  plenipo 
tentiary,  his  duties,  though  much  more  onerous  than 
before,  were,  however,  pursued  with  more  comfort, 
as  he  was  relieved  from  the  captious  interference  of 
a  troublesome  colleague  in  Mr.  Lee.  Mr.  Adams, 
during  the  time  that  he  remained  in  France  as  com 
missioner,  was  the  hearty  assistant  and  respectful 
friend  of  Dr.  Franklin.  He  resided  with  him  in  the 
same  house  for  some  time,  and  the  sentiments  with 
which  he  regarded  his  venerable  colleague  may  be 
gathered  from  his  answer  to  a  letter  from  Mr.  Lee, 
in  which  the  latter  desired  a  room  to  be  prepared  in 
his  house  for  the  keeping  of  the  public  papers.  "  I 
have  not  asked  Dr.  Franklin's  opinion  concerning  a 
room  in  your  house  for  the  papers,  and  an  hour  to 
meet  there:  I  know  it  would  be  in  vain ;  for  I  think 
it  must  appear  to  him  more  unequal  still.  It  can  not 
be  expected  that  two  should  go  to  one,  when  it  is 
as  easy  again  for  one  to  come  to  two ;  not  to  men 
tion  Dr.  Franklin's  age,  his  rank  in  the  country,  or 
his  character  in  the  world;  nor  that  nine  tenths  of. 
the  public  letters  are  constantly  brought  to  this  house, 
and  always  will  be  carried  where  Dr.  Franklin  is." 
And  yet  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Adams  did  not  en- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  513 

tirely  agree,  as  will  presently  be  observed.  But  the 
difference  between  the  two  statesmen  was  one  upon 
points  of  policy,  naturally  growing  out  of  their  dif 
ferent  characters,  and  the  different  positions  from 
which  they  viewed  the  same  subjects ;  a  difference, 
the  result  of  honest  convictions,  which  was  restrain 
ed  by  the  patriotism  which  they  both  possessed,  and 
the  willingness  which  both  felt  to  make  sacrifices 
for  their  country.  The  other  opposition  to  Frank 
lin  was  in  its  inception,  at  least,  prompted  by  mor 
tified  personal  vanity,  and  grasping,  but  disappointed 
ambition. 

To  Dr.  Franklin's  duties  as  minister  plenipoten 
tiary  were  added  all  others  which  are  usually  trans 
acted  by  subordinate  representatives  of  a  government 
abroad.  Consular  duties,  the  adjudication  of  ques 
tions  arising  out  of  the  capture  of  the  enemy's  ves 
sels;  disputes  between  commanders  in  the  American 
service;  complaints  of  neutrals  against  alleged  vio 
lations  of  national  law,  and  the  provision  of  money 
to  meet  the  drafts  of  Congress,  all  were,  by  turns,  de 
manding  his  attention;  and  the  admiration  is,  that 
even  Franklin  performed  these  multifarious  duties  so 
well.  Not  a  draft  drawn  by  authority  of  Congress 
was  protested  during  his  residence  abroad.  In  these 
duties  he  had  not  even  the  assistance  of  a  secretary 
of  legation.  His  grandson  was  his  scribe  and  as 
sistant.  It  was  not  until  near  the  close  of  his  official 
residence  abroad  that  consuls  were  appointed.  And 
while  all  this  official  work  W7as  passing  through  his 

hands,  the  reader  must  bear  in  mind  the  voluminous 

K  K 


514  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

correspondence  which  he  held  with  friends  in  Eng 
land,  and  others,  as  already  mentioned;  through  all 
of  which  he  adhered  to  his  strongly  expressed  dec 
laration,  that  Americans  "were  neither  to  be  dra 
gooned  nor  bamboozled  out  of  their  liberty;"  that  in 
dependence  was  theirs  already,  and  that  no  treaty 
could  be  commenced  without  the  acknowledgment, 
tacit  or  verbal,  of  this  fact. 

The  whole  sum  of  money  obtained  by  Franklin 
from  the  French  court  was  from  twenty-seven  to 
thirty  millions  of  francs.  Of  this,  nine  were  con 
sidered  a  free  gift,  or  subsidy,  and  the  remainder,  it 
was  agreed  between  the  Count  de  Vergennes  and 
Franklin,  should  be  paid  in  twelve  annual  instal 
ments,  the  first  to  be  paid  in  three  years  after  the  close 
of  the  war.  To  these  sums  the  French  court  added 
another  loan  of  six  millions,  after  the  signing  of  the 
treaty.  Without  disparagement  to  the  labors  or  char 
acter  of  any  one  else,  wre  may  infer  that  no  other 
agent  would  have  been  so  successful.  De  Vergen 
nes  writes  in  1780,  "We  esteem  Dr.  Franklin  as 
much  for  the  patriotism  as  the  wisdom  of  his  con 
duct;  and  it  has  been  owing,  in  a  great  part,  to  this 
cause,  and  to  the  confidence  which  we  put  in  his 
veracity,  that  we  have  determined  to  relieve  the  pe 
cuniary  embarrassments  in  which  he  has  been  placed 
by  Congress."  And  at  a  period  when  the  heavy  ex 
penses  of  the  war,  and  the  liberal  advances  already 
made,  had  crippled  the  resources  of  the  French  gov 
ernment,  Franklin  secured  a  loan  in  Holland  by 
seconding  the  application  of  his  colleagues  to  the 


I,  I  FJ:    o  F    F  II  A  N  K  L  I  N.  51  f) 

French  court,  and  thus  obtaining  the  guarantee  of 
the  French  king  for  the  payment  of  the  interest  of 
the  sum  advanced  from  that  quarter.  Drafts  drawn 
upon  foreign  ministers  at  other  courts  were,  through 
the  influence  of  Franklin,  saved  from  being  dishon 
ored  ;  and,  in  a  word,  his  services  to  his  country,  in  a 
financial  character  alone,  entitled  him  to  her  high 
est  gratitude. 

Franklin  was  an  advocate  of  the  plan  of  dis 
patching  a  French  army  to  America,  as  recom 
mended  by  Lafayette  on  his  first  return  from  the 
United  States,  and  seconded  the  marquis  with  his 
influence  and  counsel.  It  was  his  happiness  to  be 
the  agent  through  whom  the  sword  voted  by  Con 
gress  for  that  officer  was  procured  and  presented  to 
him,  and  he  exercised  his  usual  good  taste  and  judg 
ment  in  the  selection  of  the  emblems  and  devices. 

Jealous  of  the  honor  of  his  country,  he  issued  a 
circular  letter  to  the  American  cruisers  for  the  pro 
tection  of  Captain  Cook,  on  his  return  from  his 
voyage  of  discovery,  and  another  for  the  safety  of 
the  vessels  dispatched  with  relief  to  the  Moravian 
missions,  and  alms  for  sufferers  in  the  West  India 
colonies.  When  France  and  Spain  joined  with 
Russia  in  the  recognition  of  the  new  principle  that 
"free  ships  make  free  goods,"  or  that  the  flag  of  a 
neutral  covers  the  cargo,  Franklin  issued  instruc 
tions  to  the  American  cruisers  accordingly.  All  the 
Northern  powers  except  England  came  into  the  ar 
rangement.  Franklin  assumed  the  assent  of  Con 
gress  in  this,  as  he  did  in  many  other  cases,  but 


516  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

never  in  any  case  when  he  had  not  with  him  the 
support  of  the  principles  of  equity  and  of  humanity 
Through  the  whole  residence  of  Franklin  abroad, 
it  was  his  peculiar  fortune  to  be,  at  least,  partially 
misunderstood  at  home.  The  impression  grew  that 
he  was  too  much  a  Frenchman ;  that  he  was  too  com 
plaisant,  not  to  say  obsequious,  to  the  French  court. 
Even  if  there  wrere  some  color  for  this  allegation,  it 
would  be  a  circumstance  not  at  all  to  be  wondered 
at.  None  knew  so  well  as  he  what  essential  serv 
ices  the  French  court  had  rendered  to  the  Ameri 
cans,  and  were  still  rendering;  for  he  declared  that 
the  Count  de  Vergennes  never  made  a  promise 
which  he  did  not  redeem.  None  so  well  under 
stood  as  Dr.  Franklin  what  continued  efforts  were 
made  to  influence  the  councils  of  France  by  indi 
rect  means  and  overtures  from  the  common  enemy, 
for  he  had  experience  of  the  same  tortuous  policy  in 
his  own  case.  And  if,  in  addition  to  the  national 
reasons  for  gratitude,  he  had  some  personal  feeling 
for  the  respect  entertained  for  him  by  both  court 
and  people,  he  would  have  been  cold-hearted  and 
ungrateful  indeed  not  to  have  exhibited  this  senti 
ment.  But  in  no  case  did  he  compromise  his  duty, 
or  fail  in  the  service  of  his  country.  We  have  ob 
served  how  much  he  was  embarrassed  in  England, 
while  agent  of  the  colonies,  by  the  movements  of  the 
patriots  at  home.  In  France,  the  doings  of  his 
countrymen  in  Congress  required  him,  if  he  would 
be  at  all  successful,  to  be  their  apologist  at  the 
French  court.  In  England  he  was  blamed  for  the 


LIFE     OF     FRANKLIN.  517 

revolutionary  speeches  and  manifestoes  of  his  coun 
trymen;  and  in  France,  a  point  in  his  public  course, 
of  which  De  Vergennes  made  serious  complaint,  was, 
that  he  did  not  discourage  the  frequent  and  impor 
tunate  demands  which  Congress  made  for  assistance. 
In  neither  of  these  cases  could  he  have  done  more, 
however,  than  he  really  did;  and  what  he  did  effect 
or  advance  in  his  correspondence,  caused  his  ene 
mies  to  make  him  appear,  while  in  England,  too 
much  an  Englishman ;  while  in  France,  too  much  a 
Frenchman.  Posterity  has,  however,  done  him  just 
ice;  and  even  while  he  lived,  he  had  the  good  for 
tune  to  find  his  conduct  truly  appreciated,  and  to  be 
honored  with  renewed  marks  of  public  confidence, 
which  were  an  answer  to  his  enemies  as  complete 
as  gratifying. 

Dr.  Franklin  thought  his  powers  as  minister  plen* 
ipotentiary  not  ample  enough  to  enable  him  to  con 
clude  a  treaty  of  peace,  should  opportunity  present 
itself.  Mr.  Adams  was  therefore  appointed  minis 
ter  for  this  purpose,  and  arrived  in  France  in  1780. 
Count  de  Vergennes  and  Mr.  Adams  differed  upon 
some  points  of  etiquette,  and  upon  some  of  more 
importance.  The  count  desired  a  copy  of  his  in 
structions  as  minister  to  make  a  treaty  with  Eng 
land,  which  Mr.  Adams  did  not  feel  inclined  to  com 
municate.  Mr.  Adams  also  insisted  that  the  depre 
ciation  of  the  continental  paper  money  in  America 
should  equally  affect  all  creditors,  foreign  and  domes 
tic,  while  Count  de  Vergennes  claimed  that  an  ex 
ception  should  be  made  in  favor  of  French  credit- 


518  L  I  F  L     O  F     F  R  A  N  K  L  I  N. 

ors.  The  situation  of  Mr.  Adams  in  Paris  became 
so  irksome  that  he  repaired  to 'Holland,  where  he 
remained  until  he  came  to  Paris  with  the  others 
named  in  the  commission  to  negotiate  the  treaty 
of  peace  with  Great  Britain.  While  in  Holland  he 
took  the  place  of  Mr.  Laurens  in  the  endeavor  to 
negotiate  loans  in  that  country  ;  and  in  this  business, 
among  his  embarrassments,  he  had  to  contend  with 
adverse  intrigues,  as  is  alleged,  of  the  French  court. 
The  question  whether  this  charge  against  France 
was  well  or  ill  founded,  it  is  not  necessary  to  con 
sider  here ;  it  is  sufficient  that  circumstances  were 
such  as  warranted  Mr.  Adams,  in  his  own  mind,  in 
entertaining  suspicions  of  France,  and  opinions  of 
her  course,  far  less  favorable  than  Dr.  Franklin  did. 
The  French  government  even  requested  his  recall; 
but  Congress,  instead,  passed  him  a  vote  of  thanks. 
Of  course,  these  circumstances  operated  to  the  prej 
udice  of  Dr.  Franklin  at  home,  as  he  was  unre 
served  in  expressing,  in  his  official  letters,  the  differ 
ence  between  himself  and  Mr.  Adams  on  the  atti 
tude  which  should  be  maintained  toward  France. 
The  question  of  the  recall  of  Dr.  Franklin  had  been 
once  (1779)  broached  in  Congress,  and  only  eight 
votes  in  forty-three  were  found  in  favor  of  it.  In 
1781  he  solicited  to  be  recalled,  not  from  "any  the 
least  doubt  of  their  success  in  their  glorious  cause, 
or  any  disgust  received  in  their  service,  but  on  ac 
count  of  his  age  and  infirmities/'  Congress  declined 
accepting  his  resignation;  and,  as  a  further  mark 
of  confidence,  he  was  associated  with  Mr.  Laurens, 


L  I  F  E    O  F    F  11  A  MY  L  I  N. 


Mr.  Jay,  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  a  commission  with 
Mr.  Adams,  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  peace  with  Great 
Britain.  He  could  not  be  insensible  to  this  confi 
dence.  The  assurance  that  he  had  tendered  his 
resignation  from  "no  disgust"  is  emphatic,  when 
considered  in  reference  to  the  circumstances  which 
we  have  reviewed.  It  is  of  a  kindred  character 
with  his  former  declaration,  made  to  Lord  Howe, 
that  he  never  suffered  private  grievances  to  interfere 
with  public  duties.  He  remained  to  fulfill,  even  to 
the  last,  his  generous  devotedness  to  his  country, 
and  to  throw  himself  as  a  peacemaker  between 
France  and  America;  not,  indeed,  that  there  was 
any  danger  of  a  rupture,  though  coldness  did  for  a 
time  mark  the  official  intercourse  of  the  represent 
atives  of  the  two  governments. 

In  1782,  upon  the  commencement  of  the  Rock- 
ingham  ministry,  which  had  come  into  power  with 
the  express  declaration  of  the  policy  of  peace  with 
America,  an  official  correspondence  was  opened 
with  the  venerable  man  who  for  more  than  ten  years 
may  be  said  to  have  been  the  point  of  quasi  diplo 
matic  advances.  Thus,  as  a  matter  of  course,  was 
precedence  ever  conferred  upon  him,  in  whatever 
he  was  engaged.  In  April,  diplomatic  agents  were 
sent  to  Paris  to  confer  with  Dr.  Franklin  and  the 
French  court  on  the  mode  of  conducting  the  nego 
tiation.  After  three  months  of  conversation  and 
skirmishing,  Dr.  Franklin's  colleagues  not  having 
arrived,  the  following  points  were  submitted  as  the 
indispensable  basis  of  negotiation:  Full  and  com- 


520  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN 

plete  acknowledgment  of  the  independence  of  the 
thirteen  states;  withdrawal  of  the  British  forces; 
settlement  of  boundaries,  and  freedom  of  the  fisher 
ies.  To  these  indispensable  articles  Dr.  Franklin 
added  certain  recommendations  as  advisable:  in 
demnification  for  towns  burned;  a  conciliatory  act 
of  Parliament ;  the  surrender  of  Canada,  and  equal 
privileges  with  British  ships  in  British  ports. 

While  the  preliminary  conversations  were  going 
forward,  the  British  ministry  was  dissolved  by  the 
death  of  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham.  The  Earl  of 
Shelbourne  succeeded  as  prime  minister,  and  Mr. 
Fox,  who  had  been  in  the  Rockingham  cabinet,  re 
tired.  Mr.  Jay  had  by  this  time  arrived  in  Paris. 
Mr.  Adams  came  in  October,  about  a  month  before 
the  signature,  though  he  was  in  correspondence 
with  his  colleagues  during  their  preliminary  nego 
tiations.  Mr.  Laurens,  who  had  been  for  over  a 
year  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower  in  London,  arrived 
only  to  endorse  what  his  colleagues  had  done.  Mr. 
Jefferson  never  acted  under  his  appointment  to  ne 
gotiate  the  treaty  of  peace,  but  remained  in  America, 
as  he  learned  that  the  preliminaries  were  arranged 
before  he  was  ready  to  embark.  The  greater  por 
tion  of  the  labor  was  thus  left  to  Dr.  Franklin  and 
Mr.  Jay.  As  the  former,  for  several  weeks  during 
the  summer  of  1782,  was  confined  to  his  house  by 
sickness,  the  negotiations  were  conducted  by  Mr. 
Jay  and  Mr.  Oswald,  the  English  ambassador,  or 
agent. 

The  change  of  ministry  in  Great  Britain  pro- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  521 

tracted  the  discussion.  The  original  intention  of 
the  parties  was  to  assume  the  independence  of  the 
United  States  as  an  admitted  fact,  and  then  proceed 
to  treat  as  with  an  independent  power.  But  the 
new  ministry  desired  to  make  the  independence  of 
America  a  matter  of  exchange,  for  which  an  equiv 
alent  was  to  be  granted  by  the  United  States.  Mr. 
Jay  combated  this  from  the  beginning;  and  with  the 
keenness  of  a  lawyer,  demurred  to  Mr.  Oswald's  in 
structions,  in  which  every  thing  which  could  recog 
nize  the  national  existence  of  the  United  States  had 
been  left  out.  After  consultation  with  Dr.  Frank 
lin,  and  the  dispatch  of  couriers  and  messages  be 
tween  London  and  Paris,  the  difficulty  was  got  over 
by  a  compromise.  Two  commissioners  were  sent 
over  to  Paris  from  London,  which  were  at  first  Mr. 
Grenville  and  Mr.  Oswald.  Mr.  Grenville's  commis 
sion  authorized  him  to  treat  with  France;  but  as 
America  was  not  mentioned,  Dr.  Franklin  refused 
to  consider  him  as  empowered  to  treat  with  the 
United  States.  The  commission  was  altered  to  read 
"  France,  or  any  other  prince  or  state."  Dr.  Frank 
lin  said  that  the  general  words  any  other  state 
could  not  include  a  people  whom  Great  Britain  did 
not  allow  to  be  a  state.  Mr.  Grenville  was  succeeded 
by  Mr.  Fitzherbert,  whose  commission  was  to  treat 
with  France,  Spain,  and  Holland.  Mr.  Oswald  re 
mained  in  charge  of  the  American  treaty,  and  with 
him  Mr.  Jay  contended  until  his  authority  to  treat 
was  changed  from  the  words  "with  commissioners 
named,  or  to  be  named,  by  the  colonies  or  plant- 


522  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

ations  of  America,"  to  commissioners  of  the  "thir 
teen  United  States." 

The  preliminary  treaty  was  signed  at  Paris  on 
the  30th  of  November,  1782.  The  stipulations  about 
commerce,  originally  contemplated  by  Dr.  Franklin, 
were  left  for  another  treaty;  all  the  other  "essen 
tials"  were  secured.  But  a  great  effort  was  made 
by  the  British  commissioners  to  obtain  compensa 
tion  for  the  Loyalists  whose  property  had  been  con 
fiscated,  or  to  retain  the  fisheries.  On  these  points 
the  American  commissioners  were  resolute ;  and  Mr. 
Adams  arrived  from  Holland  to  throw  his  weight 
into  the  scale,  and  combat  with  energy  any  at 
tempt  to  depart  from  the  basis  which  Franklin  had 
marked  out,  and  he  had  approved.  In  regard  to 
the  compensation  of  the  Loyalists,  Franklin's  witty 
anecdote  of  the  poker  indicates  his  opinion  of  the 
justice  of  the  claim.  He  represents  a  man  as  having 
prepared  the  heated  iron  for  thrusting  his  neighbor 
through ;  and  when  the  person  for  whom  the  com 
pliment  was  intended  declined  it,  even  to  the  extent 
of  only  one  inch,  the  man  who  had  heated  the  po 
ker  set  up  a  claim  for  his  time  and  fuel.  After  all 
attempts  to  obtain  more  than  had  in  the  beginning 
been  conceded  were  found  vain,  the  British  com 
missioners  yielded.  The  last  stand  made  was  on 
the  Loyalist  claims  and  the  fisheries;  and  the  com 
missioners  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  threatened 
to  send  the  treaty  to  London  for  consideration.  Dr. 
Franklin  acceded  to  this,  provided  a  clause  was 
inserted  making  it  obligatory  on  the  king  to  rec- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  523 

ommend  to  Parliament  a  bill  to  indemnify  the 
Americans  for  British  spoliations.  This  proposi 
tion  closed  the  contest,  and  the  treaty  was  signed. 
It  was  a  subject  of  complaint,  not  official  or  formal, 
but  of  conversation  and  remark,  that  the  American 
commissioners  should  affix  their  signatures  without 
consulting  the  French  ministry.  The  reason  for 
this  proceeding  was  the  jealousy  of  diplomacy.  The 
British  court,  as  it  had  done  through  the  whole  war, 
through  its  agents,  excited  distrust  of  France.  Ac 
cidental  circumstances,  since  proved  of  no  weight, 
added  their  force  to  suspicion;  and  the  natural  de 
sire  of  the  French  court,  that  the  negotiation  should 
not  be  frustrated  and  the  war  protracted,  gave  color 
to  the  charge  that  the  French  ministry  was  indis 
posed  to  support  America  in  all  her  claims.  It  is  to 
be  remembered,  however,  that  the  preliminary  trea 
ty,  thus  signed  by  the  commissioners  of  the  United 
States,  was  conditioned  upon  the  negotiation  of  a 
treaty  between  England  and  France,  for  the  United 
States  steadily  refused  to  make  any  separate  treaty. 
Both  France  and  America  kept  their  faith  to  each 
other  in  this  respect.  But  it  was  a  time  of  doubt 
and  uncertainty.  Fears  were  entertained  of  the  sin 
cerity  of  the  British  court,  as  propositions  for  a  sep 
arate  peace  had  been  presented  to  France,  to  Spain, 
and  to  the  United  States;  and  the  offer  of  media 
tion  from  Russia,  on  behalf  of  Holland,  had  been  ac 
cepted.  All  these  considerations  induced  the  com 
missioners  to  sign  the  preliminary  treaty  while  if  was 
in  their  power. 


524  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

In  reference  to  the  subject  of  this  treaty,  Dr. 
Franklin  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
"I  will  not  take  it  upon  me  to  justify  the  apparent 
reserve  respecting  this  court  (the  French)  at  the 
signature  of  which  you  disapprove.  I  do  not  see, 
however,  that  they  have  much  reason  to  complain 
of  the  transaction.  Nothing  was  stipulated  to  their 
prejudice,  and  none  of  the  stipulations  were  to  have 
force  except  by  a  subsequent  act  of  their  own.  *  *  * 
I  long  since  satisfied  Count  de  Vergennes  about  it 
here.  He  did  what  appeared  to  all  of  us  best  at 
the  time;  and,  if  we  have  done  wrong,  the  Congress 
will  do  right,  after  hearing  us,  to  censure  us.  Their 
nomination  of  five  persons  to  the  service  seems  to 
mark  that  they  had  some  dependence  on  our  joint 
judgment,  since  one  alone  could  have  made  a  treaty 
by  direction  of  the  French  ministry  as  well  as 
twenty."  The  wisdom  of  the  commissioners  in 
their  preliminary  stipulations,  and  the  completeness 
with  which  those  articles  covered  the  whole  ground, 
is  shown  in  the  fact  that  the  preliminary  articles 
were,  on  the  3d  of  September,  1783,  signed  as  the 
definitive  treaty.  Efforts  were  made  to  introduce  a 
commercial  article;  but,  after  much  deliberation,  this 
and  other  subjects  were  left  for  after  consideration ; 
and  the  treaty,  as  signed,  met  the  full  and  hearty 
approval  of  the  American  Congress  and  people. 

Thus  closed  the  last  great  event  of  Franklin's 
official  life.  What  follows  in  his  public  acts  is 
overshadowed  by  the  vast  importance  of  the  events 
which  he  had  been  so  active  an  instrument  in  bring- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  525 

ing  about.  Americans  are  not  inclined  to  do  injus 
tice  to  their  public  men,  particularly  those  who  fig 
ured  in  the  great  contest  of  the  Revolution;  but 
injustice  has  unintentionally  been  done  to  Benja 
min  Franklin.  He  has  been  regarded  rather  as 
the  philosopher  than  as  the  statesman ;  or,  in  other 
words,  his  scientific  reputation  has  been  made  to 
supersede  his  patriotic  labors  and  services.  Par 
ticularly  has  this  been  the  case  in  popular  biogra 
phies;  and  we  have  therefore  followed  his  most  im 
portant  public  acts  with  the  more  minuteness,  that 
his  countrymen  may  become  generally  better  aware 
of  what  is  due,  in  this  respect,  to  the  American 
statesman. 

Pending  the  negotiations  with  England,  Dr. 
Franklin  was  appointed  a  special  commissioner  to 
negotiate  a  treaty  with  Sweden,  which  duty  he  per 
formed.  He  was  also,  after  the  treaty  of  peace, 
named  in  two  commissions :  one  with  Messrs. 
Adams  and  Jay,  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  commerce 
with  England ;  the  other  with  Messrs.  Adams  and 
Jefferson,  to  contract  treaties  of  amity  and  com 
merce  with  the  principal  European  powers.  Noth 
ing  was  effected  under  the  first  commission.  Under 
the  second,  a  treaty  was  made  with  Prussia,  which 
embraced  a  clause  against  privateering,  and  in  favor 
of  the  principles  of  mercy  and  equity,  by  which 
Franklin  proposed  to  regulate  hostile  operations. 
His  last  official  act  was  to  sign  this  treaty,  and  in 
July,  1785,  he  was  succeeded  by  Mr.  Jefferson  as 
minister  plenipotentiary.  He  was  now  in  his  eigh- 


526  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

tieth  year.  Public  life  had  lost  its  zest,  from  the 
fact  that  no  great  interests  remained  in  jeopardy. 
He  had  lived  to  see  the  "hazardous  enterprise,"  as 
he  termed  the  Revolution,  "happily  completed;"  and 
urged  upon  Congress,  in  repeated  applications,  his 
recall,  being  willing  to  leave  to  younger  hands  the 
arrangement  of  the  details,  for  which  his  labors  of 
tongue  and  pen  had  aided  to  lay  so  solid  a  founda 
tion. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  527 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

VERY  soon  after  the  arrival  of  Franklin  in  France, 
he  took  lodgings  in  a  house  belonging  to  M.  Chau- 
mont,  at  Passy,  near  Paris.  As  he  remained  in  the 
same  house  during  his  whole  official  residence  in 
England,  so  he  kept  the  same  quarters  during  his 
whole  residence  in  France.  These  little  circum 
stances  are  strongly  illustrative  of  his  character.  He 
took  no  step  without  due  consideration ;  and  sought 
through  his  whole  life  rather  to  accommodate  him 
self  to  present  circumstances,  or  to  improve  those 
circumstances  by  gradual  and  rational  steps,  than  to 
look  for  or  seek  great  changes.  We  observe  the 
same  traits  in  his  political  character.  As  decidedly 
republican  as  any  of  his  compeers,  in  all  points  in 
advance  of  many  of  them  in  opinion,  and  in  some 
few  points  in  advance  of  all,  he  never  advocated 
the  abrupt  removal  of  existing  institutions,  trusting 
to  the  future  to  supply  their  places.  The  plan  was 
to  build  up  before  he  pulled  down;  to  let  the  new 
win  favor  and  supplant  the  old,  rather  than  by  re 
moval  of  the  old,  to  compel  the  adoption  of  new. 
If  there  be  any  propriety  in  such  a  conjunction  of 
terms,  he  may  be  styled  a  conservative  democrat,  in 
opposition  to  those  who  are  termed  the  movement 
party. 


528  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

In  his  course  upon  religious  questions  we  may 
observe  the  like  characteristics  of  mind.  Through 
out  his  whole  life  he  acknowledged  habitually  his 
dependence  upon  an  overruling  Providence,  and  de 
clared  it  to  be  not  only  the  personal  duty  of  indi 
viduals,  but  the  duty  of  nations  in  their  public  acts 
and  in  their  official  proceedings,  to  recognize  the 
Supreme  Ruler  of  nations.  In  the  Convention  which 
met  in  1787  to  form  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  he  made  an  eloquent  appeal  to  his  colleagues 
in  support  of  a  motion  which  he  introduced,  that 
"  henceforth  prayers,  imploring  the  assistance  of 
Heaven  and  its  blessing  on  our  deliberations,  be 
held  in  this  assembly  every  morning  before  we  pro 
ceed  to  business."  He  treated  the  sacred  Scriptures 
with  habitual  reverence,  and  in  many  places  has  re 
corded  his  faith  in  them;  and  his  writings  and  con 
versation  showed  that  he  was  intimately  acquainted 
with  their  contents.  He  urged  upon  those  depend 
ent  upon  him  an  habitual  attention  to  public  wor 
ship  ;  and  if,  in  some  part  of  his  life,  as  left  by  him 
self,  he  does  not  seem  to  have  been  exemplary  in 
that  particular,  whose  life  is  always  in  accordance 
with  his  precepts?  He  had  the  near  friendship  of 
Whitefield,  the  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph's,  and  other  cler 
gymen  and  devout  Christians — persons  who  would 
not  have  sought  the  society  of  an  irreligious  man. 
And  he  possessed  in  an  eminent  degree  the  grace  of 
charity,  as  he  has  left  the  evidence  both  in  his  wri 
tings  and  in  his  acts.  In  some  of  his  opinions  upon 
theological  subjects  he  was  unsettled;  in  some  points 


LIFE     OF     FRANKLIN.  529 

he  acknowledges  he  had  doubts.  "To  his  own  mas 
ter  he  standeth  or  falleth."  But  he  never  intruded 
his  doubts  or  his  speculative  opinions  upon  others. 
He  never  attempted  to  disturb  any  man's  faith;  and 
he  most  earnestly  urged  the  celebrated  Thomas 
Paine  to  bum  the  manuscript  of  a  deistical  work 
which  he  submitted  to  Franklin  for  perusal — to  bum 
it  before  it  met  the  eye  of  any  other  person,  and 
thus  save  himself  a  good  deal  of  regret  and  repent 
ance.  "By  your  argument,"  Franklin  says,  "against 
a  particular  Providence,  though  you  allow  a  general 
Providence,  you  strike  at  the  foundation  of  all  re 
ligion  ;  for,  without  the  belief  of  a  Providence  that 
takes  cognizance  of,  guards  and  guides,  and  may 
favor  particular  persons,  there  is  no  motive  to  wor 
ship  a  Deity,  to  fear  his  displeasure,  or  to  pray  for 
his  protection." 

As  among  the  proofs  of  the  extraordinary  activi 
ty  of  his  mind,  it  may  be  remarked  that  he  learned 
to  converse  in  the  French  language  after  he  had 
reached  the  age  of  seventy.  Among  the  "baga 
telles,"  as  he  termed  them,  written  at  Passy  for  the 
amusement  of  the  brilliant  coterie  with  whom  he 
was  associated,  are  several  written  in  French;  and 
this  fact  leads  to  the  inference  that  light  literature 
was  not  the  only  mode  in  which  he  employed  his 
pen  in  French  composition.  His  attachment  to  the 
press  is  exhibited  in  the  fact  that  he  had  a  small 
printing-office  at  his  lodgings,  with  which  he  amused 
himself  in  printing  these  trifles,  and,  in  getting  up 

ingenious  and  harmless  pasquinades.     Many  of  his 

L  L 


530  LIFE     OF     FRANKLIN. 


practical  essays,  and  not  a  few  political  papers,  me 
moirs  on  various  philosophical  subjects,  were  written 
during  his  residence  in  France.  His  principal  phil 
osophical  and  miscellaneous  works  were  published 
in  'Paris  in  1773,  and  the  famous  preface  to  his  Al 
manac  in  1757.  "  The  Way  to  Wealth"  had  been 
distributed  among  the  people  in  a  separate  transla 
tion.  That  exceedingly  clever  collection  of  "  wise 
saws"  has  since  enjoyed  the  honor  of  being  trans 
lated  and  published  in  modern  Greek.  Without  any 
official  rank,  the  American  philosopher  would  have 
found  sufficient  occupation  to  prevent  time  from 
hanging  heavy  on  his  hands;  and  in  the  pleasures 
of  social  intercourse  and  the  gratification  of  scien 
tific  pursuits,  he  found  relaxation  from  the  fatigues 
of  his  public  duties — duties  for  which,  as  we  have 
before  remarked,  the  American  people,  losing  sight 
of  the  statesman  in  the  sage,  have  not  been  suffi 
ciently  grateful. 

On  the  12th  of  July,  1785,  after  a  residence  of 


L  I  F  E    O  F    F  R  A  N  K  L  I  X.  531 

/ 

nearly  nine  years  in  France,  he  left  Passy  on  his 
way  to  Havre  de  Grace.  He  had  contemplated  a 
tour  over  the  Continent,  and,  in  particular,  a  visit 
to  Vienna,  but  the  increasing  infirmities  of  age  com 
pelled  him  to  abandon  the  intention.  The  leave- 
takings  of  his  numerous  personal  friends,  and  the 
sincere  expressions  of  friendship  and  attachment 
which  were  incorporated  in  the  notes  and  adieux 
of  official  personages,  must  have  made  the  sundering 
of  the  many  agreeable  ties  he  had  formed  a  de 
pressing  duty  even  to  a  young  man,  much  more  to 
an  octogenarian  like  Franklin,  so  sensible  of  kind 
ness,  and  grateful  for  it.  The  journey  from  Passy 
was  made  in  the  queen's  litterr  borne  by  Spanish 
mules;  and  the  voyage  across  the  Atlantic  would 
have  been  made  in  a  French  national  vessel,  had 
the  minister  of  marine  been  earlier  apprised  of  his 
intended  return.  Of  the  journey  to  Havre,  which 
occupied  six  days,  Franklin  has  left  notes,  in  which 
those  who  accompanied  him  and  waited  upon  him 
with  civilities,  including  individuals,  corporations, 
and  the  Masonic  Lodge  at  Rouen,  are  particularly 
remembered.  From  Havre  he  sailed  for  Southamp 
ton,  where  he  remained  four  days.  Here  he  found 
his  son,  William  Temple,  former  governor  of  New 
Jersey,  who,  as  a  Loyalist,  had  removed  to  England; 
Mr.  Benjamin  Vaughan,  Mr.  Alexander,  the  Bishop 
of  St.  Asaph,  his  lady  and  daughter,  and  other 
friends.  With  the  exchange  of  courtesies  and  the 
transaction  of  business,  the  short  time  of  his  stay  in 
Southampton  was  well  crowded  with  occupation. 


532  LIFE     OF    FRANKLIN. 

The  most  carious  incident  of  the  four  days  is, 
that  the  old  gentleman  of  eighty,  who  had  been,  as 
appears  in  his  memoirs,  so  great  a  master  of  the  art 
of  swimming,  fell  asleep  floating  in  a  bath,  and  re 
mained  asleep  for  an  hour  without  sinking  or  turn 
ing — the  best  practical  proof  of  his  theory  of  self- 
command  in  the  water.  On  the  27th  of  July  he 
embarked  in  the  London  Packet,  Captain  Truxton. 
The  bishop  and  family  accompanied  him  on  board, 
and  remained  during  the  night  before  the  vessel 
sailed.  An  evidence  of  their  considerate  kindness 
to  their  aged  friend  is  found  in  his  journal,  under  the 
date  of  July  28th:  "When  I  waked  in  the  morning, 
found  the  company  gone  and  the  ship  under  sail." 

On  the  passage,  which  occupied  forty-eight  days, 
Dr.  Franklin  employed  himself  in  writing  two  pa 
pers,  one  on  Smoky  Chimneys,  the  other  on  Im 
provements  in  Navigation.  Both  were  read  before 
the  American  Philosophical  Society  in  Philadelphia. 
In  both  are  many  excellent  suggestions,  which  have 
been  made  the  basis  of  many  practical  improve 
ments.  In  the  paper  on  Navigation  occurs  the  fol 
lowing  sentence:  "Some  sailors  may  think  the  wri 
ter  has  given  himself  unnecessary  trouble  in  pretend 
ing  to  advise  them,  for  they  have  a  little  repugnance 
to  the  advice  of  landsmen,  whom  they  esteem  ig 
norant,  and  incapable  of  giving  any  worth  notice." 
This  charge  is  in  part  true,  but  only  in  part.  Con 
trivances,  and  machinery,  liable  at  all  times  to  get 
out  of  order,  are  especially  so  at  sea;  and  seamen 
alone  can  judge  of  what  is  practically  useful  and  al- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  533 

ways  reliable,  which  is  the  main  point.  The  doctor 
says  that  when  a  shipwrecked  crew  find  themselves 
in  a  boat  without  a  compass,  a  fine  sewing-needle 
laid  on  a  cup  of  clear  water  will  be  a  good  substi 
tute.  But  a  crew  who  leave  in  such  haste  as  to 
forget  a  compass,  would  not  be  very  likely  to  re 
member  a  fine  sewing-needle;  nor  is  a  cup  of  clear 
water  always  to  be  had  by  seamen  in  such  a  strait ; 
and  even  if  it  were,  the  motion  of  a  boat  on  the 
ocean,  if  it  permitted  the  water  to  remain  in  the 
cup,  would  occasion  variations  of  the  impromptu 
compass,  to  which  the  calculations  intended  for  the 
perfect  instrument  would  hardly  apply.  The  ob 
servations  of  the  doctor  on  the  Gulf  Stream,  the  di 
rection  of  winds,  and  many  other  subjects,  are  full  of 
useful  suggestions,  which  the  good  sense  of  mari 
ners  has  not  been  remiss  in  improving  and  appro 
priating.  The  following  is  the  last  entry  in  the 
journal  of  the  voyage : 

Wednesday,  Sept.  14. — With  the  flood  in  the 
morning  came  a  light  breeze,  which  brought  us 
above  Gloucester  Point,  in  full  view  of  dear  Phila 
delphia  !  when  we  again  cast  anchor,  to  wait  for 
the  health  officer,  who,  having  made  his  visit,  and 
finding  no  sickness,  gave  us  leave  to  land.  My 
son-in-law,  came  with  a  boat  for  us.  We  landed  at 
Market-street  wharf,  where  we  were  received  by  a 
crowd  of  people  with  huzzas,  and  accompanied 
with  acclamations  quite  to  my  door.  Found  my 
family  well.  God  be  praised  and  thanked  for  all 
his  mercies!" 


534  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

The  ringing  of  bells  and  the  firing  of  cannon  also 
expressed  the  welcome  of  the  people  to  him  who 
had  fought  the  battles  of  his  country  against  diplo 
matic  intrigue,  while  his  compatriots  defended  the 
liberty  of  the  new  nation  with  their  arms.  This 
spontaneous  manifestation  was  followed  by  others 
more  formal,  from  the  Legislature  then  in  session, 
from  the  Philosophical  Society,  the  Faculty  of  the 
University,  and  other  public  bodies.  Individuals 
hastened  also  to  pay  their  respects,  and  among 
those  who  earliest  called  upon  him  was  General 
Washington.  This  great  man  neglected  no  oppor 
tunity  during  the  remainder  of  Franklin's  life  of 
testifying  his  respect  for  him;  and  Franklin,  in  a 
codicil  to  his  will,  dated  in  1789,  gives  his  favorite 
walking-stick  to  General  Washington,  designating 
him  as  "  my  friend  and  the  friend  of  mankind."  "If 
it  were  a  sceptre,"  he  adds,  "he  has  merited  it,  and 
would  become  it." 

In  a  few  days  after  his  return,  Dr.  Franklin  was 
elected  a  member  of  the  Supreme  Executive  Coun 
cil  of  Pennsylvania,  and  in  October  he  was  chosen 
President  of  the  State,  as  the  executive  was  termed 
under  the  then  existing  Constitution.  He  filled  this 
office  through  the  three  successive  years  which  the 
Constitution  allowed,  receiving  on  his  first  election 
all  the  votes  of  the  Legislature  except  one,  and  at 
the  two  subsequent  elections  a  unanimous  vote.  In 
pursuance  of  an  opinion  which  he  entertained,  that 
in  a  republican  government  there  should  be  no  emol 
ument  attached  to  office,  he  devoted  his  salary  to 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  535 

purposes  of  public  utility ;  and  in  his  will  gave  so 
much  more  to  public  purposes,  that  if  a  balance  were 
struck  between  what  he  received  during  his  long 
public  service  and  what  he  expended,  the  credit  side 
would  show  largely  in  favor  of  the  doctor.  It  is  a 
matter  of  deep  regret  that  the  private  claims  of  Ben 
jamin  Franklin  are  among  those  which  were  never 
adjusted  by  Congress.  His  accounts  as  commis 
sioner,  minister,  &c.,  at  the  court  of  France,  were 
audited  by  the  agent  appointed  by  Congress  before 
he  left  France ;  but  as  there  were  some  points  upon 
which  the  agent  did  not  feel  empowered  to  admit 
Franklin's  claims,  the  account  was  transmitted  open 
to  Congress.  About  seven  thousand  five  hundred 
livres  were  found  due  to  Franklin,  which  he  re 
ceived.  The  unadjusted  part  was  made  up  of  his 
reasona'^e  demands  for  extra  services.  By  the  terms 
of  Franklin's  appointment,  he  was  to  receive  his  ex 
penses  and  a  net  salary  of  five  hundred  pounds,  and 
to  have  a  secretary  with  a  salary  of  one  thousand 
pounds.  The  secretary  never  was  sent;  and  the 
whole  labor  of  his  appointment  devolved  upon  him 
self  and  his  grandson,  who  received  only  three  hun 
dred  pounds  per  annum.  Dr.  Franklin  urged  the 
subject  upon  the  attention  of  Congress  without  suc 
cess.  One  reason  which  he  advanced  for  attention 
to  it  no  longer  exists.  His  enemies  circulated  re 
ports  that  he  was  largely  indebted  to  government, 
and  that  -he  avoided  a  settlement.  This  slander 
was  long  since  forgotten,  as  there  never  was  any 
foundation  for  it :  posterity  has  done  justice  to  his 


536  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

memory ;  and  it  is  a  better  record  for  his  fame  that 
he  died  the  creditor  of  his  country,  than  if  he  had 
amassed  wealth  in  her  service.  The  difficulty  which 
has  always  been  found  in  pressing  private  claims 
upon  the  attention  of  Congress,  relieves  this  case 
from  any  appearance  of  singularity;  and  the  unset 
tled  state  of  that  body  at  the  close  of  the  session, 
before  the  meeting  of  the  first  Congress  under  the 
new  Constitution,  was  a  sufficient  cause  for  the  neg 
lect.  Indeed,  after  the  letter  which  Franklin  wrote 
to  the  President  of  Congress,  dated  in  1788,  the 
members  never  assembled  in  a  number  sufficient  to 
form  a  quorum.  In  the  first  Congress  under  the 
new  Constitution,  which  assembled  March  4,  1789, 
there  was  abundance  of  business  in  the  organization 
of  the  new  government;  and  it  does  not  appear  that 
Dr.  Franklin  ever  renewed  his  application  to  that 
body.  Franklin,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend,  says:  "He 
did  hope  that  Congress  would  at  least  have  been 
kind  enough  to  have  shown  their  approbation  of  his 
conduct  by  a  grant  of  a  small  tract  of  land  in  their 
Western  country,  which  might  have  been  of  use,  and 
some  honor  to  his  posterity/'  The  honor  has  been 
granted  in  every  state  of  the  Union,  for  in  each,  in 
the  names  of  counties  or  towns,  or  both,  his  is  pre 
served — the  free-will  offering  of  the  people;  and 
countless  societies  bear  his  honored  "  style  and  title." 
Could  he  realize  the  wish  he  once  expressed,  to  re 
visit  earth  in  a  hundred  years  after  his  decease,  he 
would  find  no  room  to  complain  of  the  ingratitude 
of  his  countrymen. 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  537 

Dr.  Franklin  was  chosen  by  Pennsylvania  one  of 
her  delegates  to  the  Convention  for  adopting  a  Con 
stitution  for  the  United  States,  which  met  in  May, 
1787,  at  Philadelphia,  and  was  a  working  member 
of  that  body.  Its  sessions  were  secret,  but  in  1819 
the  Journal  of  the  Convention  was  published  by 
order  of  Congress.  Franklin's  speeches  were  short 
and  pertinent;  for  he  was  at  home  in  the  committee- 
room  rather  than  in  the  deliberative  assembly,  and 
never  aimed  at  the  fame  of  an  orator.  It  is  curious 
to  note  that  in  the  speeches  which  were  afterward 
written  out  and  published,  Dr.  Franklin  appears 
usually  to  have  advocated  measures  which  were  over 
ruled  by  the  Convention.  He  favored  the  establish 
ment  of  an  Executive  Council  rather  than  a  single 
officer  as  the  head  of  the  government.  He  would 
have  had  the  executive  hold  office  for  the  honor, 
without  salary;  and  in  these  two  provisions  he 
thought  that  a  guard  would  be  provided  against  the 
change  of  the  republican  government  of  the  United 
States  into  a  monarchy.  He  said,  "I  am  apprehen 
sive — perhaps  too  apprehensive — that  the  govern 
ment  of  these  states  may  in  future  times  end  in  a 
monarchy.  But  this  catastrophe  may  be  long  de 
layed,  if,  in  our  proposed  system,  we  do  not  sow  the 
seeds  of  contention,  faction,  and  tumult,  by  making 
our  posts  of  honor  places  of  profit.  If  we  do,  I  fear 
that,  though  we  employ  at  first  a  number,  and  not  a 
single  person,  the  number  will  in  time  be  set  aside : 
it  will  only  nourish  the  germ  of  a  king,  and  a  king 
will  be  the  sooner  set  over  us."  Could  he  re-visit 


538  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

the  United  States,  in  accordance  with  his  wish  al 
ready  referred  to,  he  would  see  the  non-fulfillment 
of  that  prophecy,  and  find  the  wisdom  of  his  last 
speech  in  the  Convention  confirmed.  In  that  speech 
he  confessed  that  he  did  not  entirely  approve  of  the 
Constitution,  but  he  was  not  sure  that  he  should 
never  approve  it.  The  older  he  grew,  the  more  apt 
he  was  to  doubt  his  own  judgment.  Many  persons, 
he  said,  think  highly  of  their  own  infallibility,  but 
few  express  it  so  naturally  as  a  certain  French  lady, 
who,  in  a  little  dispute  with  her  sister,  said,  "  But  I 
meet  with  nobody  but  myself  that  is  always  in  the 
right."  He  consented  to  the  Constitution  because 
he  expected  no  better,  and  was  not  sure  that  it  was 
not  the  best,  sacrificing  his  opinion  of  its  errors  to 
the  public  good;  and  he  therefore  expressed  the  hope 
that  all  who  still  had  objections  to  it,  would,  like 
him,  doubt  a  little  of  his  own  infallibility,  and,  to 
make  manifest  the  unanimity  of  the  Convention,  put 
their  names  to  the  instrument.  The  formula,  "  Done 
in  Convention  by  the  unanimous  consent,"  &c.,  was 
agreed  to,  and  added  accordingly.  Nor  was  Frank 
lin's  defense  of  the  Constitution  a  mere  cold  assent, 
for  it  was  after  this  period  that  he  wrote  the  fa 
mous  "  Comparison  of  the  Conduct  of  the  Ancient 
Jews  and  the  Anti-Federalists  of  the  United  States" 
referred  to  in  a  preceding  chapter. 

In  the  year  1788,  besides  the  "  Comparison"  above 
mentioned,  Dr.  Franklin  wrote  nearly  one  half  of 
his  autobiography,  and  some  scientific  papers.  In 
1789  he  wrote  a  long  memoir  upon  the  subject  of 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  539 

the  Academy,  now  the  University  of  Pennsylvania ; 
and  a  satirical  paper  on  the  Abuses  of  the  Press, 
which  agent  he  termed  "The  Supremest  Court  of 
Judicature  in  Pennsylvania."  He  drew  up  a  Plan 
for  Improving  the  Condition  of  the  Free  Blacks,  and 
wrote  an  Address  to  the  Public  from  the  "  Pennsyl 
vania  Society  for  promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slav 
ery,"  of  which  society  he  was  president.  His  last 
published  paper  appeared  in  the  Federal  Gazette  of 
March  25th,  1790,  over  the  signature  of  "Histori- 
cus,"  and  purported  to  be  a  speech  delivered  in  the 
Divan  of  Algiers  in  1687  by  a  member  of  that  coun 
cil,  against  the  petition  of  a  sect  called  Erika,  who 
prayed  the  abolition  of  slavery.  It  was  a  parody 
upon  a  speech  delivered  in  Congress  upon  the  same 
subject,  and  is  remarkable  as  the  production  of  a 
man  in  his  eighty-fifth  year,  having  all  the  freshness 
and  vivacity  of  style,  and  the  skillfulness  of  applica 
tion  for  which  his  productions  are  notable.  It  was 
dated  only  twenty-four  days  before  his  death.  His 
last  public  act  was  the  signature,  as  President  of  the 
Abolition  Society,  of  a  memorial  to  Congress.  His 
last  letter,  of  which  any  copy  has  been  preserved — 
and,  from  its  date,  probably  the  last  which  he 
wrote — is  one  addressed  to  Jefferson,  the  Secre 
tary  of  State,  upon  the  subject  of  the  Northeastern 
Boundary.  This  letter  bears  date  April  8,  1790, 
nine  days  before  his  decease,  and  gives  proofs  of  a 
clearness  of  mind  and  memory  truly  wonderful. 

During  the  last  years  of  his  life,  feeling  perhaps 
that  his  attention  to  politics  was  no  longer  neces- 


540  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

sarj,  he  delighted  in  conversation  on  philosophical 
subjects,  and  upon  the  objects  of  philanthropy,  which 
ever  had  his  countenance.  He  fitted  up  his  house 
and  library  with  that  attention  to  convenience  and 
utility  which  was  ever  a  principle  with  him,  from 
its  enabling  him  to  observe  economy  of  time ;  and 
surrounded  himself  with  the  trophies  of  his  long 
public  life  in  the  medals,  busts,  curiosities,  diplo 
mas,  and  presents  of  various  descriptions — memo 
rials  which  all  had  a  value  in  his  eyes,  as  was  shown 
by  his  distribution  of  them  by  will  to  different  friends. 
In  his  conversations  upon  philosophical  and  other 
subjects,  as  he  himself  informs  us,  and  as  his  writings 
show,  it  was  his  habit  never  to  dogmatize.  Of  his 
philosophical  writings  it  has  been  well  observed,  that 
the  most  remarkable  thing  in  them  "is  the  unparal 
leled  simplicity  and  facility  with  which  the  reader  is 
conducted  from  one  stage  of  the  inquiry  to  another. 
The  author  never  appears  for  a  moment  to  labor  or 
to  be  at  a  loss.  The  most  ingenious  and  profound 
explanations  are  suggested,  as  if  they  were  the  most 
natural  and  obvious  way  of  accounting  for  the  phe 
nomena  ;  and  the  author  seems  to  value  himself  so 
little  on  his  most  important  discoveries,  that  it  is 
necessary  to  compare  him  with  others  before  we 
can  form  a  just  notion  of  his  merits."  He  appears 
to  have  made  no  secret  of  his  processes,  or  of  his 
discoveries  at  any  point  in  the  progress  of  his  exper 
iments;  and  he  thus  admitted  the  curious  and  in 
genious  in  all  parts  of  the  world  to  participate  in 
his  investigations,  freely  imparting  his  own  discov- 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  541 

eries,  and  candidly  acknowledging  the  hints  he  de 
rived  from  others.  His  proposed  experiments  to 
establish  the  identity  of  lightning  with  electricity 
required  a  tower  such  as  did  not  exist  in  Philadel 
phia.  He  published  his  views  :  French  philoso 
phers  established  their  correctness  in  the  manner  he 
proposed;  while  with  the  memorable  and  familiarly 
known  expedient  of  the  kite,  he  completed  his  ex 
periment  in  America.  Had  he  done  and  published 
nothing  except  what  he  effected  in  relation  to  the 
science  of  electricity,  his  name  would  still  be  im 
mortal. 

His  discoveries  and  acquirements  procured  him 
membership  of  all  the  principal  learned  and  scien 
tific  societies  in  the  world  ;  for  there  never  has  ex 
isted  a  man  whose  cotemporaneous  reputation  was 
more  literally  world-wide  than  his.  These  honors 
were  unsolicited,  as  were  other  tokens  of  respect — 
some  of  which  were  the  reward  of  his  science — as 
the  notice  of  the  King  of  France,  communicated 
through  the  Royal  Society  of  London,  for  his  elec 
trical  discoveries,  while  he  was  plain  Mr.  Franklin, 
of  Philadelphia;  some  were  the  reward  of  his  philan 
thropy,  like  the  copy  of  Cook's  Voyages,  and  the 
medal,  sent  him  with  the  approbation  of  the  King  of 
England,  for  his  humane  order  to  the  American  cruiz- 
ers  in  relation  to  the  vessels  of  the  great  navigator; 
and  others  still — and  their  number  was  immense — 
were  tokens  of  individual  respect  for  his  talents  and 
his  virtues.  The  latter  class  of  testimonials  includ 
ed  every  variety  of  the  curious  and  the  valuable  in 


542  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

nature  and  in  art,  and  copies  of  new  works  on  all 
subjects. 

With  the  close  of  Dr.  Franklin's  third  year  as 
President  of  Pennsylvania,  in  1788,  his  official  life 
terminated ;  but  people  could  not  forbear  consulta 
tion  with  one  who  for  more  than  fifty  years  had 
been  familiar  with  the  politics  and  history  of  his 
country,  and  whose  varied  knowledge,  the  result  of 
observation  and  experience,  was  so  ample.  While 
the  question  of  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  was 
pending  in  the  several  states,  and  as  far  back  as  the 
time  when  the  election  of  delegates  to  the  Conven 
tion  was  in  progress,  a  society  was  formed  "for  Po 
litical  Inquiries,"  of  which  Franklin  was  president, 
and  which  met  at  his  house.  But  it  became  finally 
absorbed  in  the  desultory  and  informal  conversations 
which  his  fellow-citizens  delighted  to  hold  with  a 
man  whose  conversational  powers  acute  disease 
seemed  hardly  to  diminish,  and  whose  faculties 
years  appeared  little  to  impair. 

Dr.  Franklin,  throughout  his  long  life,  enjoyed  al 
most  uninterrupted  good  health  until  the  few  years 
which  preceded  his  decease.  In  stature  he  was 
well  formed  and  compact,  in  countenance  cheerful 
and  intelligent;  for  his  familiar  face,  preserved  in 
countless  copies,  is  an  index  of  his  character.  He 
was  an  example  and  apostle  of  temperance  when 
the  customs  of  society  tended  to  an  opposite  course; 
and  in  this  mode  he  preserved  health  and  endured 
fatigue.  Toward  the  close  of  his  life,  and  particu 
larly  during  his  residence  in  France,  his  personal 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  543 

habits  became  less  active;  and  his  fondness  for  the 
society  which  sought  him  out,  together  with  the  con 
finement  of  his  official  duties,  precluded  the  exercise 
which  he  had  formerly  taken  as  a  preservative  of 
health.      He  was  afflicted  with  gout,  to  which,  in 
1782,  a  severe  calculous  complaint  was  added ;  and, 
though  enjoying  occasional  respites,  the  two  diseases 
at  length  became  so  continual  as  for  the  last  twelve 
months  of  his  life  to  confine  him  almost  constantly 
to  his  bed.    In  a  letter  written  to  President  Wash 
ington  in  the  autumn  of  1789,  he  says:  "For  my 
own  personal  ease  I  should  have  died  two  years 
ago ;  but,  though  those  years  have  been  passed  in 
excruciating  pain,  I  am  pleased  that  I  have  lived 
them,  since  they  have  brought  me  to  see  our  pres 
ent  situation."     Dr.  John  Jones,  his  physician  and 
friend,  wrote  the  following  account  of  his  last  sick 
ness  and  death : 

"  The  stone,  with  which  he  had  been  afflicted  for 
several  years,  had,  for  the  last  twelve  months  of  his 
life,  confined  him  chiefly  to  his  bed ;  and,  during  the 
extremely  painful  paroxysms,  he  was  obliged  to  take 
large  doses  of  laudanum  to  mitigate  his  tortures? 
Still,  in  the  intervals  of  pain,  he  not  only  amused 
himself  by  reading  and  conversing  cheerfully  with 
his  family  and  a  few  friends  who  visited  him,  but 
was  often  employed  in  doing  business  of  a  public  as 
well  as  of  a  private  nature,  with  various  persons 
who  waited  upon  him  for  that  purpose;  and  in 
every  instance  displayed  not  only  the  readiness  and 
disposition  to  do  good,  which  were  the  distinguish- 


544  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

ing  characteristics  of  his  life,  but  the  fullest  and 
clearest  possession  of  his  uncommon  abilities.  He 
also  not  unfrequently  indulged  in  those  jeux  d?  esprit 
and  entertaining  anecdotes  which  were  the  delight 
of  all  who  heard  them. 

"About  sixteen  days  before  his  death,  he  was 
seized  with  a  feverish  disposition,  without  any  par 
ticular  symptoms  attending  it  till  the  third  or  fourth 
day,  when  he  complained  of  a  pain  in  his  left  breast, 
which  increased  till  it  became  extremely  acute,  at 
tended  by  a  cough  and  laborious  breathing.  During 
this  state,  when  the  severity  of  his  pains  drew  forth 
a  groan  of  complaint,  he  would  observe  that  he  was 
afraid  he  did  not  bear  them  as  he  ought;  acknowl 
edging  his  grateful  sense  of  the  many  blessings  he 
had  received  from  the  Supreme  Being,  who  had 
raised  him,  from  small  and  low  beginnings,  to  such 
high  rank  and  consideration  among  men;  and  made 
no  doubt  but  that  his  present  afflictions  were  kindly 
intended  to  wean  him  from  a  world  in  which  he 
was  no  longer  fit  to  act  the  part  assigned  him.  In 
this  frame  of  body  and  mind  he  continued  until  five 
days  before  his  death,  when  the  pain  and  difficulty 
of  breathing  entirely  left  him,  and  his  family  were 
flattering  themselves  with  the  hopes  of  his  recovery, 
but  an  imposthume  which  had  formed  in  his  lungs 
suddenly  burst  and  discharged  a  quantity  of  matter, 
which  he  continued  to  throw  up  while  he  had 
power;  but,  as  that  failed,  the  organs  of  respiration 
became  gradually  oppressed ;  a  calm,  lethargic  state 
succeeded;  and  on  the  17th  instant  (April,  1790), 


LIFE    Ol^FIl  AN  KLIN.  545 

about  eleven  o'clock  at  night,  he  quietly  expired, 
closing  a  long  and  useful  life  of  eighty-four  years 
and  three  months."* 

The  public  mind  was  not  unprepared  for  an  event 
which  had  been  daily  looked  for,  but  the  tidings  fell 
with  a  sensible  gloom  upon  the  city.  The  news 
papers  announced  the  event  with  the  insignia  of 
mourning  around  their  borders,  and  all  classes  and 
conditions  prepared  with  one  consent  to  render  the 
last  honors  to  the  illustrious  deceased.  The  last 
paragraph  of  his  will  (except  the  formula  of  revoca 
tion  of  previous  ones)  expressed  his  desire  that  his 
body  should  be  buried  "with  as  little  expense  or 
ceremony  as  may  be."  This  bound  his  executors; 
but  the  public  could  not  be  repressed  in  the  enthu 
siasm  of  respect,  and  the  mournful  testimony  of  re 
gret  and  veneration.  The  funeral  took  place  on 
the  21st  of  April,  and  his  remains  were  placed,  ac 
cording  to  his  request,0 at  the  side  of  those  of  his 
wife,  in  the  northwest  corner  of  Christ  Church 
Cemetery.  The  bells  of  the  city  were  muffled  and 
tolled  ;  the  flags  of  the  shipping  in  the  harbor,  and 
flags  upon  the  public  buildings,  were  displayed  at 
half-mast;  and  when  the  body  was  committed  to 
the  earth,  peals  of  artillery  announced  that  all  that 
was  mortal  of  the  sage  and  the  philanthropist  had 

*  Three  days  previous  to  his  death,  he  desired  his  daughter,  Mrs. 
Bache,  to  have  his  bed  made,  "  in  order  that  he  might  die  in  a  decent  man 
ner."  His  daughter  having  replied  that  she  hoped  he  would  recover  and 
live  many  years,  he  said,  "  I  hope  not."  On  another  day,  being  advised 
to  change  his  position,  that  he  might  breathe  easy,  he  replied,  "A  dying 
man  can  do  nothing  easy.'1'1 

M   M 


546  LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN. 

been  consigned  to  the  keeping  of  the  tomb.  An 
immense  concourse,  including  the  public  bodies  of 
the  state  and  city,  societies  and  corporations  of  vari 
ous  names,  followed  the  body  in  procession,  and, 
with  the  citizens  who  closed  the  long  funereal  train, 
the  number  could  not  have  been  less  than  twenty 
thousand  persons.  Without  the  attraction  of  a 
military  pageant,  and  without  the  prelude  of  any 
formal  arrangements,  the  heart  of  the  whole  people 
united  in  this  testimony  of  respect  and  affection; 
and  the  funeral  of  Benjamin  Franklin  was  in  keep 
ing  with  the  whole  tenor  of  his  life,  a  spectacle  as 
sublime  as  unostentatious. 

Congress  was  in  session  in  New  York  at  the  time 
of  Franklin's  death.  On  receipt  of  the  intelligence, 
a  resolution  was  passed  that  the  members  should 
wear  the  customary  badge  of  mourning  one  month, 
as  a  mark  of  the  veneration  due  to  the  memory  of  a 
citizen  "  whose  native  genius  was  not  more  an  or 
nament  to  human  nature  than  his  various  exertions 
of  it  have  been  to  science,  to  freedom,  and  to  his 
country."  When  the  decease  of  the  philosopher  and 
statesman  was  known  in  France,  it  was  announced 
in  the  National  Assembly  by  M.  Mirabeau  the  elder, 
who  proposed,  after  a  burst  of  eulogy  full  of  the 
spirit  of  that  age  and  the  enthusiasm  of  a  French 
man,  that  the  Assembly  should  wear  mourning  for 
'three  days,  to  "participate  in  the  homage  rendered 
in  the  face  of  the  universe  to  ihe  rights  of  man,  and 
to  the  philosopher  who  has  so  eminently  propagated 
the  conquest  of  them  throughout  the  world."  The 


LIFE    OF    FRANKLIN.  547 

proposition  was  seconded  by  Rochefoucauld  and 
Lafayette,  and  adopted  by  acclamation.  It  was  also 
resolved  that  the  address  of  Mirabeau  should  be 
printed,  and  that  a  letter  of  condolence  should  be  ad 
dressed  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  This 
duty  was  performed  by  the  President  of  the  Assem 
bly ;  and  upon  the  receipt  of  the  letter,  Congress,  by 
resolution,  desired  President  Washington  to  "com 
municate  to  the  National"  Assembly  of  France  the 
peculiar  sensibility  of  Congress  to  the  tribute  paid 
to  the  memory  of  Benjamin  Franklin  by  the  enlight 
ened  and  free  representatives  of  a  great  nation;" 
and  Washington,  in  his  answer,  happily  acknowl 
edged  this  peculiar  proof  of  national  courtesy. 

The  honors  to  Franklin  in  France  did  not  cease 
with  the  proceedings  of  the  National  Assembly. 
Several  years  before,  Turgot  had  applied  to  him  the 
stately  but  epigrammatic  eulogy, 

"  Eripuit  ccelo  fulmen,  sceptrumque  tyrannis." 

Mirabeau,  in  his  speech  in  the  Assembly,  paraphrased 
the  same  idea,  terming  Franklin  "  the  mortal  who, 
for  the  advantage  of  the  human  race,  embracing  both 
heaven  and  earth  in  his  vast  and  extensive  mind, 
knew  how  to  subdue  thunder  and  tyranny."  The 
authorities  of  the  city  of  Paris  ordered  a  public  cel 
ebration  in  honor  of  the  memory  of  Franklin ;  and 
the  rotunda  of  the  Corn-market,  hung  with  black, 
was  crowded  with  an  auditory  wearing  the  same 
insignia,  who  listened  to  a  eulogy  pronounced  by 
the  Abbe  Fauchet.  If  the  Latin  verse  of  Turgot 
lost  force  by  Mirabeau's  French  translation,  the  sen- 


5  4  S  L  I  F  E     OF    F  R  A  N  K  LIN. 

tmient  adopted  by  the  people  regained  its  strength, 
if  not  ail  its  imposing  dignity,  by  the  vividly  acted 
•commentary  of  the  nation.  Societies,  corporations. 
and  individuals  united  in  the  display  of  that  enthusi 
asm  which  is  so  peculiarly  the  characteristic  of  the 
French  people. 

The  Philadelphia  Library  Company,  which  had 
origin  in  the  efforts  of  Franklin  nearly  sixty  years 
before,  left  a  niche  in  the  front  of  their  new  building, 
theii  in  progress  of  erection,  for  a  statue  of  the  phi 
losopher.  The  statue  was  placed  there  in  1792  by 
the  liberality  of  William  Bingham,  a  citizen  of  Phil 
adelphia.  It  is  of  Carrara  marble,  and  was  the  first 
piece  of  sculpture  of  its  size  which  was  brought  to 
this  country.  The  costume  is  the  toga;  the  left  arm 
is  supported  by  books,  and  in  the  left  hand  is  a 
scroll.  In  the  right  is  an  inverted  sceptre.  The 
Philosophical  Society  appointed  Dr.  William  Smith 
to  deliver  a  eulogy;  and  at  Yale  College,  New  Ha 
ven,  a  Latin  Oration  was  pronounced  by  President 
Stiles. 

Such  were  some  of  the  honors  paid  to  Franklin 
at  his  decease.  No  monument  marks  his  resting- 
place,  for  he  had  by  will  prescribed  a  plain  marble 
slab;  but,  better  than  any  other  memorial,  his  name 
lives  in  the  records  of  science,  the  history  of  nations, 
the  gratitude  of  his  countrymen,  the  respect  of  man 
kind.  In  this  connection  we  append  an  epitaph, 
which  he  wrote  for  himself  at  the  age  of  twenty- 
three,  which  looks  to  a  further  remembrance  than 
any  earthly  tribute; 


LIl'E    OF     FRANKLIN.  549 

"The  Body 

Of 
BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 

Printer 
(Like  the  cover  of  an  old  book, 

Its  contents  torn  out, 
And  stripped  of  its  lettering  and  gilding), 

Lies  here,  food  for  worms. 

But  the  work  shall  not  be  lost, 

or  it  will,  as  he  believed,  appear  once  more, 

In  a  newr  and  more  elegant  edition, 

Revised  and  corrected 

By 
THE  AUTHOR." 


In  Franklin's  will,  besides  the  distribution  of  his  property  and 
various  memorials  among  kindred,  friends,  and  the  societies  of 
which  he  was  a  member,  he  left  one  thousand  pounds  to  the  city 
of  Philadelphia,  and  the  same  sum  to  the  town  of  Boston,  to  be 
loaned  in  small  sums  to  young  married  mechanics.  The  sum 
bequeathed  to  Philadelphia  is  now  estimated  to  be  worth  about 
seventeen  thousand  dollars ;  the  Boston  legacy  about  twenty- 
seven  thousand  dollars.  The  full  advantages  which  the  testator 
expected  from  these  bequests  have  not  been  realized,  but  the 
character  of  the  motive  of  the  donor  is  not  affected  by  the  failure 
of  the  plan.  Another  donation  of  one  hundred  pounds  to  the 
town  of  Boston,  the  interest  of  which  is  annually  expended  in  the 
purchase  of  silver  medals  for  the  most  meritorious  pupils  in  the 
public  schools,  has  answered  its  purpose  in  creating  a  spirit  of 
emulation ;  and  it  is  furthermore  a  memorial  "  more  durable 
than  brass"  of  the  wisdom  of  him  who  "  owed  his  first  instruc 
tions  in  literature  to  the  free  grammar-schools  of  Boston." 


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